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PULPIT  POLrncs;,,,,,^^^ 

i.m;:  ?6  1941  . 
ECCLESIASTICAL  LEGISLATION  ON  SLAVERY, 


DISTURBING   INFLUENCES 


i^MERIC^lST  XJ]N"ION^. 


BY  PROF.  DAVID  CHRISTY, 

AUTHOR    OP    "COTTON    IS    KING,"    "ETHIOPIA,"    "CHEMISTRY    OP   AGRICULTURE,"    ETC, 


CINCINNATI: 

FARAN   &    McLEAX,   PUBLISHERS. 

1862. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1862,  by 

FARAN  &  McLEAN, 

In  the  Clerk's  OfBce  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern  District  of  Ohio. 


STER£OTyPEC   AT 


INTRODUCTION. 


In  a  former  work  —  Cotton  is  King  —  the  author  has  discussed 
the  Economical  Relations  of  American  Slavery.  That  production 
was  written  in  a  conservative  spirit,  and  with  the  view  of  laying 
before  the  public,  North  and  South,  the  facts  necessary  to  demon- 
strate the  inestimable  value  of  the  Union,  and  the  wide-spread 
ruin  that  must  follow  its  dissolution. 

In  another  volume  —  Ethiopia  —  written  with  the  design  of 
promoting  African  Colonization,  the  author  attempted  to  show, 
among  other  things,  that,  of  all  the  population  torn  from  Africa 
by  the  slave-trade  and  consigned  to  slavery,  the  colored  people 
of  the  United  States  alone  had  made  sufficient  progress  to  justify 
the  hope  that  any  portion  of  the  race  were  capable  of  carrying 
back  a  Christian  civilization  to  the  land  of  their  fathers. 

The  present  volume  —  Pulpit  Politics  —  aims  at  presenting 
the  Ecclesiastical  Legislation  on  Slavery,  at  the  North,  in  its  dis^ 
turhing  influences  upon  the  American  Union.  The  aim  here  is 
equally  conservative  ;  the  design  being  to  place  before  the  people 
all  that  is  known  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  in  its  bearings  on 
the  moral  progress  of  the  African  race.  By  this  means  it  is 
believed  that  the  public  will  be  able  to  judge,  with  greater  ac- 
curacy, how  far  the  action  of  the  Churches  may  have  been  in 
accordance,  strictly,  with  the  legitimate  duties  of  the  Gospel 
ministry ;  or  how  far  it  may  have  partaken  of  a  fanatical  char- 
acter, calculated  unnecessarily  to  disturb  the  peace  of  the  Church, 
and  endanger  the  safety  of  the  Union, 

In  selecting  a  title  for  this  work  —  Pulpit  Politics  —  it  is  not 
intended  to  bring  the  charge  of  political  preaching  against  the 


IV  INTRODUCTION. 

majority  of  cleri^ymen.  The  moral  mania  of  abolitionism  hag 
by  no  means  been  universally  prevalent  among  the  members  of 
the  sacred  profession.  On  the  contrary,  there  have  been  very 
many  of  them,  who  have  acted  on  the  principle  that  the  king- 
dom of  their  Divine  Master  "  is  not  of  this  world ;"  and  who 
have,  consequently,  resolutely  opposed  all  ecclesiastical  legisla- 
tion in  civil  aifairs. 

If  it  be  claimed  as  a  right,  that  the  divine  shall  review  the 
action  of  the  civilian ;  it  is  equally  the  right  of  the  civilian  to 
review  the  action  of  the  divine.  In  the  pulpit,  proclaiming  the 
Gospel  of  peace,  the  minister  is  sacred;  on  the  stump,  or  in  the 
pulpit,  announcing  his  political  opinions,  he  is  only  a  politician; 
and,  there,  his  sacred  character  does  not  attach  to  him.  Hence 
it  is,  that  a  political  parson  is  always  treated  as  a  mere  politician, 
and  rightfully  loses  his  influence  as  a  divine. 

The  class  of  clergymen  who  have  conducted  the  controversy  on 
slavery,  and  forced  many  of  the  Churches  into  the  vortex  of  aboli- 
tionism, have  long  been  directing  attention  to  civil  afi"airs,  and 
asking  for  changes  in  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  country  in 
relation  to  that  institution.  In  turn,  it  is  now  proposed  to  bring 
the  action  of  the  Churches,  in  reference  to  emancipation,  before 
the  bar  of  public  opinion,  there  to  be  judged  as  to  the  wisdom  of 
their  policy,  by  the  fruits  it  has  borne. 

If  it  shall  be  found,  on  contrasting  the  condition  of  the  African 
race  throughout  the  world,  that  fewer  obstacles  to  their  evangeli- 
zation exist  in  the  United  States  than  anywhere  else ;  if  it  shall 
be  found,  indeed,  that  no  obstacles  to  the  accomplishment  of  that 
object  exist,  except  such  as  have  been  created  by  the  inconsiderate 
zeal  of  clergymen  themselves  ;  then  the  country  must  be  convinced 
that  the  agitation  in  favor  of  emancipation  has  been  uncalled  for, 
and  not  necessary  to  the  discharge  of  any  christian  duty  toward 
the  colored  people  ;  and  that  Christian  ministers,  therefore,  have 
been  inexcusable  in  agitating  the  subject  of  slavery,  so  as  to  dis- 
tract and  divide  the  Churches,  and  lead  to  the  ruin  of  the  country. 

A  word  in  reference  to  the  causes  which  gave  to  abolitionism  its 
early  advantages  and  rapid  growth.  When  the  work  of  foreign 
missions  had  been  fairly  commenced,  the  hope  began  to  be  enter- 
tained that  the  progress  of  the  Gospel  would  be  equally  as  rapid 


INTRODUCTION.  V 

as  its  extension  over  the  world  had  been  in  Apostolic  times. 
This  expectation  did  not  originate  with  the  less  informed  but 
zealous-minded  christian.  It  was  the  out-growth  of  a  high  intelli- 
gence, a  deep-toned  piety,  a  broad  philanthropy,  and  a  strong 
faith  in  the  promises  of  God.  But  the  mind  that  conceived  it  was 
unendowed  with  the  knowledge  of  future  events,  and  knew  nothing 
of  the  purposes  of  the  Almighty  —  knew  nothing  of  the  obstacles 
to  the  extension  of  the  Gospel  existing  among  the  heathen.  On 
this  point,  almost  a  half  century  since,  the  declaration  was  made, 
"that  the  energies  of  Christendom,  wisely  directed,  and  attended 
with  the  blessing  of  the  Spirit,  might  send  the  Gospel  over  the 
world  in  a  quarter  of  a  century."  This  hopeful  sentiment  was 
uttered  in  connection  with  the  action  of  the  American  Board  of 
Commissioners  for  Foreign  Missions,  and  was,  at  first,  only  the 
expression  of  an  individual;  *  but  it  was  accepted  by  the  Pruden- 
tial Committee  of  the  Board,  and  formally  adopted  by  the  Board 
itself,  at  its  meeting  in  1816. f  The  pulpit  of  America  was  then 
strongly  represented  from  the  Theological  Schools  of  Great  Britain. 
The  missions  in  the  West  Indies  had  been  greatly  hindered,  in 
their  success  among  the  slaves,  by  the  hostility  of  the  planters. 
In  consequence  of  this,  slavery,  among  the  British  people,  was 
considered  incompatible  with  the  progress  of  the  Gospel.  This 
view,  based  upon  the  results  in  the  West  Indies  alone,  seems  to 
have  been  adopted  by  the  American  ministry  without  examination, 
and  accepted  as  a  theory  of  universal  application.  Gradually 
difiused  as  a  floating  sentiment  upon  the  surface  of  society,  it  led 
to  a  common  conviction  that,  in  some  way  not  explainable,  slavery 
was  an  evil  which  demanded  eradication  as  a  preliminary  step  to 
the  evangelization  of  the  African  race.  Those  holding  this  opinion, 
seem  to  have  adopted  a  logic  something  like  this  :  As  slavery  can 
not  prevail  under  the  universal  domination  of  the  Gospel,  there- 
fore the  abolition  of  slavery  is  essential  to  the  world's  conversion 
to  Christianity.  In  this  way  they  failed  to  view  the  Gospel  as  a 
curative  remedy  for  human  degradation  and  indolence,  and  as 
capable  of  lifting  the  lowly  of  the  race  to  an  elevation  where 


*  Rev.  Dr.  Worcester,  as  quoted  in  the  Memorial  Volume  of  the  Board,  18C1. 
t  Memorial  Volume,  pages  130,  131. 


VI  INTRODUCTION. 

slavery  might  no  longer  be  necessary  to  the  promotion  of  industry, 
and  would,  therefore,  become  a  useless  institution  among  men. 

The  christian  men  who  then  entertained  these  views,  never 
counseled  violence  as  a  means  of  overthrowing  American  slavery  ; 
nnd  uniformly  expressed  their  aversion  to  the  aims  and  actions  of 
the  abolitionists.  But  in  admitting  that  slavery  presented  ob- 
ytacles  to  the  progress  of  the  Gospel,  and  that  emancipation  was 
a  measure  that  should  be  promoted  by  all  lawful  means,  they 
were  but  preparing  a  soil  upon  which  the  abolitionists  could  sow 
their  seed,  and  reap  an  abundant  harvest. 

That  a  radical  error  prevailed  upon  this  question,  among  good 
men,  is  demonstrated  by  the  history  of  foreign  missions  during 
the  last  half  century.  The  spread  of  the  Gospel  in  heathen 
countries,  has  made  no  such  rapid  progress  as  the  projectors  of 
foreign  missionary  enterprises  anticipated  would  attend  the  labors 
of  the  good  men  sent  forth  to  that  work.  The  facts  in  this  volume 
will  show,  that  slavery  in  America,  by  freeing  its  subjects  from 
all  connection  with  heathen  superstitions  and  idolatries,  and  in 
having  trained  them  in  the  use  of  the  English  language,  has  ac- 
complished, for  four  millions  of  people,  once  barbarous,  what  all 
the  foreign  missions  in  the  world  have  done  for  less  than  one-fifth 
of  that  number  of  heathen ;  and  that  the  actual  number  of  con- 
verts, among  the  colored  people  of  the  Slave  States,  is  nearly 
double  that  of  all  the  converts  in  the  whole  of  the  heathen  mis- 
sions of  Protestant  Christendom. 

The  burden  of  the  ecclesiastical  legislation  of  the  United  States 
on  slavery,  has  been  based  upon  the  theories  started  in  Great 
Britain.  It  is  well,  therefore,  that  some  allusion  should  be  made 
to  them  here.  The  principal  one,  as  argued  by  Mr.  Buxton,  in 
1823,  and  stated  by  Mr.  Canning,  is  as  follows :  "  The  continuance 
of  slavery,  and  the  principles  of  the  Christian  religion  are  incom- 
patible. "  *     In  the  course  of  the  debates  Mr.  Canning  said : 

"  Religion  ought  to  control  the  acts  and  to  regulate  the  consciences 
of  governments,  as  well  as  of  individuals ;  but  when  it  is  put  forward 
to  serve  a  political  purpose,  however  laudable,  it  is  done,  I  think,  after 
the  example  of  ill  times;  and  I  can  not  but  remember  the  ill  objects 

*  Canning's  Select  Speeches,  page  409. 


INTRODUCTION.  Vll 

to  which  in  those  times  such  a  practice  was  applied If  it 

be  meant  that  in  the  Christian  religion  there  is  a  special  denunciation 
of  slavery  —  that  slavery  and  Christianity  can  not  exist  together  —  I 
think  the  honorable  gentleman  himself  must  admit  that  the  proposi- 
tion is  historically  false  ;  and  again  I  must  say,  that  I  can  not  consent 
to  the  confounding,  for  a  political  purpose,  what  is  morally  true  with 
what  is  historically  false.  One  peculiar  characteristic  of  the  Chris- 
tian dispensation,  if  I  must  venture  in  this  place  upon  such  a  theme, 
is,  that  it  has  accommodated  itself  to  all  states  of  society,  rather  than 
that  it  has  selected  any  particular  state  of  society  for  the  peculiar  ex- 
ercise of  its  influence.  If  it  has  added  lustre  to  the  sceptre  of  the 
sovereign,  it  has  equally  been  the  consolation  of  the  slave.  It  applies 
to  all  ranks  of  life,  to  all  conditions  of  men  ;  and  the  sufferings  of 
this  world,  even  to  those  upon  whom  they  press  most  heavily,  are  ren- 
dered comparatively  indifferent  by  the  prospect  of  compensation  in 
the  world  of  which  Christianity  affords  the  assurance.  True  it  cer- 
tainly is,  that  Christianity  generally  tends  to  elevate,  not  to  degrade, 
the  character  of  man ;  but  it  is  not  true,  in  the  specific  sense  conveyed 
in  the  honorable  gentleman's  Resolution ;  it  is  not  true,  that  there  is 
that  in  the  Christian  religion  which  makes  it  impossible  that  it  should 
coexist  with  slavery  in  the  world.  Slavery  has  been  known  in  all 
times,  and  under  all  systems  of  religion,  whether  true  or  false.  *  .  .  .  . 
"  The  honorable  gentleman  can  not  wish  more  than  I  do,  that  under 
this  gradual  operation,  under  this  widening  diffusion  of  light  and  lib- 
erality, the  spirit  of  the  Christian  religion  may  effect  all  the  objects 
he  has  at  heart.  But  it  seems  to  me  that  it  is  not,  for  the  practical 
attainment  of  his  objects,  desirable  that  that  which  may  be  the  in- 
fluencing spirit  should  be  put  forward  as  the  active  agent.  When 
Christianity  was  introduced  into  the  world,  it  took  its  root  amidst  the 
galling  slavery  of  the  Roman  Empire ;  more  galling  in  many  respects 
(though  not  precisely  of  the  same  character,)  than  that  of  which  the 
honorable  gentleman,  in  common,  I  may  say,  with  every  friend  of 
humanity,  complains.  Slavery  at  that  period  gave  to  the  master  the 
power  of  life  and  death  over  his  bondspian :  this  is  undeniable  — 
known  to  every  body.  '■  Ita  servus  homo  estf  are  the  words  put  by 
Juvenal  into  the  mouth  of  the  fine  lady  who  calls  upon  her  husband 
to  crucify  his  slave.  If  the  evils  of  this  dreadful  system  nevertheless 
gradually  vanished  before  the  gentle  but  certain  influence  of  Chris- 
tianity, and  if  the  great  author  of  the  system  trusted  rather  to  this 

*  Canning's  Select  Speeches,  pages  403,  404. 


Vlll  INTRODUCTION. 

gradual  operation  of  the  principle  than  to  any  immediate  or  direct 
precept,  I  think  parliament  would  do  more  wisely  rather  to  rely  upon 
the  like  operation  of  the  same  principle,  than  to  put  forward  the 
authority  of  Christianity  in  at  least  a  questionable  shape.  The  name 
of  Christianity  ought  not  to  be  thus  used,  unless  we  are  prepared  to 
act  in  a  much  more  summary  manner  than  the  honorable  gentleman 
himself  proposes." 

In  referring  to  the  dangers  of  the  measure  proposed,  Mr.  Can- 
ning gave  the  following  eloquent  and  prophetic  warning  of  the 
consequences  of  removing  the  shackles  from  the  barbarous  negro, 
and  instead  of  emancipation  urged  a  system  of  religious  instruc- 
tion for  his  moral  elevation : 

"  Sir,  we  must  remember  that  we  are  dealing  with  a  being,  posses- 
sing the  form  and  strength  of  a  man,  but  the  intellect  only  of  a  child. 
To  turn  him  loose  in  the  manhood  of  his  physical  strength,  in  the 
maturity  of  his  physical  passions,  but  in  the  infancy  of  his  uninstructed 
reason,  would  be  to  raise  up  a  creature  resembling  the  splendid  fiction 
of  romance  ;  the  hero  of  which  can  sketch  a  human  form,  with  all  the 
corporeal  capabilities  of  a  man,  and  with  the  thews  and  sinews  of  a 
giant ;  but  being  unable  to  impart  to  the  work  of  his  hands  a  percep- 
tion of  right  and  wrong,  he  finds  too  late  that  he  has  only  created  a 
more  than  mortal  power  of  doing  mischief,  and  himself  recoils  from 
the  monster  of  his  own  creation."* 

It  is  time  that  the  slavery  question  was  disposed  of  forever. 
Its  agitation  has  done  a  fatal  work.  The  Church  is  in  fragments ; 
the  nation  in  ruins.  If  the  author's  labors  will  tend  to  the  heal- 
ing of  the  divisions  in  the  one,  and  the  reconstruction  of  the  other, 
he  will  be  amply  compensated  for  his  toil. 

*  Canning's  Select  Speeches,  page  421. 


CONTENTS. 


Introduction 3 

CHAPTER   I. 

British  theories  of  African  Evangelization,  as  derived  from  the  effects  op  the 
Slave  Trade  and  British  Colonial  Slavery 17 

Early  condition  of  Africa,  17  ;  efforts  for  its  redemption,  17  ;  Lord  Mansfield's  de- 
cision, 18  ;  Granville  Sharp's  achievement,  18  :  helpless  eo}idition  of  the  liberated 
negroes,  19;  founding  of  Sierra  Leone,  19;  liberality  of  the  laws  of  Mr.  Sharp's 
colon}',  19  ;  rebellion  on  the  change  of  laws,  20  ;  government  take  the  colony  in 
charge,  20  ;  missions  for  the  benefit  of  the  colony,  20  ;  their  failure  on  account 
of  slave  trade,  20;  effects  of  England's  abolition  of  slave  trade,  21;  additional 

■  missions,  21 ;  all  missions  unsuccessful  while  slave  trade  continued,  21 ;  increase 
of  slave  trade,  21  ;  theories  based  upon  these  results,  21  ;  abolition  of  slavery  in 
West  Indies  demanded,  22;  war  against  slavery  popular  in  Great  Britain,  22; 
emancipation  expected  to  be  a  profitable  measure,  22  ;  the  results  very  different 
from  the  expectations,  22  ;  theory  that  evangelization  of  Africa  required  the 
suppression  of  the  slave  trade  true,  22  ;  measures  based  on  this  theory,  22 ;  col- 
onization and  Niger  expedition,  22  ;  moral  degradation  of  population  in  West 
Indies,  23  ;  missions  for  its  Christianization  encouraged  by  Parliament,  23  ;  great 
moral  degradation  of  Jamaica,  23;  opposition  of  the  planters  to  missions,  24; 
emancipation  put  an  end  to  persecution,  24;  history  of  missions  in  the  several 
islands  —  St.  Vincents,  25;  Barbadoes,  26;  Virgin  Islands,  27;  Bermudas,  27; 
Bahamas,  28;  St.  Thomas,  St.  .Jan,  St.  Croix,  29:  .Jamaica,  29;  Antigua,  30; 
some  favorable  results  of  emancipation  on  the  missions,  30  ;  some  unfavorable 
results  of  cTiiancipation,  31 ;  colonies  not  all  hostile  to  missions,  31  ;  missions  in 
the  West  Indies  during  slavery,  not  unsuccessful,  32  ;  emancipation  demanded 
as  a  means  of  more  rapid  missionary  progress,  32  ;  remarks,  32  ;  extent  of  the 
slave  trade  with  Jamaica,  33 ;  cruelties  of  its  slavery,  33  ;  unfavorable  character 
of  early  settlers  of  Jamaica,  34 ;  theories  deduced  from  the  whole  of  the  facts 
stated,  34. 

CHAPTER    II. 

Examination  of  the  errors  in  the  British  theories,  as  applied  to  American 
Slavery  before  West  India  Emancipation 35 

SECTION  I. 

That  the  Slave  Trade  is  incompatible  with  African  Evangelization 35 

This  theory  sustained  as  far  as  regards  Africa,  35 ;  the  slave  trade  in  its  more  ex- 
tended results  on  the  moral  condition  of  Africa,  36  ;  its  origin  and  extent,  36  ; 
condition  of  the  Christian  world  at  that  date,  37  ;  Reformation  then  in  its  in- 
fancy, 37  ;  Samuel  J.  Mills,  and  the  origin  of  American  missions,  37  ;  Isaac  Tay- 
lor on  the  progress  of  early  Christianity,  37  ;  wisdom  of  the  measures  devised  for 
conducting  foreign  missions,  38  ;  Providential  interpositions  in  behalf  of  the 
African  race,  38  ;  part  of  the  race  taken  into  contact  with  Christian  civilization, 
and  missionaries  sent  to  the  other  part  in  Africa  itself,  38  ;  difficulties  to  be  over- 

(ix) 


X  CONTENTS. 

come  in  that  field,  39  ;  lessons  learned  from  the  results,  39  ;  Africa  can  only  be 
redeemed  by  African  men,  39;  the  slave  trade  a  means  of  placing  them  where 
they  could  be  prepared  for  this  work,  40  ;  Eev.  Samuel  Crowther  a  case  in  illus- 
tration of  this  point,  40;  the  barbarian  brought  to  the  Christian,  41  ;  the  moral 
effects  of  his  new  relations,  41 ;  refusal  of  some  Churches  to  accept  the  charge 
of  the  care  of  the  souls  of  the  Africans,  excepting  the}'  were  liberated  from 
slavery,  42  ;  subsequent  strifes  and  divisions  of  these  Churches,  42,  43  ;  slavery 
unaccompanied  by  Christianity,  not  an  element  of  moral  progress,  44  ;  mission 
of  the  slave  trade,  44  ;  results  of  neglecting  the  teachings  of  Providence  —  upon 
France  —  upon  England,  44,-  United  States  more  fully  met  the  divine  demands 
as  to  the  moral  culture  of  the  negroes,  44;  the  British  theory,  as  to  the  slave 
trade  being  incompatible  with  the  Gospel,  true,  as  applied  to  Africa  directly,  45  ; 
its  indirect  action  a  grand  demonstration  of  the  manner  in  which  God  can  bring 
good  out  of  evil,  45. 

SECTION  II. 

That  Slavery,  wherever  it  prevails,  is  adverse  to  an  increase  of  population,  45 

Review  of  the  history  of  the  slave  trade,  45  ;  the  blacks  increase  under  American 
slavery  and  decrease  under  British  slavery,  46 ;  the  controversy  on  this  point, 
46  ;  Buxton's  theory  true  as  to  British  West  Indies,  but  untrue  as  to  United  States, 
46  ;  differences  in  the  slavery  of  the  West  Indies  and  the  United  States,  47 ; 
theory  proved  as  to  West  Indies,  disproved  as  to  United  States,  47. 

SECTION  III. 

That  Slavery  presents  an  insuprraple  barrier  to  the  Evangelization   of  the 
Africans  subjected  to  its  control 48 

Investigations  here  limited  to  a  period  preceding  West  India  Emancipation,  48; 
plan  of  investigation,  48  ;  American  slavery  affords  a  favorable  means  of  settling 
this  theory,  48  ;  slaves  and  freemen  here  brought  face  to  face,  48  ;  Four  topics 
discussed,  49;  Topic  First  —  character,  opinions,  and  measures  of  the  founders  of 
the  government,  49  ;  differences  of  character  between  them  and  the  early  set- 
tlers of  Jamaica,  50;  the  barbarism  of  the  negro  a  barrier  to  colonial  progress, 
50  ;  resolutions  of  colonists  in  reference  to  a  redress  of  grievances,  51  ;  their 
effects  upon  British  commerce,  51  ;  opposition  to  slave  trade  designed  to  cripple 
British  trade,  52  ;  emancipation  not  contemplated  by  colonies,  62  ;  Declaration 
of  Independence  designed  to  api)ly  to  the  white  population  in  its  relations  to  the 
British  people,  and  not  to  include  Indians  and  Negroes,  52;  this  view  true,  be- 
cause they  were  excluded  from  citizenship  hy  the  Constitution,  53 ;  elated  views 
attending  success  of  Revolution,  as  to  value  of  personal  liberty,  53;  fundamental 
principles  partly  overlooked,  53  ;  Legislative  action  in  reference  to  emancipation, 
63;  action  of  the  Churches  in  relation  thereto,  54;  Southern  clergymen  acqui- 
escing conditionally,  54  ;  the  great  problem  to  be  solved  —  the  possibility  of  the 
conversion  of  the  negroes  while  in  slavery,  54 ;  the  progress  already  made  in  this 
work,  55  ;  Topic  Second  —  Opinions  of  Revolutionary,  statesmen  on  slavery,  etc., 
55;  opinions  of  Mr.  Jefferson  on  negro  equalitj-,  emancipation,  etc.,  56;  of  Dr. 
Franklin,  56  ;  emancipation  without  instruction  dangerous,  57  ;  no  disposition  to 
emancipate  in  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  57;  sentiments  of 
founders  of  the  Republic  adverse  to  emancipation,  57  ;  Topic  Third  —  effects  of 
freedom  upon  the  negroes  of  the  United  States,  previous  to  West  India  Emanci- 
pation, 57  ;  ecclesiastical  legislation  up  to  1830  conservative,  but  indicating  a 
clerical  disposition  to  rule  in  civil  affairs,  58;  moral  culture  of  free  negroes  neg- 
lected, 58  ;  their  degradation  indicated  by  prison  statistics  in  the  free  States,  58  ; 
Boston  Prison  Discipline  Society's  Reports,  61 ;  negligence  of  clergymen  in  rela- 
tion to  free  colored  people,  62;  Topic  Fourth  —  contrast  between  negroes  North 
and  South,  62;  freedom  without  the  means  of  moral  elevation  —  restraint  with 
the  means  of  moral  progress,  62;  carelessness  of  clergymen  in  noting  facts,  63; 
moral  i)rogress  of  the  blacks  at  the  South  overlooked,  63  ;  the  favorable  results 
of  the  labors  of  the  Methodists  among  the  slaves,  64;  important  statistics  on  this 
subject,  64,  65,  60  ;  the  success  of  the  Alethodists  disprove  the  British  theory,  67; 
important  deductions,  68;  delusions  of  anti-slavery  clergymen,  69. 


CONTENTS.  XI 

CHAPTER  III. 

Examination  of  the  errors  in  the   British   theories  as  applied  to  American 
Slavery  after  West  India  Emancipation 70 

SECTION  I. 

The  circumstances  under  which  Abolition  took  its  rise  in  the  United  States,  70 

Colonization  too  tardy  a  remedy  for  the  philanthropy  of  the  times,  70  ;  it  is  opposed 
by  abolitionists,  71 ;  American  Anti-Slavery  Society  organized,  71  ;  its  efficiency 
and  fanatical  zeal,  71 ;  colonization  greatly  depressed,  71 ;  the  doctrine  that 
slavery  is  sinful,  progressing,  72  ;  slavery  had  been  viewed  as  a  moral  evil,  but 
not  in  the  sense  of  being  sinful,  72 ;  the  new  doctrine  gains  access  to  the  eccle- 
siastical courts,  72 ;  no  difference  essentially  between  anti-slavery  and  abolition,  72. 

SECTION  II. 

What  the  earlt  anti-slavery  writers  taught  in  relation  to  the  Bible  and 
Slavery 73 

First  impulse  given  to  abolition  by  attempts  to  purge  the  Church  of  slavery,  73; 
the  doctrines  advocated  by  the  Christian  Intelligencer,  73  ;  its  plan  of  operations, 
73 ;  character  of  the  men  who  commenced  the  anti-slavery  agitation,  75  ;  they 
refuse  free  discussion,  75  ;  remarks  upon  their  teachings  and  plan  of  action,  76  ; 
slaveholder  ranked  with  slave-trader  by  them,  80  ;  American  slavery  pronounced 
more  horrible  than  any  ever  existing,  81;  this  statement  historically  false,  81; 
absurd  views  of  Apostolic  action  on  slavery,  82-87;  denial  of  the  plenary  inspira- 
tion of  the  Apostles,  84  ;  remarks  on  this  strange  assumption,  84-90 ;  perplexity 
of  the  editor  in  proving  slavery  a  sin  per  se,  91  ;  further  remarks  on  the  editor's 
perplexites,  93-96  ;  theory  denying  the  practicability  of  the  mental  and  moral 
culture  of  the  slaves,  96  ;  Geological  anecdote  illustrative  of  the  subject  on  hand, 
97  ;  preaching  on  slavery  required  by  a  Presbytery,  98;  practical  results  of  declar- 
ing slavery  sinful,  98. 

SECTION  III. 

How  THE  Abolitionists  were  met  by  arguments  against  their  Bible  theories...  99 

Conservative  spirit  holding  abolition  in  check,  99 ;  views  of  Dr.  Bangs,  99  ;  of 
Bishops  Emery  and  Iledding,  100;  Dr.  Fisk,  100;  Dr.  Bond,  100;  Prof.  Stuart, 
101 ;  Dr.  Clarke,  101,  102  ;  Dr.  Fisk,  103  ;  Dr.  Elliott,  104  ;  Board  of  Bishops,  104  ; 
complaint  against  the  press,  106;  Dr.  Channing,  107;  Princeton  Review  —  it 
predicts  disxmion  as  a  result  of  abolition,  109. 

SECTION    IV. 

Inquiries  into  the  difference  of  degrees  of  success  attending  the  attempts  to 
Evangelize  the  African  race  throughout  the  world 108 

Importance  of  the  inductive  system  of  reasoning,  108;   especially  as  applied  to 

slavery,  109  ;  obstacles  to  African  evangelization  throughout  the  world  —  in  South 
Africa,  110;  in  West  Africa,  125;  in  Cuba,  140;  in  Hayti,  140  ;  in  British  West 
Indies,  143;  in  Mendi,  West  Africa,  154;  in  French  West  India  islands,  168;  in 
United  States  and  Canada,  170 ;  moral  condition  of  free  colored  people  ii;i  United 
States,  171 ;  Gerritt  Smith  on  this  point,  172  ;  New  York  Tribune,  173  ;  Rev.  11. 
W.  Beecher,  173;  views  unfavorable  to  emancipation,  175;  emancipation  de- 
manded by  abolitionists  as  a  means  of  elevation,  175:  evidences  of  neglect  of 
free  colored  peoj^le  at  the  North,  175,  176  ;  disruption  of  Methodist  Church  un- 
favorable to  its  continued  influence  over  the  blacks  North,  177  ;  the  Bishops  re- 
buke the  abolition  clergymen  for  their  neglect,  178  ;  decrease  of  colored  members 
North,  178;  colored  prejudice  against  the  whites  by  abolitionists,  179  ;  infidelity 
among  the  colored  men  North,  180;  persistent  pietj'  of  religious  colored  men, 
180;  the  Afrinan  Methodist  Church  organizations  and  their  encouraging  success, 
180,  181,  182;  sound  views  of  their  Bishop  as  to  Constitutional  law,  "l82,  183; 
the  African  Baptist  churches,  184;  statistics  in  full  not  obtained,  184;  violent 
resolutions  of  one  Association,  185  ;  obstacles  to  the  moral  progress  of  the  free 


Xll  CONTENTS. 

colored  people,  186,  187;  Canada,  its  discouraging  missionary  aspects,  187,  188; 
Rev.  Mr.  King,  and  his  encouraging  labors,  189;  Colonel  Robert  Lachlan,  and 
his  public  services,  note,  189 ;  general  condition  of  Canadian  free  colored  people, 
as  to  morals,  as  shown  in  Colouel  Lachlau's  Report,  189-194 ;  Elgin  Association, 
194  ;  remonstrance  of  the  people  of  Chatham  against  influx  and  settlement  of 
free  negroes,  194-197  ;  response  of  colored  people,  197  ;  the  municipal  council 
of  the  Western  District  remonstrating  also,  197  ;  Colonel  Prince,  and  the  colored 
people,  198-201 ;  Grand  Jury  presentation  against  the  colored  people,  202  ;  judge 
coincides  with  jury,  202;  remarks  of  the  author,  203;  obstacles  in  connection 
with  American  slavery,  204;  favorable  testimony  of  New  York  Evangelist,  204; 
of  mission  board  of  Louisiana  Conference,  205  ;  other  testimony,  206  ;  of  Presby- 
tery of  Roanoke,  Virginia,  206  ;  of  Presbytery  of  South  Carolina,  207  :  of  Mobile 
Tribune,  209  ;  of  Report  of  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  South,  210-213  ;  testi- 
timony  of  Rev.  Dr.  Elliott,  213  ;  of  Dr.  Bond,  214. 

SECTION  V. 

Interesting  facts  in  relation  to  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  and  its  Rule 
ON  Slavery 215 

Prominence  of  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  in  the  work  of  African  evangelization, 
215;  its  early  success,  215  ;  qts  .original  Rule  on  slavery  soon  modified,  216;  its 
change  corresponding  with  Mr,  Wesley's  Rule  for  West  Indies,  217  ;  historical 
statement  by  Bishop  Hedding,  relating  to  Rule,  217  ;  confirmed  by  Dr.  Elliott, 
218  ;  Rule  for  West  Indies,  adopted  in  England,  219  ;  stringent  Rule  for  United 
States,  first  adopted  by  Dr.  Coke,  219  ;  Rule  modified  to  suit  the  Southern  States, 
219;  final  settlement  of  Rule,  in  1816,  219  ;^influenee  of  abolitionism  in  disturb- 
ing the  harmony  of  the  Church,  220  ;V.olored  membership  in  Church  when  dis- 
ruption occurred,  221 ;  powerful  appeal  of  Rev.  Dr.  Capers  in  behalf  of  Southern 
missions  among  the  slaves,  222. 

SECTION  VI. 

Interesting  pacts  connected  with  the  Congregational  and  Baptist  Churches  of 
THE  United  States  in  their  relations  to  Slavery 224 

Congregational  Churches  decidedly  anti-slavery,  224;  their  own  admitted  ineffi- 
ciency as  compared  with  other  religious  bodies,  225-227  ;''Baptist  Churches  in  the 
Northern  States  decidedly  anti-slavery,  227  ;  their  spiritual  dearth  as  described 
by  some  of  their  religious  newspajDcrs,  228;  remarks  on  these  admissions,  229  ; 
opinions  of  the  editor  of  Christian  Intelligencer,  that  there  may  be  too  much 
preaching  on  slavery,  229. 

SECTION  VII. 

Results  of  the  Foreign  Missionary  work  of  the  American  Churches,  as  compared 
•with  the  results  of  their  Domestic  Missions  among  the  Slaves  of  the 
United  States 230 

•V  \ 

1.  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  230  :  2.  American  Baptist  Missionary  Union,  231 ; 
3.  Presbyterian  Board  of  Foreign  Missions,  233  ;  4.^  American  Board  of  Commis- 
sioners for  Foreign  Missions,  233;  5. ""  Board  of  Missions  of  the  Protestant  Episco- 
pal Church,  234;  6.  American  Missionary  Association,  235  ^  7.  Reformed  Prot- 
estant Dutch  Church,  236  ;  ^contrast  of  the  whole  with  missions  among  the  slaves 
—  the  results  startling,  237. 

SECTION   VIII. 

General  results  of  the  Missionary  efforts  among  the  African  race,  in  Freedom 
AND  IN  Slavery,  placed  in  contrast 238 

Results  of  missions  in  West  Indies,  239  ;  in  South  Africa,  239  ;  in  West  Africa,  and 
African  islands,  240  ;  in  Canada,  imperfect,  240  ;  total  in  all  these  fields.  240  ; 
contrast  of  these  results  with  those  in  the  slave  States,  bring  out  astonishing 
results,  240. 


CONTENTS.  XIU 

SECTION  IX. 
Contrast  op  all  the  Missionary  force  employed  by  Protestant  Christendom, 

WITH    THE    results    OP    THE    MISSIONS    IN    THE    SlAVE    StATES    OF    THE    UNITED 

States 240,  241 

SECTION  X. 

Contrast  of  the  success  of  the  Scottish  American  Presbyterian  Churches,  with 
that  op  the  Missionaries  in  the  Southern  Slave  States 241 

SECTION  XI. 

Contrast  op  the  success  op  the  General  Assembly  Presbyterians,  with  that  op 
the  Missionaries  in  the  Southern  States 243 

CONCLUDING  SECTION. 

The  Christian  character  op  the  converts  in  the  missions  among  the  heathen, 
contrasted  with  that  op  the  converted  slaves  in  the  United  States....  243 

Ignorance  of  the  Church  in  relation  to  the  character  of  the  negro  race,  243  ;  degra- 
dation of  Africa  elicited  Christian  sympathy,  243 ;  difficulties  surrounding  the 
question  of  African  evangelization,  243 ;  free  negroes  of  the  North  degraded,  244  ; 
encouraging  progress  of  the  Gospel  among  the  slaves,  244  ;  erroneous  views  of 
African  Christian  converts,  244 ;  the  Christian  instruction  and  Church  discipline 
of  slaves  identical  with  the  rules  observed  North,  245 ;  testimonj'  of  Mr.  Pierce, 
in  Atlantic  Monthly,  as  to  high  Christian  character  of  slaves  at  Fortress  Monroe, 
245  ;  Christian  attainments  do  not  necessarily  qualify  for  civil  duties,  246 ;  im- 
portant testimony  of  American  Board  on  this  question,  246  ;  comparison  of  Chris^ 
tian  character  of  heathen  converts  with  that  of  converts  in  Christian  countries, 
247 ;  the  standard  not  so  high,  247;  slave  converts  at  least  equal  to  heathen  con- 
verts, 248  ;  heathen  converts  not  yet  prepared  for  self-government,  248 ;  slave 
converts  in  precisely  similar  condition,  248 ;  African  race  nowhere  capable  of 
self-government,  but  every  where  sustained  by  sui^erior  race,  249 ;  essential 
means  of  conversion  and  salvation  supplied  to  slaves,  249  ;  testimony  of  Ameri- 
can Board,  250  ;  ultra  views,  and  strange  misrepresentations  of  the  clergy,  in 
1867,  7iote,  251  ;  superior  advantages  of  American  slaves  over  population  in 
heathen  countries,  252  ;  Isaac  Taylor  on  the  progress  of  early  Christianity,  252  ; 
its  success  where  Jews  and  Jewish  Scriptures  were  present — its  failure  among 
barbarous  peoples,  263  ;  this  historical  fact  illustrates  the  reason  why  Americari 
slaves  are  more  accessible  to  the  Gospel  than  the  heathen  populations  of  Asia, 
253  ;  this  lesson  teaches  the  great  importance  of  modern  missions  in  giving  the 
Scriptures  to  every  nation,  tongue,  and  language  under  heaven,  253. 

CHAPTER    IV. 

African  Slavery  and  African  Emancipation  in  their  effects,  respectively,  upon 
the  national  welfare  op  the  Caucasians 255 

SECTION  I. 

Effects  op  Emancipation  in  Brazil,  Mexico,  and  the  South  American  Eepub- 
Lics 265 

SECTION  II. 

Effects  of  Emancipation  in  the  Island  op  Hayti 259 

SECTION   III. 

Effects  op  Emancipation  in  the  British  West  India  Islands 265 

Contradictory  testimony  as  to  effects  of  West  India  emancipation,  265  ;  the  separa- 
tion of  the  question  important  to  its  comprehension,  265  ;  Jamaica  taken  as  a 
type  of  the  whole,  265  ;  its  exports  from  1772  to  I860,  266  ;  explanatory  remarks 
on  these  facts,  266  j  mistakes  corrected,  267  j  the  increasing  prosperity  due  to 


XIY  CONTENTS. 

imported  ooolie  labor,  not  to  negro  free  labor,  267 ;  this  proved  by  statistics  of 
certain  islands.  268;  Jamaica  without  coolie  labor,  and  with  black  free  labor 
alone,  is  still  declining  in  its  exports,  269  :  facts  as  to  Barbadoes,  269  ;  remarks  on 
preceding  facts,  269 ;  other  testimony  confirmatory  of  the  failure  of  emancipa- 
tion in  its  expected'  results,.  270,  271  ;  effects  of  emancipation  upon  the  national 
welfare  of  Caucasians  most  injurious,  and  of  no  advantage  to  Africans,  272. 

CHAPTER   V. 

West  India  Emancipation  a  total  failure  in  its  expected  results 273 

SECTION  I. 
General  condition  of  the  West  India  Islands  at  this  moment 273 

SECTION  II. 

Some  interesting  pacts  and  speculations  in  eeferhtnci:  to  the  inteoduction  op 
Coolies  into  the  West  Indies 291 

SECTION  III. 

The  social,  moral,  and  industrial  condition  op  Jamaica,  as  illustrating  the 
effects  op  Emancipation  ■where  it  is  unaccompanied  by  adequate  means  or 

MORAL    PROGRESS 296 

SECTION   IV. 

The  civil  position  of  the  Planters  under  Emancipation,  and  the  causes  of  theie 
ruin 304 

SECTION  V. 

Effects  of  Emancipation  upon  the  moral  and  physical  condition  of  the  negroes 
IN  THE  British  West  India  Islands,  as  compared  with  that  op  Slavery  upon 
the  same  race  in  the  United  States 330 

CHAPTER   VI. 

The  Legislation  of  the  General  Assembly  Presbyterian  Church  on  Slavery,  343 

SECTION  I. 
Early  Legislation  on  the  subject  of  Slavery 343 

SECTION  IL 

The  Legislation  of  the  General  Assembly  (0.  S.,)  after  the  division  op  the 
Church J546 

SECTION  III. 

The  Legislation  of  the  General  Assembly  (N.  S.,)  aptee  the  division-  op  the 
Church 351 

SECTION  IV. 

Eemaeks  on  the  Ecclesiastical  Legislation  of  the  General  Assembly  Presby- 
terians   355 

CHAPTER    VII. 

Legislation  op  the  Scottish  American  Presbyterian  Churches  on  Slavery....  338 

SECTION  I. 
The  Legislation  of  the  Associate  Synod  op  North  America  on  Slavery 358 


CONTENTS.  XV 

SECTION    II. 
The  Legislation  of  the  Associate  Eeformed  Synod  of  the  West  on  Slavery.  361 

SECTION    III. 
The  Legislation  op  the  Eeporiied  Presbyterian  Church  on  Slavery 364 

SECTION    IV. 

The  Legislation  op  the  United  Presbyterian  Church  on  Slavery 369 

SECTION  V. 
Opinions  op  British  Churches  on  American  Slavery 375 

SECTION   VI. 
Brief  remarks  on  the  foregoing  Legislation 380 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Thk  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  and  Slavery 383 

Eemarks  on  its  ecclesiastical  action 418 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Congregational  Churches  and  Slavery 421 

Eemarks  on  their  ecclesiastical  legislation 425 

CHAPTER  X. 

Movements  of  the  Abolitionists , 426 

SECTION  I. 

EiSE  OP  Political  Abolitionism  and  the  unconstitutional  teachings  op  its  lead- 
ers    426 

Ecclesiastical  legislation  on  slavery  designed  to  transfer  the  subject  to  the  arena 
of  politics,  426  ;  the  scheme  successful,  426  ;  the  basis  laid  was  accepted  by  aboli- 
tionists, 426  ;  this  action  created  alarm  at  the  South,  427  :  measures  adopted  to 
counteract  the  dangers  threatened,  427  ;  Nullification  and  the  Tariff  a  pretext, 
427  ;  abolition  claimed  the  right  to  use  both  moral  and  political  means  for  the 
overthrow  of  slavery,  429 ;  the  principles  of  the  Liberty  party,  and  also  of  the 
Garrisonians,  430  ;  abolitionism  in  the  Presidential  camjiaigns,  430  ;  abolition 
Convention  of  1841  in  Ohio,  and  its  resolutions  and  address,  431^34  ;  abolition 
Convention  in  New  York,  its  ultra  resolutions  advising  negroes  to  steal,  etc.,  434  ; 
opinions  of  Mr.  Birney  in  1843,  435  ;  in  1844,  436  ;  speech  of  Mr.  Chase,  437-440 ; 
South- Western  Liberty  Convention,  1845,  at  Cincinnati,  440  ;  speech  of  Mr.  Bir- 
ney, of  Mr.  Wills,  of  Judge  Stevens,  resolutions,  address,  440-442 ;  remarks  on 
the  incendiary  productions  of  these  men,  442^51  ;  notice  of  the  dogma  that 
"slavery  is  the  creature  of  local  law,"  443  ;  Hon.  J.  W.  Stevenson  on  this  point, 
443 ;  he  quotes  Lord  Stowell  as  repudiating  the  doctrine,  444 ;  he  notices  other 
cases  illustrative  of  his  views,  445-448 ;  Mr.  Clay  on  abolitionism,  448 ;  argu- 
ment of  Charles  O'Connor  in  Lemmon  case,  451-456. 

SECTION   II. 

The  Slavery  agitation  in  Congress 456 

Abolition  in  1835,  the  offspring  of  ecclesiastical  action,  456 ;  political  abolitionism 
not  then  organized,  456 ;  abolition  used  as  a  means  of  promoting  the  sectional 
interests  of  New  England,  456  ;  General  Jackson's  condemnation  of  abolition  in 
his  message,  457;  abolition  petitions  in  Congress,  458;  debates  upon  them,  459-485. 


XVI  CONTENTS. 

remarks  on  the  debates,  485  ;  on  Mr.  Slade's  avowal  of  the  necessity  of  abolition  to 
prevent  the  ascendency  of  the  South  to  the  injury  of  the  East,  485  ;  the  West  not 
to  be  gained  to  the  East  on  account  of  •physical  obstacles  to  trade  in  that  direction, 
hence  abolition,  as  a  moral  lever,  was  necessary  to  dissever  it  from  the  South, 
487  ;  the  means  of  accomplishing  this  had  been  supplied  by  the  Churches  in 
generating  and  fostering  abolition,  487  ;  the  West  weaned  from  the  South  would 
leave  the  East  triumphant  in  its  protective  policy,  487  ;  secession  threatened  by 
Bostonians  through  their  representative,  as  early  as  1811,  488  ;  Mr.  Adams  and 
Mr.  Madison  on  the  right  of  secession,  488,  489 ;  secession  never  jsopular,  490 ; 
it  ruined  Mr.  Webster's  prospects  for  the  Presidency,  490 ;  remarks  on  other 
speakers,  490-492  ;  burning  of  "  Cotton  is  King,"  note,  492  ;  remarks  on  Mr. 
Johnson's  charge  of  consjiiracy  against  abolitionists,  493  ;  manifesto  of  Mr.  Adams 
and  others,  threatening  dissolution  of  the  Union,  494,  495  ;  South  also  threaten- 
ing dissolution,  per  Mr.  Wise,  496. 

SECTION  III. 

Opinions  of  Individuals,  etc.,  relating  to  the  subject  of  Slavery,  as  illustrating 
THE  Abolition  movement 501 

SECTION   IV. 

Movements  North  and  South  precipitating  civil  war 522 

CHAPTER  XI. 

The  Cotton  Crop  in  its  relA|Tions  to  American  Commerce 549 

SECTION  I. 

Earlt  movements  op  Great  Britain  to  retrieve  her  losses  consequent  upon  West 
India  Emancipation 649 

SECTION  II. 

Condition  op  Cotton  Question  in  1850 561 

SECTION  III. 

Progress  op  events  connected  with  Cotton  Culture  after  1850,  and  their  results 
AT  THE  opening  OF  1860 565 

SECTION  IV. 

Agencies  engaged  in  promoting  measures  tending  to  destroy  American  Commerce, 

BY  lessening  the  DEPENDENCE  OF  EUROPE    UPON  US  FOB  CoTTON 573 

CHAPTER    XII. 

Pulpit  Politics  in  its  practical  application  to  Public  affairs 592 

SECTION  I. 

The  Clergy  of  New  England  and  the  War  of  1812 592 

SECTION  II. 

The  three  thousand  and  fifty  Clergymen  of  New  England,  and  the  Congress  of 
1854 597 

SECTION   III. 
The  Clergymen  of  Chicago,  and  the  Hon.  S.  A.  Douglass 604 

SECTION  IV 

Pulpit  Politics  in  its  practical  results 810 

CONCLUSION 620 


CHAPTER    I. 

BRITISH  THEORIES  ON  AFRICAN  EVANGELIZATION,  AS  DERIVED  FROM 
THE  EFFECTS  OF  THE  SLAVE  TRADE  AND  BRITISH  COLONIAL 
SLAVERY. 

The  condition  of  Africa  had  long  enlisted  the  sympathiea  of 
the  benevolent,  before  anything  was  attempted  for  the  moral  and 
social  elevation  of  its  inhabitants.  Its  degradation  was  known 
to  be  extreme,  but  its  true  situation  was  involved  in  mystery. 
To  the  trafl&c  in  slaves  was  attributed  much  of  its  wretchedness. 
Time,  however,  showed  that  the  iron  despotism  of  its  kings, 
the  absoluteness  of  its  domestic  slavery,  the  objects  of  its  idol- 
atrous worship,  the  modes  of  performing  its  religious  rites,  its  cruel 
superstitions,  its  degrading  customs,  its  human  sacrifices,  its  can- 
nibalism, must  have  dated  their  origin  far  back  beyond  the  com- 
mencement of  the  slave  trade.  This  traffic,  it  became  evident,  had 
not  originated  the  greatest  evils  under  which  Africa  suffered,  but 
was  itself  one  of  the  natural  fruits  of  the  social  and  moral  degra- 
dation previously  existing. 

At  length  the  darkness  of  that  barbarism  was  to  be  penetrated 
by  the  light  of  civilization,  and  the  attempt  made  to  lift  the  Af- 
rican up  to  the  level  of  the  Caucasian.  This  effort  was  not  a 
voluntary  one,  springing  spontaneously  from  the  mind  of  the 
philanthropist,  and  undertaken  out  of  pure  sympathy  for  Africa. 
The  people  were  forced  into  action,  for  its  accomplishment,  in 
such  a  manner  as  God  only  can  lead  men  into  important  meas- 
ures for  human  progress.  It  was  inaugurated  by  the  adoption 
of  such  schemes,  and  conducted  in  such  a  way,  as  seemed  best 
adapted  to  determine  the  question,  whether  the  black  man  can  be 
2  (17) 


18  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

made  the  equal  of  the  white.  It  was  begun,  too,  at  the  very 
moment  when  the  white  man,  on  the  xVmerican  continent,  was 
commencing  his  attempt  at  solving  the  mighty  problem  of  man's 
capability  of  self-government.  It  was  a  most  important  moment, 
this,  when  the  first  steps  were  taken  towards  the  redemption  of 
Africa.  *  None,  for  a  moment,  supposed  that  the  task  could  be 
performed  in  a  thousand  years  to  come.  The  work  was  an  un- 
tried one  —  such  a  work  as  had  never  before  been  attempted  upon 
earth.  Nations  had  conquered  nations — had  destroyed  their 
captives  or  enslaved  them  —  but  never  had  the  strong  devoted 
themselves  to  the  elevation  of  the  weak.  Two  thousand  years 
had  the  whites  struggled,  unaided,  to  gain  the  boon  of  constitu- 
tional freedom ;  and,  even  then,  but  a  single  nation  had  suc- 
ceeded. Could  the  blacks  do  more  —  could  they  advance,  at  a 
single  stride,  from  barbarism  to  civilization  !     We  shall  see. 

On  the  22d  May,  1772,  Lord  Mansfield  decided  the  celebrated 
Somersett  case,  and  pronounced  it  unlawful  to  hold  a-  slave  in 
Great  Britain,  f  Previously  to  this  date  many  slaves  had  been 
introduced  into  English  families,  and,  on  running  away,  had  been 
delivered  up  to  their  masters,  by  order  of  the  court  of  King's 
Bench,  under  Lord  Mansfield ;  but  now  the  poor  African,  no 
longer  hunted  as  a  beast  of  prey  in  the  streets  of  London,  slept 
under  his  roof,  miserable  as  it  might  be,  in  perfect  security.  J 

To  Granville  Sharp  belonged  the  honor  of  this  achievement. 
By  the  decision  referred  to,  about  400  negroes  were  thrown  upon 

*  We  refer,  of  course,  to  the  first  efforts  which  had  been  productive  of  favorable 
results.  Earlier  attempts  had  been  made  to  introduce  the  Gospel  into  Africa, 
but  without  success.  On  this  point,  Mr.  Tracy,  in  his  History  of  Colonization 
and  Missions,  says: 

"  Catholic,  missionaries  laboz'ed  for  two  hundred  and  forty-one  years,  but 
every  vestige  of  their  influence  has  been  gone  for  many  generations.  The 
Moravians,  beginning  in  1736,  toiled  for  thirty-four  years,  making  five  at- 
tempts, at  a  cost  of  eleven  lives,  and  effected  nothing.  An  English  attempt,  at 
Bulama  Island,  in  1792,  partly  missionary  in  its  character,  was  abandoned  in 
Awo  years,  with  a  loss  of  one  hundred  lives.  A  mission  sent  to  the  Foulahs, 
from  England,  in  1795,  returned  without  commencing  its  labors.  The  London, 
Edinburgh  and  Glasgow  Society,  commenced  three  stations  in  1797,  which  were 
extinct  in  three  years,  and  five  of  the  six  missionaries  dead." 

t  See  subsequent  notices  of  the  opinions  of  Lords  Mansfield  and  Stowell. 

±  Clarkson's  Historv  of  the  Slave  Trade. 


COLONIZATION   AT   SIERRA  LEONE.  19 

their  own  resources.  Without  any  one  to  care  for  them,  they 
soon  found  themselves  to  be  but  mere  outcasts,  with  none  to  pro- 
tect or  employ  them.  In  despair,  they  flocked  to  Mr.  Sharp,  as 
their  patron ;  but,  considering  their  numbers,  and  his  limited 
means,  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  afford  them  adequate  relief. 
To  those  thus  emancipated,  others,  discharged  from  the  army  and 
navy,  were  afterwards  added,  who,  by  their  improvidence,  were 
reduced  to  extreme  distress.  After  much  reflection,  Mr.  Sharp 
determined  to  colonize  them  in  Africa;  but,  possessing  only  a 
limited  fortune,  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  effect  this  object 
without  aid  from  others.  That  aid  could  not  be  obtained  ;  and 
fifteen  years  passed  away  before  any  thing  could  be  accomplished. 
By  this  time,  the  blacks — indigent,  unemployed,  despised,  for- 
lorn, vicious  —  had  become  such  nuisances  as  to  make  it  neces- 
sary they  should  be  sent  somewhere,  and  no  longer  suffered  to 
infest  the  streets  of  London.  *  At  length  the  Government  came 
to  the  aid  of  Mr.  Sharp,  and  supplied  the  means  of  their  trans- 
portation and  support,  f 

In  April,  1787,  these  African  freemen,  to  the  number  of  400, 
were  put  on  shipboard  for  Africa ;  and  bidding  farewell  to  the 
soil  of  Britain,  where  freedom  had  wrought  no  good  for  them, 
were  landed,  in  the  following  month,  at  Sierra  Leone.  The  next 
year  a  few  new  emigrants  arrived,  and,  after  much  difficulty  and 
suffering  and  a  great  reduction  of  their  numbers,  the  colony  was 
considered  as  established. 

In  March,  1792,  a  reinforcement  of  1,131  colored  persons, 
arrived  at  Sierra  Leone.  These  men  were  fugitive  slaves,  who 
had  joined  the  English  during  the  American  Revolutionary  war, 
and  had  been  promised  lands  in  Nova  Scotia;  but  the  Govern- 
ment having  failed  to  meet  its  pledge,  in  consequence  of  the  op- 
position of  the  whites,  and  the  climate  proving  unfavorable,  they 
sought  a  refuge  in  Africa,  to  which  they  were  removed  under  the 
care  of  Mr.  Clarkson. 

The  control  of  the  colony  soon  passed  from  the  hands  of  Mr. 
Sharp,  to  those  of  a  Company.  When  this  change  occurred,  the 
liberal  system  of  government  adopted  by  Mr.  Sharp,  which  ad- 

*  Wadstrom,  p.  220. 

t  Memoirs  of  Granville  Shai-p. 


20  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

raitted  colored  men  to  a  share  in  its  administration,  was  super- 
seded by  more  rigid  laws,  excludino;  them  from  voting  and  from 
office.  This  led  the  American  blacks  to  rebel,  and  they  were 
only  subjected  to  the  control  of  the  Governor,  after  a  hard  fought 
battle,  in  which  he  Avas  aided  by  some  natives,  and  by  550  free 
negroes  from  Jamaica,  who  landed  on  the  day  of  the  engage- 
ment. Three  of  the  rebel  leaders  were  captured  and  afterwards 
executed  —  thus  extinguishing  this  little  spark  of  democracy  in 
the  colony.  The  550  maroons  (mulattoes)  who  thus  arrived  so 
opportunely  to  the  aid  of  the  Governor,  were  a  set  of  turbulent 
freemen,  of  the  mountains  of  Jamaica,  who  had  first  been  shipped 
to  Nova  Scotia,  and  thence  to  Sierra  Leone. 

On  the  first  of  January,  1808,  the  Government  relieved  the 
Company  from  its  difficulties,  by  assuming  the  sovereignty  of 
Sierra  Leone.  In  this  year  the  slave  trade  was  prohibited,  and 
the  colony  became  necessary  to  the  crown  in  carrying  out  its 
purposes  towards  Africa. 

With  this  introductory  historical  sketch  of  the  foundation  of 
Sierra  Leone,  the  way  is  prepared  to  enter  upon  the  missionary 
history  of  the  colony,  and  to  determine  how  far  the  opinions  of 
British  Christians,  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  have  been  influenced 
by  that  important  event  —  an  event  purely  providential,  and  not 
of  man's  devising. 

Missions  for  the  benefit  of  this  colony  had  been  first  attempted 
in  1792,  again  in  1795,  and  again  in  1797:  but  all  these  eS'orts 
had  failed.  In  1804,  the  Church  Missionary  Society  sent  out  its 
missionaries,  with  orders  to  seek  for  stations  among  the  natives 
outside  of  the  territory  of  the  colony  ;  because  of  the  opposition 
within  it,  which  had  originated  from  the  efforts  to  coerce  the  col- 
onists into  subjection  to  the  authorities ;  and  because  of  the  prev- 
alence of  the  slave  trade,  at  that  time  a  legal  traffic  for  British 
subjects  within  its  limits,  as  well  as  to  all  other  nations  through- 
out the  whole  of  Africa.  But  the  efforts  of  these  missionaries 
also  failed,  and  they  had  to  await  further  developments. 

In  1808,  when  the  slave  trade  was  abolished  by  Great  Britain, 
this  same  mission  commenced  ten  stations  as  directed,  but  were 
unable  to  sustain  them.  The  natives,  not  under  the  control  of 
the  colony,  but  interested  in  the  slave  trade,  burned  the  mission 


EMANCIPATION  AND  MISSIONS.  21 

houses  and  churches,  destroyed  the  growing  crops  of  the  mission- 
aries, threatened  their  lives,  and  otherwise  persecuted  them. 

When  England  abandoned  the  traffic  in  slaves,  it  so  happened 
that  she  thereby  only  surrendered  its  monopoly  into  the  hands 
of  France,  Portugal,  and  Spain,  who  had  tropical  territory  which 
demanded  an  increase  of  labor.  Hence,  there  was  no  diminution 
of  its  extent,  or  abatement  of  its  horrors,  but  a  vast  increase  of 
both  :  and,  although  the  missions  from  1792  to  1808  had  failed, 
both  in  and  out  of  the  colony,  yet  the  continuance  of  the  traffic, 
beyond  its  limits,  after  1808,  drove  the  missionaries  within  its 
jurisdiction,  in  the  hopes  of  better  protection.  But  these  out- 
stations  were  not  wholly  abandoned  until  after  a  long  struggle  to 
sustain  them  —  the  last  one  having  been  maintained  until  1818. 

In  1811,  the  English  Wesleyans  sent  out  a  missionary  to  the 
Nova  Scotia  blacks,  in  Sierra  Leone  ;  who  was  successful  in  es- 
tablishing a  mission  among  them  on  a  permanent  basis.  The 
Church  Missionary  Society  also  continued  its  labors  with  success, 
directing  its  eflForts,  mainly,  to  the  improvement  of  the  natives. 
These  natives  have  been  of  two  classes  :  first,  those  living  in  the 
colony  and  its  vicinity ;  and,  second,  those  recaptured  from  slave 
ships,  after  the  system  of  an  armed  repression  of  the  slave  trade 
had  been  adopted.  But  no  missions  could  succeed,  until  after 
the  suppression  of  that  traffic  had  been  effected  in  Sierra  Leone, 
and  British  authority  began  to  exert  a  controlling  influence  upon 
the  coast.  This  led  to  the  conviction,  that  Africa  could  not  be 
evangelized  while  the  slave  trade  prevailed.  The  present  naval 
force,  on  that  coast,  had  no  existence  then,  nor  until  many  years 
after  the  traffic  in  slaves  was  prohibited ;  while,  at  the  same  time, 
the  demand  for  slaves  was  so  great  as  to  give  the  utmost  activi- 
ty to  the  trade.  This  is  clearly  indicated  by  the  fact,  that  while 
the  entire  exports  of  slaves  from  Africa,  from  1798  to  1810,  num- 
bered 85,000  annually,  they  had  increased,  in  1815,  to  106,000 
annually  ;  or  more  than  20,000  annually  over  the  former  exports.  * 

These  results  led  British  Christians  to  the  conclusion,  that  the 
slave  trade  could  not  be  suppressed  and  Africa  christianized, 
except  by  the  destruction  of  the  markets  for  slaves.  Destroy  the 
demand,  argued  the  English  people,  and  the  supply  will  cease. 

*  See  Parliamentary  Reports. 


22  PUtPIT   POLITICS. 

But  this  demand  could  only  be  destroyed  by  universal  emanci- 
pation ;  and,  therefore,  it  was  urged,  that  all  the  enslaved  must 
be  set  free  —  that  West  India  slavery  must  be  abolished. 

To  reconcile  the  nation,  generally,  to  the  proposed  measure  of 
abolition  in  the  colonies,  arguments  were  offered  on  the  econo- 
mical aspects  of  the  question.  The  theory  was  broached,  that 
free  labor  was  doubly  profitable  over  slave  labor  —  that  one  free- 
man working  under  the  stimulus  of  woges,  was  worth  two  slaves 
toiling  beneath  the  lasli.  As  a  result  of  the  prohibition  of  the 
slave  trade,  in  cutting  off  the  ordinary  supplies  of  labor,  the 
exports  from  the  islands  had  fallen  off  thirty-three  per  cent, 
Freedom,  it  was  nevertheless  urged,  would  fully  restore  their 
prosperity  ;  and,  thus,  emancipation  would  not  only  be  the  dis- 
charge of  a  moral  duty,  but  it  would  also  be  a  profitable  meas- 
ure. In  this  way,  the  war  against  slavery  became  a  popular 
movement  in  Great  Britain,  and  was  zealously  prosecuted,  until, 
in  1833,  the  emancipation  act  was  carried  in  Parliament. 

The  results  of  emancipation  upon  the  prosperity  of  the  Islands, 
as  well  as  upon  the  slave  trade  and  emancipation  at  large,  have 
been  very  different  from  what  was  anticipated  by  the  people  of 
England.  These  points  will  receive  attention  as  we  progress.  It 
need  only  be  remarked  here,  in  addition  to  what  has  been  al- 
ready stated,  that  the  exports  of  slaves  from  Africa,  according 
to  Parliamentary  Reports,  were  increased  immediately  after  West 
India  Emancipation,  or  from  1835  to  1839,  to  135,800  annually  ; 
being  50,800  more  than  were  exported  yearly,  when  the  crusade 
against  the  slave  trade  was  commenced  by  Mr.  Wilberforce. 

The  theory  that  the  evangelization  of  Africa  could  not  be  ef- 
fected during  the  existence  of  the  slave  trade,  had  very  many 
facts  to  sustain  it,  and  it  became  the  universal  creed  of  Chris- 
tendom. It  lay  at  the  foundation  of  the  organization  of  the 
American  Colonization  Society  ;  and,  twenty-five  years  later,  in 
connection  with  commercial  objects,  it  put  in  motion  the  costly, 
yet  fatal  Niger  expedition.  From  this  belief,  there  was  but  a 
step  to  the  conviction  that  the  African  race,  at  large,  could  not 
be  christianized  as  long  as  they  remained  in  bondage. 

This  theory,  too,  had  then  much  to  give  it  support,  as  is  ap- 
parent from  the  results  of  missionary  efforts  in  the  West  Indies. 


MISSIONS  IN  THE  WEST  INDIES.  23 

Look  at  the  facts  recorded  in  the  general  history  of  missions ; 
and  also  at  the  testimony  of  individuals  familiar  with  the  condi- 
tion of  the  Islands.  The  Rev.  J.  M.  Phillippo,  for  twenty  years 
a  missionary  in  Jamaica,  and  who  has  written  its  history,  says: 

"  Upwards  of  120  years  after  Jamaica  had  become  an  appendage  of 
the  British  crown,  scarcely  an  effort  had  been  made  to  instruct  the 
slaves  in  the  great  doctrines  and  duties  of  Christianity ;  and  although, 
in  1696,  at  the  instance  of  the  mother  country,  an  act  was  passed  by 
the  local  legislature,  directing  that  all  slave  owners  should  instruct 
their  negroes,  and  have  them  baptized  '  when  fit  for  it,'  it  is  evident, 
from  the  very  terms  in  which  the  act  was  expressed,  that  it  was  designed 
to  be,  as  it  afterwards  proved,  a  dead  letter — a  mere  political  manoeu- 
vre, intended  to  prevent  the  parent  state  from  interfering  in  the  man- 
agement of  the  slaves." 

From  this  time  to  1770,  a  period  of  74  years,  the  question  of 
slave  instruction  in  Jamaica  received  no  attention.  When,  in 
1770,  Parliament  put  certain  questions  to  Mr.  Weddeburn,  as  to 
the  actual  state  of  religious  instruction  of  slaves  in  the  island, 
he  replied :  "  There  are  a  few  properties  on  which  there  are  Mo- 
ravian parsons ;  but,  in  general,  there  is  no  religious  instruction." 
The  same  testimony  was  borne  at  the  same  time  by  Mr.  Fuller, 
agent  of  Jamaica,  and  two  others,  who,  when  asked  "  what  re- 
ligious instructions  are  there  for  the  negro  slaves,"  answered, 
"  we  know  of  none  such  in  Jamaica." 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Coke,  who  was  sent  out  on  a  missionary  explo- 
ration, in  1787,  says : 

"  When  I  first  landed  in  Jamaica,  the  form  of  Grodliness  was  hardly 
visible  ;  and  its  power,  except  in  some  few  solitary  instances,  was  totally 
unknown.  Iniquity  prevailed  in  all  its  forms.  Both  whites  and  blacks, 
to  the  number  of  between  300,000  and  400,000,  were  evidently  living 
without  hope  and  without  God  in  the  world.  The  language  of  the 
Apostle  seems  sirikingly  descriptive  of  their  entire  depravity :  '  There 
is  none  righteous,  no,  not  one,^  there  is  none  that  understandeth,  there 
is  none  that  seeketli  after  God.  Their  throats  are  an  open  sepulchre  ; 
with  their  tongue  they  have  used  deceit ;  the  poison  of  asps  is  under 
their  lips  ;  their  feet  are  swift  to  shed  blood,  and  the  way  of  peace 
they  have  not  known." 


24  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

In  1706,  Mr.  Edwards,  the  historian  of  the  West  Indies,  in 
his  place  in  the  House  of  Commons,  when  speaking  of  sending 
missionaries  to  a  certain  point  in  Jamaica,  said : 

"  I  speak  from  my  own  knowledge  when  I  say,  that  they  are  canni- 
bals, and  that  instead  of  listening  to  a  missionary,  they  would  certainly 
eat  him.'' 

The  introduction  of  the  Gospel  into  Jamaica,  as  well  as  into 
the  other  West  India  Islands,  met  with  the  most  rancorous  op- 
position from  the  planters,  who,  with  some  honorable  exceptions, 
viewed  the  religious  instruction  of  the  slaves  as  "  incompatible 
with  the  existence  of  slavery."  The  work  of  missions  therefore, 
though  begun  in  Jamaica,  by  the  Baptists  in  1814,  and  by  the 
Methodists  in  1789  and  again  in  1815,  made  but  little  progress, 
being  resolutely  opposed  until  about  1820.  In  1824,  the  Mora- 
vians, who  had  commenced  so  far  back  as  1754,  had  four  stations 
and  four  missionaries ;  the  Wesleyans  eight  stations  and  eight 
missionaries ;  and  the  Baptists  five  stations  and  five  missionaries. 

Though  overawed  by  the  mother  country,  the  planters  still 
manifested  bitter  hostility  to  the  religious  instruction  of  the 
slaves.  In  1824,  they  renewed  their  persecutions  of  the  mission- 
aries, and  in  1832,  on  a  partial  insurrection  of  the  blacks  —  be- 
ginning in  December,  1831  —  their  wrath  overflowing  all  bounds, 
they  commenced  an  indiscriminate  destruction  of  the  mission  prop- 
erty. In  this  frightful  crusade  against  the  Gospel,  they  destroyed 
no  less  than  14  chapels,  with  private  houses  and  other  property, 
belonging  to  the  Baptists,  amounting  in  value  to  $115,250;  and 
6  chapels  belonging  to  the  Methodists,  and  property  worth  $30- 
000.  Every  species  of  cruelty  and  insult  was  inflicted  upon  the 
missionaries. 

The  emancipation  act  of  the  following  year,  1833,  going  into 
effect  August  1,  1834,  by  which  the  slaves  became  apprentices 
and  afterwards,  in  1838,  were  set  entirely  free,  forever  put  it  out 
of  the  power  of  the  planters  to  repeat  such  acts  of  violence  and 
injustice.  The  missions  have  since  been  continued  among  the 
colored  people  of  the  British  West  Indies,  with  varying  results, 
as  we  shall  hereafter  see. 

To  gain  a  true  idea  of  the  varied  conditions  of  the  population 


MISSIONS  IN  THE  WEST  INDIES.  25 

of  the  several  British  West  India  Islands,  a  more  definite  state- 
ment must  be  made.  The  principal  facts  are  taken  from  New- 
comb's  Encyclopaedia  of  Missions,  second  revised  edition,  New 
York,  1858.  * 

Antigua,  settled  in  1632,  had  a  total  population,  in  1846,  of 
33,726,  of  whom  23,350  were  blacks.  The  Gospel  was  intro- 
duced into  this  island  in  1760,  by  one  of  its  leading  public  men, 
Mr.  Gilbert,  who  had  become  a  convert  to  Christianity,  under  the 
preaching  of  Mr.  Wesley,  during  a  visit  to  England.  Nearly  200 
persons  were  united  in  Christian  fellowship  under  his  superinten- 
dence ;  but  while  thus  zealously  employed,  for  the  good  of  his 
own  slaves  and  that  of  others,  he  was  removed  by  death,  and  the 
flock  left  as  sheep  without  a  shepherd.  In  the  prosecution  of  his 
labors,  he  was  encountered  by  bitter  hostility.  His  loss  to  these 
converts  was  supplied  by  a  pious  shipwright,  who  for  about  eight 
years  kept  them  together,  until  Dr.  Coke,  in  1786,  supplied  a 
permanent  missionary  to  the  island. 

This  mission  appears  to  have  enjoyed,  for  many  years,  an  al- 
most uninterrupted  prosperity,  until  1826,  when  all  the  mission- 
aries, with  part  of  their  families,  13  in  all,  perished  at  sea,  in  re- 
turning from  a  district  meeting  held  in  St.  Christophers. 

St.  Vincents,  settled  in  1763,  had,  in  1846,  a  population  of 
26,533,  of  whom  18,114  were  blacks.  The  first  missionary  was 
introduced  into  St.  Vincents  in  1787,  by  Dr.  Coke.  At  first  the 
mission  Avas  successful,  and  the  opposition,  for  several  years,  was 
confined  to  some  lawless  individuals;  but  at  length  the  arm  of 
authority  was  turned  against  the  mission,  and  the  Colonial  As- 
sembly passed  certain  laws  calculated  to  root  out  the  Wesleyans 
from  the  island.  The  law  was  extremely  severe,  including  ban- 
ishment and  death,  under  certain  circumstances.  The  majority 
of  the  people,  however,  were  opposed  to  the  law,  and  it  remained 
in  force  but  a  short  time  —  the  king  having  vetoed  it,  as  contrary 
to  the  principles  of  toleration.  While  it  was  in  force,  however, 
the  missionary  was  arrested,  imprisoned,  and  banished.  Before 
the  passage  of  this  law,  the  converts  numbered  about  1,000 ;  but, 

*  The  dates  of  the  settlements  of  the  islands,  severally,  with  the  number  of  the 
population,  are  taken  from  the  Missionary  Guide  Book,  1846,  London,  which 
gives,  as  its  authority,  Murkay's  Encyclopaedia  of  Geography. —  Newcomb. 


26  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

soon  afterward,  were  reduced  one-half  by  the  dispersions  which 
followed.  In  1794,  two  missionaries  were  sent  out  to  renew  the 
work ;  and  many  returning  from  their  wanderings,  the  congrega- 
tion began  to  increase.  But  the  spirit  of  hostility  was  rather 
smothered  than  subdued.  In  March,  1797,  a  mob,  headed  by  a 
magistrate,  attacked  the  Methodist  chapel,  threw  down  the  rail- 
ings, broke  the  lamps,  pulled  dov/n  the  communion  rails,  and  tore 
the  Bible  in  pieces.  About  a  year  after,  an  attempt  was  made 
upon  the  lives  of  the  missionaries.  Their  house  was  broken  open 
in  the  night,  and  some  ruffians,  armed  with  cutlasses,  entered  the 
sleeping  apartments,  turned  up  the  bed  and  searched  for  them  in 
every  corner.  Happily,  the  missionaries,  anticipating  the  attack, 
had  taken  refuge  for  the  night  at  the  dwelling  of  a  friend. 

Barbados,  settled  in  1624,  had  a  population  in  1846,  of  120,- 
000,  of  whom  66,000  were  blacks.  The  mission  work,  among  the 
slaves,  was  commenced  in  1788,  but  the  missionary  soon  met  with 
violent  opposition,  on  the  ground  that  he  was  disseminating  among 
the  negroes,  notions  incompatible  with  their  condition  as  slaves. 
Repeated  attempts  Avere  made  by  the  mob  to  interrupt  the  meet- 
ings for  worship,  in  which  they  conducted  themselves  in  the  most 
violent  and  outrageous  manner.  An  appeal  to  the  magistrate  for 
redress  proving  fruitless,  the  dwelling  of  the  missionary  was  at- 
tacked with  stones,  and  his  wife  struck  with  violence.  His  suc- 
cessor, in  1791,  found  the  prejudices  so  far  dispelled,  that  he  had 
access  to  more  estates  than  he  could  visit.  Persecution  had  now 
nearly  ceased,  but  it  had  given  place  to  a  settled  contempt  for 
divine  things.  But,  in  October,  1823,  intelligence  was  received 
that  an  insurrection  had  broken  out  among  the  slaves  of  Jamai- 
ca, and  the  Methodist  missionaries  were  accused  of  being  acces- 
sory to  it,  by  teaching  sedition  under  pretence  of  giving  instruc- 
tion. The  intelligence  raised  a  storm  of  wrath  against  the  mis- 
sion here,  and  every  indignity  was  heaped  on  the  missionary.  A 
mob  assembled  and  tore  down  the  chapel,  and  the  life  of  the  mis- 
sionary being  in  danger,  he  left  the  island  for  St.  Vincents.  These 
outrages  led  to  a  censure  upon  the  inhabitants  by  the  British 
House  of  Commons ;  and,  to  relieve  themselves  of  the  odium,  94 
of  the  principal  men  signed  a  declaration,  expressing  their  re- 
gret at  the  occurrence,  and  their  approbation  of  the  sentiment- 


MISSIONS   IN  THE   WEST  INDIES.  27 

of  the  House.  But,  in  1826,  when  another  missionary  arrived, 
placiards  were  posted  up,  calling  upon  the  mob  to  tar  and  feather 
him,  and  the  president  refused  him  a  license  to  preach.  Yet,  af- 
terward, he  proceeded  in  his  work  without  molestation,  a  new 
chapel  was  erected,  the  prejudice  against  the  Methodists  subsided, 
and  a  prosperous  mission  was  established. 

Virgin  Islands,  settled  in  1660,  had  7,731  inhabitants  in  1846, 
of  whom  4,318  were  blacks.  The  mission  work  was  begun,  in 
this  group  of  islands,  in  1789.  A  large  society  was  soon  col- 
lected at  Tortola,  and,  other  missionaries  arriving,  the  work  was 
extended  to  Spanish  Town,  and  other  islets  in  the  vicinity.  But, 
in  December,  1805,  a  most  brutal  outrage  was  committed,  by  a 
mob,  on  one  of  the  missionaries  at  Tortola,  by  which  he  came 
near  losing  his  life.  This  was  done  in  revenge  for  an  alleged 
publication  in  England,  respecting  the  morals  of  the  people  of  the 
island.  Before  the  commencement  of  this  mission,  every  species 
of  wickedness  prevailed  among  the  negroes;  but  since  the  \Gos- 
pel  entered,  their  superstitious  practices  have  been  abandoned. 
No  early  statistics  of  membership  are  given,  but,  in  1853,  the 
church  in  Tortola,  is  said  to  have  had  1,604  members. 

Bermudas,  settled  in  1612,  had  a  population,  in  1846,  of  8,- 
720,  of  whom  3,314  were  blacks.  These  are  a  numerous  cluster 
of  small  islands,  included  in  the  West  Indies,  and  belonging  to 
the  British.  A  mission  was  commenced  on  Somer's  Island,  in 
1779,  which  had  to  encounter  the  prejudices  of  the  whites  and 
the  heathenish  superstitions  of  the  blacks :  the  latter  being  found 
under  the  slavish  dominion  of  witchcraft,  as  it  prevails  in  Africa ; 
but  it  was  not  long  before  the  Gospel  began  to  exert  its  influence. 
Yet  this  was  no  sooner  manifested,  than  the  hostility  of  the 
whites  was  aroused.  Laws  were  passed  similar  to  those  in  Ja- 
maica ;  and  the  missionary  was  imprisoned  six  months  in  the  com- 
mon jail,  by  which  his  health  was  so  impaired  that  he  was  re- 
called, and  the  island  left  destitute  of  the  Gospel  for  six  years. 
In  1808,  another  missionary  visited  the  island,  but  found  the  so- 
ciety previously  gathered  by  the  first  missionary  dispersed.  Ob- 
taining permission  from  the  governor,  he  commenced  his  labors, 
but  without  any  great  success.  In  1853,  the  Church  members 
numbered  445. 


28  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

Bahamas,  settled  in  1783,  had  a  population,  in  1846,  of  18,718, 
of  whom  7,734  were  blacks.  These  islands  are  the  most  western 
of  the  West  Indies,  extending  along  the  coast  of  Florida,  toward 
Cuba.  The  first  mission,  in  these  islands,  was  commenced  in 
1800  ;  and  though  a  law  had  been  previously  enacted,  prohibiting 
the  instruction  of  slaves,  the  missionary,  having  obtained  permis- 
sion to  preach,  soon  succeeded  in  raising  a  small  society.  Other 
missionaries  arriving,  the  work  was  successfully  extended  to  sev- 
eral of  the  islands,  where  a  great  reformation  followed  their 
labors.  But,  in  1816,  the  legislature  passed  an  act  prohibiting, 
under  severe  penalties,  meetings  for  divine  worship  earlier  than 
sun-rise  and  later  than  sun-set,  thus  depriving  the  slaves  of  the 
privilege  of  attending.  After  a  few  years,  however,  the  legisla- 
ture retraced  its  steps,  and  repealed  the  restrictions  which  had 
been  laid  upon  the  poor  negroes.  In  1853,  the  Methodist  mission, 
in  the  Bahamas,  had  2,800  members. 

Besides  the  missions  already  noticed,  the  Methodists  established 
many  others,  the  details  of  which  are  not  given  in  the  work  from 
which  we  quote. 

As  the  final  result  of  the  whole  labors  of  the  Methodists,  in 
the  West  Indies,  including  Hayti,  Guiana,  and  some  of  the  Dutch 
and  Danish  Islands,  their  church  members,  in  1853,  numbered 
48,589.  This  included  the  converts  among  the  coolies,  for  whom 
missionaries  have  been  appointed. 

In  noticing  the  results  of  the  missionary  efforts  in  Jamaica, 
the  Baptist  missions  were  referred  to  as  having  suffered  along 
with  the  Methodists.  The  Baptists  entered  that  field  in  1814. 
Encouraged  by  early  indications  of  success,  the  Society  pressed 
forward  in  its  work,  increasing  the  number  of  its  laborers  and 
forming  new  stations,  till,  at  the  annual  meeting  of  the  missiona- 
ries at  Falmouth,  in  April,  1831,  the  number  of  members  reported 
was  10,838.  The  year  following,  the  terrible  mob  violence, 
already  noticed,  broke  up  all  their  missions  and  destroyed  their 
property.  But  they  were  again  soon  reorganized,  and  the 
churches  continued  to  prosper  to  such  a  degree,  that  they  were 
never  in  a  better  condition  than  when  the  emancipation  act  was 
carried  into  full  effect  in  1838.  In  1841,  the  number  of  members 
had  increased  to  27,706 ;  and,  in  Jamaica,  in  1842,  the  ministers 


MISSIONS   IN   THE   WEST    INDIES.  29 

unanimously  resolved,  as  an  appropriate  commemoration  at  once 
of  the  day  of  freedom  and  the  jubilee  of  the  mission,  to  detach 
themselves  from  the  funds  of  the  parent  society,  after  the  first  of 
August  ensuing.  This  proved  to  be  an  ill-advised  measure,  and 
injurious  to  the  cause  of  missions. 

The  Baptists  extended  their  missions  to  some  of  the  other 
islands,  particularly  after  the  passage  of  the  emancipation  act; 
but,  as  our  aim  in  this  part  of  our  investigations  is,  chiefly,  to 
trace  the  progress  of  the  Gospel  under  slavery,  we  shall  not  add 
further  details  here,  but  leave  them  to  be  noticed  hereafter.  The 
population  of  Jamaica,  in  1846,  was  380,000  of  whom  255,290 
were  blacks,  the  remainder  being  mulattoes  and  whites. 

The  Island  of  St.  Thomas,  settled  in  16 — ,  had,  in  1846,  a 
population  of  5,080,  of  whom  4,500  were  blacks.  In  1732,  the 
Moravians  commenced  their  mission  in  this  island  ;  and  in  1736, 
three  persons  were  baptized.  In  1738,  a  negro  named  Mingo 
was  baptized,  and  became  a  zealous  assistant.  Through  his 
preaching  an  awakening  took  place  over  the  whole  island.  But 
the  planters  opposed  the  work,  and  persecuted  and  imprisoned 
the  missionaries.  Count  Zinzendorf,  however,  who  unexpected- 
ly arrived  in  the  island,  procured  their  liberation.  The  mis- 
sions were  extended  to  the  other  Danish  islands,  St.  Croix  and 
St.  Jan;  and  the  work  progressed,  until,  in  1832,  a  centennary 
jubilee  was  held,  and  the  important  and  encouraging  fact  was 
reported,  that  during  that  period,  37,000  souls  had  been  baptized 
in  these  islands.  All  this  work  was  accomplished  under  slavery, 
as  emancipation,  in  the  Danish  islands,  was  not  effected  until  1848. 

The  Island  of  St.  Jan,  in  1846,  had  a  population  of  2,430,  of 
whom  2,250  were  blacks ;  and  St.  Croix  31,387,  of  whom  29,164 
were  blacks. 

There  are,  at  the  present  time,  in  the  three  Danish  islands, 
St.  Thomas,  St.  Ckoix,  and  St.  Jan,  belonging  to  the  Moravians, 
8  stations,  35  laborers,  and  9,398  converts,  of  whom  2,892  are 
communicants. 

In  Jamaica,  the  Moravians,  in  1804,  fifty  years  from  the  found- 
ing of  the  mission,  were  able  to  report  but  938  negroes  as  having 
been  baptized.  In  1831  and  '32,  as  before  stated,  they  greatly 
suffered  from  mob  violence.     In  1851,  in  a  review  of  the  Jamaica 


30  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

mission,  the  3Ioravian  Church  Miscellany  represents  it  as  com- 
prising 13  stations,  and  the  negroes,  in  connection  with  the 
churches,  as  numbering  13,388,  young  and  old. 

In  Antigua,  a  mission  was  commenced  by  the  Moravians  in 
1756,  which  had  to  endure  much  persecution  from  the  planters ; 
yet,  in  1788,  they  numbered  more  than  6,000  converts.  In  1823, 
there  had  been  received  into  the  Church,  within  the  preceding 
fifty  years,  16,099  converts,  young  and  old.  In  1826,  the  num- 
ber of  slaves  receiving  instruction  was  14,823 ;  and,  at  the  pres- 
ent time,  the  number  of  members  reported  is  8,000,  there  having 
been  some  diminution  attributed  to  the  encroachments  of  other 
denominations.  The  Moravians  also  established  missions  in  St. 
KiTTS,  Barbados,  and  Dutch  Guiana,  with  varying  success. 

The  Church  Missionary  Society ;  the  Society  for  the  propaga- 
tion of  the  Gospel ;  the  London  Missionary  Society ;  and  the 
United  Scotch  Presbyterian  Church,  have  all  established  missions 
in  the  West  'Indies — a  portion  of  them  previous  to  emancipation, 
but,  mainly,  since  that  epoch.  The  statistics  of  their  operations, 
previous  to  1833,  are  not  accessible. 

In  closing  the  history  of  the  Methodist  missions  in  Jamaica,  up  to 
the  period  of  emancipation,  the  writer  from  whom  we  quote,  says  :  * 

"  The  emancipation  of  the  negroes  was  quickly  followed  by  very 
important  changes.  The  Sabbath  was  observed  with  hallowed  strict- 
ness. Nothing  was  to  be  seen  on  that  day  but  decently  dressed  people 
going  to  and  from  their  places  of  worship ;  congregations  were  in- 
creased and  multiplied ;  old  chapels  were  enlarged,  and  new  ones 
erected.  Education  was  also  greatly  extended.  A  great  change  took 
place  also  in  the  public  opinion  of  Jamaica,  as  to  the  Methodist  mis- 
sionaries. Formerly  no  names  were  too  vile,  no  treatment  too  bad  for 
them  ;  even  their  chapels  were  shut  up  or  razed  to  the  ground  as  pub- 
lic nuisances.  Yet  within  five  years  after  the  late  insurrection,  the 
House  of  Assembly  of  Jamaica  made  a  grant  of  £500  to  aid  in  the 
erection  of  a  Methodist  chapel  in  Kingston ;  and,  during  the  discus- 
sion of  the  .subject,  the  highest  eulogiums  were  pronounced  on  the  use- 
fulness of  the  Wesleyan  missionaries.  The  Common  Council  of  King- 
ston, and  several  of  the  parochial  vestries,  followed  the  example  of 
the  Assembly,  and  made  grants  for  similar  purposes." 

*  Encyclopffidift  of  Missions. 


MISSIONS   IN  THE   WEST  INDIES.  31 

The  Bishop  of  Barbados,  too,  thus  described  the  results  : 

"  First.  Wives  and  husbands  hitherto  living  on  different  estates  be- 
gan to  live  together. 

"Second.  The  number  of  marriages  greatly  increased.  One  of  his 
clergy  had  married  ten  couple  a  week,  since  the  first  of  August. 

"  Third.  The  schools  greatly  increased  ;  a  hundred  were  added  in 
one  district. 

"  Fourth.  The  planters  complain  that  their  whole  weeding  gang 
(children),  instead  of  going  to  work,  go  to  school. 

"  Fifth.  All  the  young  women  cease  to  work  in  the  field,  and  are 
learning  female  employment. 

'•  Sixth.     Friendly  societies  for  mutual  relief  have  increased. 

"  Seventh.  The  work  of  the  clergymen  is  doubled.  One  of  the 
chapels  which  held  three  hundred  is  being  enlarged,  so  as  to  contain 
nine  hundred,  and  still  will  not  be  large  enough." 

Under  these  encouragements,  the  missionaries  pressed  onward 
in  their  work,  so  that  in  six  years  after  full  emancipation,  1844, 
they  had  a  membership,  in  Jamaica,  numbering  26,585.  But  1853 
shows  a  falling  oflF  in  the  members  to  19,478.  This  astonishing 
result  is  thus  accounted  for,  in  the  Avork  from  which  we  continue 
to  quote  :  * 

"  Yet,  though  at  the  first  the  prospects  seemed  to  brighten,  after  a 
few  years  they  grew  worse.  Many  of  the  colored  people  purchased 
small  lots  of  land,  sometimes  in  the  mountains,  built  cottages,  and  cul- 
tivated the  ground  for  a  living.  Many  left  their  old  homes  and  sought 
employment  elsewhere,  often  at  a  distance  from  the  house  of  -God. 
Many  grew  worldly-minded,  made  money  the  great  object  of  their  pur- 
suit, and  sought  for  happiness  in  earthly  things.  Some  even  returned 
to  their  vile  heathenish  practices,  which,  it  was  hoped,  they  had  utter- 
ly forgotten." 

In  justice  to  our  common  humanity,  it  must  be  stated  that  — 

"  In  some  of  the  colonies,  there  were  not  only  no  persecuting  laws, 
but  the  missionaries  were  greatly  encouraged,  both  by  the  local  gov- 
ernment, and  by  the  owners  of  slaves.  Even  in  those  islands  where  they 
met  with  persecution,  they  had  many  friends  among  the  planters  and 
others  of  the  white  inhabitants.     Some  built  chapels  on  their  estates, 


Encyclopaedia  of  Missions. 


32  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

and  others  subscribed  handsomely  to  their  erection  in  the  neighbor- 
hood." ^- 

It  will  now  be  apparent,  that  so  far  as  the  influence  upon  the 
blacks  was  concerned,  the  missionary  success  in  Jamaica,  while 
the  work  could  be  prosecuted  peacefully,  was  fully  equal  to  that 
of  any  other  missions  in  any  part  of  the  heathen  world.  The 
history  of  these  missions  proves,  that  slaves  are  not  rendered  in- 
accessible to  the  Gospel,  merely  because  of  their  subjection  to 
slavery ;  but  that,  wherever  the  master  favors  the  work,  encour- 
aging success  is  to  be  expected.  When  closely  analyzed,  the  mo- 
tives prompting  British  Christians  to  urge  emancipation  so  ve- 
hemently, appear  to  have  originated  in  the  belief,  not  that  the 
blacks  were  incapable  of  christianization  under  slavery,  but  that, 
while  slavery  prevailed,  the  masters  would  continue  to  interrupt 
the  mission  work,  and  thus  render  the  conversion  of  the  slaves 
impracticable. 

It  may  be  very  easy,  at  this  day,  to  point  out  defects  in  the 
measures  of  British  Christians,  for  giving  the  Gospel  to  the  West 
India  slaves ;  but  it  must  be  remembered,  that  they  were  engag- 
ing in  a  work  in  which  the  lights  of  experience  aiforded  no  aid. 
Where  the  moral  gloom  appeared  the  darkest,  there  they  first  at- 
tempted to  let  in  the  rays  of  the  Sun  of  Righteousness.  Had 
the  masters  been  first  brought  under  the  influence  of  the  Gospel, 
like  the  christian  master  of  Antigua,  Mr.  Gilbert,  they  would 
have  been  most  efiicient  auxiliaries  in  the  Avork  of  instruction 
among  the  negroes.  All  masters  could  not  have  become  teachers, 
but  all  would  have  given  the  missionaries  free  access  to  their 
slaves  Under  this  state  of  things,  British  Christians  would  not 
have  felt  that  emancipation  was  indispensable  to  the  conversion 
of  the  blacks  ;  and  the  churches,  efi"ecting  their  object  under  ex- 
isting laws,  would  not  have  demanded  the  abolition  of  slavery. 
But  the  opposite  course  having  been  pursued  —  the  throne  having 
been  invoked  to  constrain  the  masters,  and  force  them  to  allow 
the  instruction  of  their  slaves  —  a  position  of  antagonism  was 
produced  between  the  churches  and  the  planters,  producing  re- 

*  Encyclopffidia  of  Missions,  p.  770. 


MISSIONS  IN  THE  WEST  INDIES.  33 

suits,  as  we  shall  see,  that  have  been  ruinous  to  all  the  best  in- 
terests of  both  whites  and  blacks. 

Another  subject  needs  examination  here,  as  it  is  connected  with 
the  British  theory  that  slavery  is  unfavorable  to  an  increase  of 
population. 

Twenty-six  years  after  England  conquered  the  island  of  Ja- 
maica, 1696,  up  to  which  time  the  importation  of  slaves  still  con- 
tinued, the  whites  numbered  15,198,  and  the  slaves  9,500.  At 
the  end  of  an  additional  forty-six  years,  1742,  during  nearly  the 
whole  of  which  period  the  monopoly  of  the  slave  trade  was  held 
by  England,  the  whites  numbered  14,000,  and  the  slaves  100,000. 
The  annual  importation  of  slaves  into  Jamaica,  now  reached  16,- 
000,  so  that  at  the  end  of  another  twenty-eight  years,  1770,  they 
numbered  200,000,  while  the  whites  had  scarcely  increased  2,000. 
These  numbers  show,  that  from  1742  to  1770,  the  number  of 
slaves  who  sunk  under  the  lash  of  the  Jamaica  task-master,  must 
have  been  248,000,  or  almost  9,000  annually.  The  whole  num- 
ber of  slaves  imported  into  this  island  by  the  English,  up  to  1808, 
when  the  slave  trade  was  forbidden,  was  850,000,  to  which  must 
be  added  the  40,000  previously  imported  by  the  Spaniards,  mak- 
ing the  total  number  of  Africans  transported  to  Jamaica,  amount 
to  890,000.  And  yet  the  startling  truth  must  be  told,  that  when 
the  census  was  taken,  in  1835,  under  the  emancipation  act,  so  as 
to  determine  the  distribution  of  compensation  to  the  masters,  in- 
stead of  there  having  been  any  increase  on  the  numbers  imported, 
they  amounted  to  only  311,692. 

But  Jamaica  was  not  alone  in  this  wholesale  destruction  of  hu- 
man life.  Taking  the  whole  of  the  British  West  India  Colonies, 
and  the  most  astonishing  results  are  presented.  The  total  im- 
portation of  slaves  into  these  islands  —  including  Jamaica  —  up 
to  1808,  was  1,700,000,  while  the  number  left  for  emancipation, 
including  their  descendants,  was  but  660,000.  * 

Such  are  the  leading  facts  upon  which  British  philanthropists 
based  their  theories  upon  slavery,  in  its  effects  upon  population 
and  upon  African  evangelization.  We  shall  again  have  occasion 
to  refer  to  these  theories. 

*  See  Compend  of  U.  S.  Census,  1850,  —  also  "  Ethiopia." 

3 


34  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

But  whence  originated  the  white  men,  who  so  resolutely  op- 
posed the  introduction  of  the  Gospel  into  the  West  Indies,  and 
impiously  attempted  to  shut  out  the  light  of  heaven  from  the 
darkened  souls  of  its  slaves  ?  In  answer  to  this  question,  we  shall 
draw,  briefly,  upon  the  history  of  Jamaica,  before  referred  to,  by 
Rev.  Mr.  Phillippo,  as  a  type  of  the  whole : 

"  The  Island  of  Jamaica,  discovered  in  1492,  was  settled  by  a  col- 
ony of  Spaniards  in  1509,  who,  by  their  oppressions  and  savage  cruel- 
ties, in  less  than  fifty  years  wholly  exterminated  the  native  Indian 
population,  originally  numbering  from  80,000  to  100,000.  African 
slaves  seem  to  have  been  introduced  at  an  early  day  as  substitutes  for 
the  natives  ;  and  up  to  1655,  when  the  English,  then  at  war  with  Spain, 
took  possession  of  the  island,  40,000  slaves  had  been  imported  by  the 
Spaniards,  only  1,500  of  whom  were  then  surviving.  Jamaica,  by  this 
change  of  masters,  was  not  much  improved  in  its  social  and  moral  con- 
dition, which,  under  the  146  years  of  Spanish  rule,  had  been  deplora- 
ble. It  now  became  the  rendezvous  of  buccaneers  and  piratical  cru- 
saders, a  desperate  band  of  men  from  all  the  maritime  powers  of  Europe, 
who  continued  to  perpetrate  ahnost  every  degree  of  wickedness,  both  on 
sea  and  land,  until  1760,  when  peace  was  made  with  Spain,  and  a  more 
vigorous  administration  of  law  attempted." 

The  English  people  deduced  four  theories  from  the  facts  de- 
tailed : 

1.  That  the  Slave  Trade  is  incompatible  with  African  evan- 
gelization. 

2.  That  Slavery,  wherever  it  prevails,  is  adverse  to  an  increase 
of  population. 

3.  That  Slavery  presents  an  insuperable  barrier  to  the  evan- 
gelization of  the  Africans  subjected  to  its  control. 

4.  That  Free  Labor  is  more  profitable  than  slave  labor  —  the 
labor  of  one  freeman,  under  the  stimulus  of  wages,  being  more 
productive  than  that  of  two  slaves,  toiling  under  the  dread  of  the 
lash. 

These  propositions  we  propose  to  examine,  in  detail,  in  'the 
following  pages,  so  as  to  judge  of  their  applicability  to  American 
Slavery. 


ERRORS  IN  BRITISH  THEORIES.  35 


CHAPTER    II. 

EXAMINATION  OF  THE  ERRORS  IN  THE  BRITISH  THEORIES,  AS  AP- 
PLIED TO  AMERICAN  SLAVERY  BEFORE  WEST  INDIA  EMANCIPA- 
TION. 

In  turning  from  the  consideration  of  the  results  of  British  Col- 
onial  Slave^-y,  to  inquire  into  the  results  of  American  Slavery,  * 
some  very  striking  facts  are  presented,  which  show  a  well-marked 
diversity  in  the  two  systems.  The  theories  entertained  by  the 
English,  were  of  slow  growth,  and  not  fully  adopted  until  near 
the  period  of  West  India  Emancipation.  To  form  a  correct  judg- 
ment in  relation  to  American  slavery,  and  to  fairly  contrast  it 
with  the  British  system,  a  period  must  be  embraced  of  equal  ex- 
tent to  that  required  to  form  the  English  theories.  They  were 
four  in  number,  as  stated  in  the  close  of  the  preceding  chapter ; 
and,  with  a  view  to  the  more  distinct  understanding  of  the  whole 
of  the  questions  to  be  examined,  we  may  consider  them  in  sep- 
arate sections  : 

Section  I.  —  That  the  Slave  Trade  is  incoIupatible  with 
African  Evangelization. 

This  theory  was  fully  sustained  by  the  effects  of  the  slave  trade 
upon  Africa  itself.  Looking  at  the  question  from  that  point  of 
view  alone,  it  was  a  logical  deduction  from  the  facts  then  revealed 
in  the  history  of  that  traffic.  It  presented  no  redeeming  trait  in 
its  character,  and  not  a  solitary  circumstance  connected  with  its 
prosecution,  that  tended,  in  the  slightest  degree,  to  work  the  least 

*  The  term  "  American  Slavery,"  unless  otherwise  stated,  applies  to  that  of 
the  United  States. 


36  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

improvement  in  the  moral  condition  of  its  subjects.  On  land,  it 
greatly  aggravated  the  warlike  disposition  of  the  natives,  and 
caused  the  soil  of  Africa  to  whiten  with  human  bones.  In  the 
holds  of  the  slave  ships,  despair  and  death  were  ever  present,  and 
hope  and  joy  never  entered. 

But  when  a  broader  view  of  the  subject  is  taken,  the  hand  of 
God  is  perceivable  in  this  wonderful  movement.  Africa  was  sunk 
in  the  deepest  moral  darkness,  and  had  wholly  forgotten  the  only 
Creator.  Among  her  gods  were  gods  of  blood,  and  human  be- 
ings the  offerings  sacrificed  upon  their  altars.  Wars  were  waged 
to  multiply  captives,  that  the  number  of  sacrifices  might  be  en- 
larged, and  the  anger  of  the  deities  more  fully  appeased  or  their 
favor  more  certainly  secured.  The  slave  trader  presented  him- 
self in  the  midst  of  the  worshipers,  and  offered  a  price  for  the 
victims.  Superstition,  overpowered  by  cupidity,  accepting  gold 
instead  of  blood,  dropped  the  sacrificial  knife,  and  the  devoted 
one  gladly  went  into  slavery  to  escape  the  impending  horrible 
death. 

The  Portuguese  took  the  lead  among  European  nations  in  the 
traffic  in  slaves.  The  first  experiment  was  made  in  1442.  It 
proved  successful,  and  many  private  adventurers  soon  afterward 
embarked  in  the  trade.  In  1481,  the  king  of  Portugal,  taking 
the  title  of  Lord  of  Guinea,  erected  many  forts  on  the  African 
coast  for  the  protection  of  the  traffic.  As  early  as  1503,  a  few 
negro  slaves  had  been  sent  into  St.  Domingo ;  and,  in  1511,  Fer- 
dinand had  permitted  them  to  be  imported  in  great  numbers.  In 
1518,  some  Genoese  merchants,  who  had  purchased  the  monopoly 
of  the  trajBic  in  slaves  from  a  favorite  of  Charles,  commenced 
their  transportation  from  Africa  to  America,  *  and  brought  the 
slave  trade  into  that  regular  form  which  it  long  maintained.  The 
French  next  obtained  its  monopoly,  and  kept  it  until  it  yielded 
them,  according  to  Spanish  official  accounts,  the  sum  of  $204,- 
000,000.  In  1713,  the  English,  at  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  secured 
it  for  thirty  years  ;  but  Spain,  in  1739,  purchased  the  British 
right,  for  the  remaining  four  years,  by  the  payment  of  |500,000. 
The  Dutch  also  participated  in  the  trafiic  ;  and,  in  1620,  intro- 


*  ''America  "  here  refers  to  the  West  Indies,  Mexico,  South  America,  Brazil,  &c. 


SLAVE  TRADE  AND  AFRICAN  EVANGELIZATION.  37 

duced  the  first  slaves  into  the  North  American  Colonies.  In  1808, 
the  traffic  in  slaves  was  prohibited  by  both  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain. 

In  the  earlier  years  of  the  slave  trade,  the  Christian  world  was 
in  no  condition  to  send  the  Gospel  to  heathen  lands.  In  1516, 
says  an  eminent  historian,  "  Religion  was  regarded  only  as  an  in- 
strument of  government,"  *  The  Reformation,  then  only  begin- 
ning, was  long  in  making  such  progress  as  enabled  Protestant 
Christians  to  engage  in  attempts  to  propagate  their  religion.  They 
were  more  concerned  for  themselves,  and  for  their  children,  than 
for  the  world  at  large  ;  as  it  was  long  doubtful  whether  they  could 
maintain  their  ground  in  opposition  to  the  power  wielded  against 
them.  These  were  days  of  darkness  and  discouragement,  but 
light  and  hope  at  length  arose,  and  Christians  began  to  put  on 
their  armor  to  battle  for  the  extension  of  the  kingdom  of  Christ. 
It  was  not  until  near  the  close  of  the  18th  century,  that  Chris- 
tian missions  were  vigorously  commenced,  by  some  of  the  Brit- 
ish churches ;  and  it  was  only  in  1812,  that  the  first  American 
missionaries  went  into  their  fields  in  Asia.  Six  years  earlier,  the 
father  of  our  Foreign  Missionary  scheme,  Samuel  J.  Mills,  re- 
corded this  memorable  sentence  :  "  I  think  I  can  trust  myself  in 
the  hands  of  God,  and  all  that  is  dear  to  me  ;  but  I  long  to  have 
the  time  arrive,  when  the  Gospel  shall  be  preached  to  the  pooi' 
Africans^  A  few  years  later  brought  around  the  organization 
of  the  African  Colonization  Society ;  and  Mr.  Mills  oflered  him- 
self, as  an  explorer,  to  find  a  highway  for  the  colored  man's  re- 
turn to  the  land  of  his  fathers.  He  accomplished  his  object,  1817, 
only  to  find  his  grave,  on  the  return  voyage,  in  the  midst  of  the 
sea. 

The  Christian  Church  had  now  become  awakened  to  the  impor- 
tance of  extending  the  Gospel  to  the  heathen  throughout  the 
world.  Asia,  with  its  pagan  inhabitants  and  its  false  religions, 
was  not  unknown  to  the  Christians  of  Europe  and  America.  But 
Africa,  with  its  barbarous  hordes  and  murderous  religious  rites, 
was  known  only  to  the  slave  trader.  Much  had  to  be  learned  in 
relation  to  the  mode  of  conducting  Christian  missions.  In  turn- 
ing over  the  historic  page,  it  was  found  that  — 

*  D'Aubignes  History  of  the  Reformation. 


38  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

"  Christianity,  at  first,  went  wherever  a  preparation  had  been  made 
for  its  reception  by  the  scattering  and  settlement  of  the  Jewish  race, 
and  by  the  preexistent  diffusion  of  the  scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament, 
in  the  Greek  language.  Within  these  limits  the  Gospel  seated  itself, 
and  there  it  held  its  position  with  more  or  less  of  continuity  ;  and  be- 
yond the  same  limits  it  was,  indeed,  carried  forth,  and  it  won  its  tri- 
umphs ;  but  soon  it  lost  its  hold  ;  soon  it  retreated,  and  disappeared, 
leaving  only  some  scattered  and  scarcely  appreciable  fragments  on  its 
spots,  to  denote  the  course  it  had  taken."  * 

If  primitive  Christianity  could  only  sustain  itself  permanent- 
ly, in  the  midst  of  the  civilized  races  of  men,  what  security 
was  there  that,  in  the  18th  and  19th  centuries,  it  could  be  ex- 
tended among  the  barbarous  tribes  of  Africa,  or  of  any  other 
country  ?  Whether  the  founders  of  modern  missions  had  doubts 
upon  this  subject  or  not,  they  wisely  resolved,  in  sending  out 
missionaries,  that  the  school  and  the  church  should  be  insepara- 
ble. This  was  the  more  necessary,  as,  in  every  field  occupied, 
whether  in  Asia,  Africa,  the  Islands  of  the  Sea,  or  among  the 
Indians  of  North  America,  a  strange  language  had  to  be  studied 
before  the  missionary  could  deliver  his  message  of  salvation. 

But  what  was  God  doing,  while  man  was  thus  tardily  preparing 
for  the  evangelization  of  the  world?  British  and  American  Chris- 
tians, enjoying  religious  freedom,  and  using  a  common  language, 
were  the  most  active  and  zealous  in  promoting  the  work  of  mis- 
sions. The  slave  trade  had  brought  to  their  doors  its  thousands 
of  thousands  of  Africans,  who,  under  slavery,  had  been  taught 
the  English  language,  and  were  thus  prepared  to  be  instructed, 
directly,  by  the  Christian  teacher,  who  knew  only  his  mother 
tongue.  Many  Christians,  both  English  and  American,  beheld 
the  hand  of  God  in  this  movement,  and  accepted  it  as  a  Provi- 
dential dispensation,  bringing  within  their  reach  a  race  of  men 
otherwise  inaccessible  to  the  Gospel.  Others,  equally  devoted  to 
the  cause  of  Christ,  and  anxious;  to  extend  his  kingdom  among 
men,  consecrated  themselves  to  the  work  in  Africa  itself.  The 
barbarism  of  that  benighted  people  was  thus  assailed  at  the  two 
extremes.     In  the  West  Indies  the  teachers  were  few,  and  met 

*  Isaac  Taylor's  Wesley  and  Methodism,  p.  293. 


SLAVE  TRADE   AND   AFRICAN  EVANGELIZATION.  39 

with  opposition  ;  while,  in  the  United  States  they  were  numerous, 
with  none  to  interrupt  their  labors.  The  results  among  the  en- 
slaved Africans  were  most  encouraging ;  but  the  results  in  Afri- 
ca itself  were  not  so  successful.  The  eflforts  to  plant  the  Gospel 
in  that  barbarous  land  led  to  the  discovery  of  many  facts  of  sig- 
nificant import,  which  convey  lessons  of  instruction  not  to  be 
overlooked.  The  climate  of  Africa  proved  itself  so  unfavorable 
to  the  health  of  white  men,  that  only  a  few  of  the  missionaries 
could  labor  long  in  that  field.  It  was  farther  found,  that  the 
men  and  women  of  mature  years  were  incapable  of  compre- 
hending moral  or  religious  truths ;  and  that,  from  the  degraded 
condition  of  the  population,  it  was  impracticable  to  elevate  the 
youth  to  the  practice  of  a  sound  christian  morality,  except  by 
carefully  excluding  them  from  the  society  of  the  natives.  To  do 
this,  the  teacher  had  to  exert  a  despot's  power,  as  the  only  means 
of  restraining  them  from  the  ways  of  evil.  He  had  to  limit  their 
liberties,  as  the  only  means  by  which  he  could  preserve  their 
morals.  To  let  them  run  at  will,  rendered  his  teachings  power- 
less for  good,  and  ensured  their  moral  destruction.  *  These  re- 
sults were  nothing  new  in  the  history  of  the  workings  of  fallen 
human  nature.  Neglected  children,  in  the  midst  of  a  vicious 
population,  whatever  their  color,  always  run  to  ruin.  No  exemp- 
tion from  the  workings  of  this  law  prevails  in  Africa,  any  more 
than  in  other  lands  ;  on  the  contrary,  the  fatal  results,  in  that 
country,  to  the  unrestrained  youth,  are  only  the  more  certain, 
because  of  the  greater  degradation  of  its  population. 

These  facts  include  lessons  of  grave  importance.  God  rules 
among  the  children  of  men.  He,  alone,  knows  how  to  carry  out 
measures  sufficiently  broad  to  secure  the  accomplishment  of  his 
purposes.  He  seemed  to  have  decreed  the  redemption  of  Africa. 
To  eflfect  that  work,  it  was  necessary  that  Africans  themselves 
should  be  educated  for  the  execution  of  the  task  :  for  in  its  cli- 
mate the  white  man  sickens  and  dies,  where  the  black  man  may 
dwell  in  safety.  The  slave  trader  carried  away  the  sons  of 
Africa,  and  placed  them  in  contact  with  British  and  American 
civilization ;  where  the  restraints  of  slavery  forced  them  to  ac- 

*  See  the  Ilopon  of  Bishop  Scott,  on  his  return  from  Liberia. 


40  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

quire  a  knowledge  of  agriculture,  mechanical  arts,  literature, 
science,  and  religion.  The  hand  of  God  is  as  plainly  discernible 
in  this  dispensation  of  his  Providence,  towards  the  African  race, 
as  it  was  in  sending  Jacob  into  Egypt  with  his  sons,  and  permit- 
ting the  enslavement  of  their  posterity,  that  they  might  afterward 
rise  above  their  former  pastoral  condition.  Without  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  arts,  sciences,  and  agriculture,  acquired  by  them 
under  Egyptian  slavery,  the  people  of  Israel  never  could  have 
become  a  great  nation. 

Such  is  precisely  the  condition  of  the  black  race  of  men. 
Africa  had  slumbered  on,  for  thousands  of  years,  in  sloth  and 
pollution.  The  slave  trade  came  as  a  means  of  mental  excitation 
to  her  people.  Carried  away  from  a  life  of  indolence  to  one  of 
active  industry,  the  intellect  of  the  negro  became  awakened  under 
the  very  chains  which  bound  him.  Visited  by  the  disciples  of 
Jesus,  he  found  that  human  sympathy  was  a  reality.  Amazed  at 
the  discovery,  he  listened  with  joy  to  the  story  of  redeeming  love. 
Convinced,  from  past  experience,  that  mankind  are  in  open  re- 
bellion against  God,  and  that  each  individual  heart  is  depraved 
and  sinful,  he  willingly  accepted  the  offered  salvation.  This  ac- 
complished, that  same  Providence  which  permitted  the  slave  trader 
to  bring  him  a^yiy  from  Africa,  now  influences  the  master's  heart 
to  send  his  Christian  slave  back  to  the  land  of  his  fathers,  with 
the  tidings  of  salvation  to  its  people.  * 

Again,  we  repeat :  Providence,  unquestionably,  designs  to  teach 
a  lesson  to  Christians,  by  the  permission  of  the  African  slave 
trade   and  African  slavery.     By  the  introduction  of  these  two 

*  Among  the  Episcopal  missionaries  who  went  to  Abbeokuta,  in  1846,  was 
the  Rev.  Samuel  Crowther,  a  native  of  Yoruba,  who  had  been  captured  by  the 
Fellatahs,  in  1821,  and  sold  to  the  traders  at  Lagos.  Shipped  on  board  a  slaver 
for  Brazil,  recaptured  by  an  English  cruizer,  educated  at  Sieri-a  Leone,  ordained 
to  the  ministry  of  the  Gospel  in  England,  he  had  now  returned,  after  twenty- 
five  years  of  absence  from  his  native  land,  to  proclaim  the  way  of  salvation  to 
his  relatives  and  countrymen;  and  he  had  the  inexpressible  gratification  of 
finding  his  mother  and  two  sisters,  soon  after  his  arrival,  and  of  being  instru- 
mental in  the  conversion  of  his  mother  to  Christianity.     "Ethiopia,"  p.  215. 

Mr.  Crowther,  although  carried  ofi^  by  the  slave  traders,  was  never  enslaved — 
being  recaptured  before  reaching  Brazil.  Other  similar  instances  have  occur- 
red, where  the  captives  have  returned,  after  having  endured  many  years  of 
slavery. 


SLAVE  TRADE  AND  AFRICAN  EVANGELIZATION.  41 

great  elements  of  progress,  into  connection  with  modern  civili- 
zation, not  only  were  the  Christian  nations  awakened  to  the  im- 
portance of  commerce  and  manufactures,  as  means  of  national 
aggrandizement,  but  they  were  made  acquainted  with  the  condi- 
tion of  Africa  and  its  population.  The  abject  state  of  its  people 
was  not  the  effect  of  their  subjection  to  a  superior  race  ;  but  the 
deep  degradation  into  which  they  had  sunk  was  the  result  of 
their  own  doings.  The  slave  trade,  in  some  respects,  had  ren- 
dered African  society  less  bloody  in  its  customs,  while  in  others, 
perhaps,  it  had  increased  its  rapacity.  But  all  these  things  were 
to  be  swept  away  before  the  dawn  of  the  millennial  glory,  and  the 
Gospel  brought  to  bear  upon  Africa  as  upon  other  lands.  How 
was  this  to  be  done?  The  fatality  of  its  climate  to  the  white 
man,  would  effectually  prevent  his  rendering  much  aid  in  the 
work,  as  a  resident  missionary.  And,  again,  the  delays  that 
would  be  imposed  upon  him,  in  the  study  of  a  new  language, 
would  increase  the  difficulties  attending  the  introduction  of  the 
Gospel  among  that  people.  Foreseeing  these,  and  all  other  ob- 
stacles to  African  evangelization,  as  also  the  action  of  the  Church 
in  behalf  of  the  African  race,  events,  under  Providence,  were  so 
ordered,  that  the  barbarian  was  brought  to  the  Christian,  instead 
of  awaiting  the  tardier  and  more  dangerous  plan  of  the  Christian 
going  to  the  barbarian. 

But  this  was  not  all.  The  removal  of  the  African  from  his 
own  country,  to  take  his  place  beside  the  christian  teacher,  in  a 
distant  land,  so  far  anticipated  the  awakening  of  the  Church  to  a 
sense  of  her  duty,  that  the  slave,  using  a  foreign  tongue,  was 
taught  the  Christian's  language,  and  prepared  to  comprehend  the 
teachings  of  the  Gospel,  before  the  message  of  salvation  reached 
his  ears.  Here  was  a  very  mysterious  providence,  requiring  not 
the  aids  of  inspiration  for  its  interpretation.  And  more  than  this 
was  effected.  These  children  of  Africa,  instead  of  roving  hither 
and  thither  at  will,  were  compelled  to  remain,  from  year  to  year, 
on  the  same  estates,  thus  allowing  each  succeeding  Sabbath  to 
present  the  same  persons  to  the  religious  teacher  —  a  condition 
of  restraint  that  could  not  be  secured  in  Africa,  and  which,  at- 
tended with  Christian  instruction,  was  more  favorable  to  moral 
improvement  than  any  elsewhere  afforded  to  the  colored  race. 


42  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

And,  yet,  there  were  those  in  the  United  States,  as  well  as  in 
the  West  Indies,  who  refused  to  accept  this  providential  revelation 
of  the  Divine  will  to  the  Church.  But  this  refusal  was  from  very 
different  motives,  and  by  very  different  classes  of  persons.  In 
the  West  Indies,  the  opposition  to  giving  Christian  instruction  to 
the  blacks,  came  from  the  slave  owners ;  in  the  United  States,  it 
came  from  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel.  In  the  former  case,  it 
has  been  reckoned  as  purely  Satanic  in  its  origin ;  in  the  latter, 
its  results  have  been  sufficiently  disastrous  to  indicate  that  it  had 
a  similarity  of  origin.  With  us,  whole  denominations,  nearly, 
shrunk  back  from  the  task  of  giving  the  Gospel  to  the  slaves, 
except  on  condition  that  the  master  would  first  set  them  free. 
This  was  not  exactly  the  form  of  the  proposition,  but  practically 
it  amounted  to  the  same  thing.  In  the  early  days  of  slavery, 
there  were  no  regular  missionaries,  as  now,  among  the  blacks. 
The  ministers  could  not  be  supported  except  by  the  patronage 
of  the  master ;  and  he  would  not  pay  a  ministry  that  cast  him 
out  of  the  church.  The  ministers,  therefore,  had  to  leave,  and 
both  master  and  slave  were  suffered  to  remain  without  the 
means  of  grace ;  or,  else,  were  forced  to  seek  some  other  denom- 
inational connection,  where  their  relations  were  understood  and 
recognized. 

And  what  has  been  the  history  of  these  religious  bodies,  who 
thus  refused  the  Gospel  to  the  poor  barbarian  slave,  unless  they 
could,  at  the  same  time,  place  him  on  terms  of  legal  equality  with 
his  civilized  master  ?  What  has  become  of  these  professed  am- 
bassadors of  Christ,  who  could  stand  aside  and  see  the  poor  bond- 
man sink  to  perdition,-  without  offering  him  the  salvation  that 
would  lead  him  to  heaven,  except  on  the  condition  that  they  could 
first  secure  to  him  his  personal  freedom  on  earth  ?  We  shall  call 
upon  one  of  the  aged  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  to  answer  this 
question.*  He  once  took  the  lead,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  in 
the  anti-slavery  movement  in  his  Church.  In  the  Christian  In- 
structor, of  Philadelphia,  October,  1861,  we  find  him  saying : 

"  The  truth  must  be  spoken  at  all  hazards.  There  is  but  'one  body  ; ' 
Christ  has  but  one  Church  on. earth.     But  it  is  sadly  rent  and  dis- 

*  Rev.  David  McDill,  D.  D..  now  of  Illinois. 


SLAVE  TRADE   AND   AFRICAN  EVANGELIZATION.  43 

figured  by  divisions,  so  that  it  does  not  appear  to  be  '  one.'  Its  glory 
is  sadly  sullied  with  envying  and  strife. 

"  And  the  divisions,  and  their  accompanying  envyings  and  strifes, 
have  been  greatly  multiplied  within  the  last  half  century,  though  we 
have  been  accustomed  to  regard  it  as  the  era  of  Bible  and  Missionary 
Societies,  as  well  as  of  greatly  increased  Christian  activity  and  enter- 
prise. The  writer  can  look  back  to  a  time  within  his  remembrance, 
when  there  was  one  Baptist,  one  Methodist,  one  Associate,  one  Asso- 
ciate Reformed,  one  Reformed,  and  one  Greneral  Assembly  Presbyterian 
Church. 

"  How  is  it  now — how  has  it  been  during  the  period  of  which  we 
have  just  spoken?  The  Baptist  Church  has  divided  into  three  parties, 
the  Methodists  into  three,  the  Associate  into  three,  the  Associate  Re- 
formed into  three  or  four,  the  Reformed  into  four,  the  General  Assem- 
bly Presbyterian  into  six,  viz :  The  Cumberland  Presbyterians,  the 
Old  School  Presbyterians,  the  New  School  Presbyterians,  the  Free 
Church  Presbyterians,  the  Old  School  Presbyterians  South,  and  the 
New  School  Presbyterians  South.  True,  some  of  these  parties  contin- 
ued but  for  a  little  time,  but  still,  they  were  divisions,  and  they  existed 
long  enough  to  produce  some  strife,  and  some  scandal.  Instead  of 
preaching  Christ,  and  him  crucified,  they  were  under  a  kind  of  neces- 
sity which  led  them  too  often  to  inveigh  against  the  errors  and  cor- 
ruptions of  all  the  others,  especially  of  those  who  came  the  nearest  to 
themselves  in  faith  and  practice,  and  from  whom  they  had  separated, 
to  convince  all  that  the  schism  was  not  causeless,  and  that  they  were 
the  only  party  or  '  church  '  which  was  fashioned  according  to  the 
pattern  shown  in  the  Mount.  Thus  the  attention  of  many  was,  in  a 
sad  degree,  directed  to  some  '  peculiarities,'  and  turned  away  from  the 
vital  truths  of  the  Gospel.  Without  inquiring  who  was  to  blame,  or 
who  was  not  to  blame,  for  causing  these  divisions,  have  we  not  reason 
to  regard  Christ  as  addressing  us — we  mean  the  body  of  professing 
Christians — and  putting  the  question  to  .  our  consciences  :  Whereas, 
there   are   among  you  envying,  and  strife,  and   divisions,  are  ye  not 

carnal  ? We    are    not   to    look   for  much   more   Christian 

union,  till  the  Church  in  all  her  branches  become  less  carnal  and  more 
spiritual." 

But  lest  any  one  should  imagine,  as  some  have  done,  that  the 
advancement  made  by  the  negro  race  under  slavery  is  a  necessary 
result  of  that  system,  and  is  not  due,  alone,  to  the  Christian  in- 
struction thej  have  received,  in  connection  with  slavery,  it  is  only 


44  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

necessary  to  refer  to  the  condition  of  the  slaves  in  those  countries 
where  they  have  not  enjoyed  the  teachings  of  the  Gospel.  In  all 
such  cases,  their  barbarism  is  yet  complete,  and  they  are  left  as 
monuments  to  admonish  Christendom  that  nothing,  save  their 
careful  moral  instruction,  can  ever  elevate  them  to  the  level  of 
the  civilized  races.  Indeed,  before  this  volume  is  complete,  it 
will  be  demonstrated,  that  freedom  and  slavery  are  both  alike 
powerless  in  the  redemption  of  the  African  race,  where  careful 
Christian  training  is  not  employed;  and  more  than  this  will  be 
proved,  as  the  facts  will  show  that,  in  their  present  condition, 
wherever  freedom  prevails,  and  they  are  left  unprotected  and  un- 
restrained, they  are,  generally,  so  far  incapable  of  caring  for 
themselves  and  their  offspring,  that  they  are  every  where  tending 
to  extinction,  instead  of  advancing  in  numbers  and  intelligence. 

It  would  seem,  then,  that  the  mission  of  the  slave  trade, 
considered  in  a  Providential  point  of  view,  when  all  the  facts 
before  us  are  taken  into  account,  has  been  to  bring  African  bar- 
barism into  contact  with  Christian  civilization,  as  a  preliminary 
step  toward  the  ultimate  evangelization  of  the  negro  race.  Nor 
has  this  work  of  negro  instruction  been  required,  without  an 
equivalent  being  rendered.  The  contact  of  civilization  and  bar- 
barism, in  this  case,  has  been  of  such  a  nature  as  to  be  of  the 
greatest  possible  advantage,  in  an  economical  point  of  view,  for 
a  long  series  of  years,  to  the  nations  engaged  in  tropical  and  sub- 
tropical cultivation ;  and  it  was  only  after  centuries  had  elapsed, 
during  which  the  moral  instruction  of  the  negroes  had  been 
neglected,  that  the  nations  so  acting  were  deprived  of  their  slaves, 
and  their  tropical  possessions  involved  in  ruin.  A  noted  example 
is  found  in  the  loss  of  Hayti  by  the  French ;  and  an  equally  strik- 
ing one  exists  in  England's  losses  in  her  West  India  colonies. 
In  these  islands,  the  planters  very  generally  refused  the  religious 
teacher  any  access  to  their  slaves  ;  and  a  whirlwind  of  excitement 
raised  in  England,  nearly  three  hundred  years  after  the  introduc- 
tion of  slavery,  swept  away  their  property  interest  in  the  black 
man  forever. 

The  United  States,  as  we  shall  see,  has  most  fully  met  the 
designs  of  Providence  in  permitting  the  slave  trade ;  as  from  the 
first,  the  religious  instruction  of  the  slaves  has  been  an  object  of 


INFLUEXCE  OF  SLAVEKY  ON  POPULATION.  45 

attention.  Nor  has  she  been  content  with  the  home  instruction 
only  of  her  slaves.  By  means  of  the  Colonization  Society,  she 
has  taken  the  preliminary  steps  necessary  to  the  ultimate  evan- 
gelization of  Africa,  thus  aiming  at  obeying  the  teachings  of 
Providence,  as  connected  with  the  permission  of  the  slave  trade 
to  the  civilized  nations. 

But  we  must  conclude  our  remarks  on  this  head.  The  theory 
under  consideration  —  that  the  slave  trade  is  incompatible  with 
African  evangelization  —  may  be  considered  as  sustained,  only  so 
far  as  its  direct  action  upon  Africa  is  concerned;  but  it  is  subject 
to  modifications,  so  far  as  relates  to  its  indirect  action,  and  sup- 
plies a  grand  example  of  the  manner  in  which  the  Almighty  can 
bring  good  out  of  evil.  The  history  of  the  slave  trade,  while 
revealing  to  us  the  heaven-daring  wickedness  of  the  people  of 
Africa,  affords  a  striking  illustration  of  the  general  truth,  that 
when  God  has  designs  of  mercy  toward  a  wicked  people.  He  visits 
them  with  judgments  which  are  adapted  to  secure  their  repent- 
ance and  lead  them  back  to  Himself. 

Section  II. — That  Slavery,  wherever  it  prevails,  is  ad- 
verse TO  AN  INCREASE  OF  POPULATION.  "^ 

A  brief  review  of  the  history  of  American  Slavery,  will  demon- 
strate that  this  theory  is  not  of  general  application,  however  true 
it  may  have  been  as  applied  to  British  Colonial  Slavery. 

The  act  of  Congress  prohibiting  the  slave  trade,  took  effect  in 
1808.  The  act  of  the  British  Parliament,  to  the  same  effect,  went 
into  operation  at  the  same  time.  The  two  nations  made  an  equal 
start  in  attempting  to  arrest  that  traffic.  The  importation  of 
slaves  into  the  United  States,  at  this  date,  including  the  periods 
before  and  after  their  independence,  was  about  400,000.t  The 
importation  into  the  British  West  Indies,  including  the  period  in 
which  they  were  under  Spanish  rule,  was  1,700,000.  J      After 

*The  reader  may  not  understand  the  laws  of  population;  it  may,  therefore, 
be  remarked,  that  in  all  prosperous  communities,  the  births  are  from  four  to 
six  per  cent,  per  annum,  and  the  deaths  from  two  to  three  per  cent.,  giving  an 
increase,  annually,  of  from  two  to  three  per  cent,  to  the  population. 

t  Compend.  of  U.  S.  Census,  1850. 

X  Of  this  number  the  Spaniards  imported  40,000. 


46  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

1808,  the  traffic  in  slaves  could  no  longer  be  prosecuted  under 
the  sanction  of  law  in  either  country,  and  their  importation  was 
discontinued. 

The  United  States  census  for  1830,  shows  that  our  African 
population  at  that  date  had  increased  to  2,328,642,  of  whom 
319,599  were  freemen,  being  an  increase  on  the  400,000  originally 
imported  of  more  than  1,900,000.  The  census  of  the  British 
West  Indies,  taken  in  1835,  under  the  emancipation  act,  shows 
that  these  islands,  at  that  date,  had  a  negro  population  of  only 
660,000,  being  a  decrease  of  more  than  1,000,000  on  the  number 
originally  imported.  * 

From  these  facts,  the  difference  in  the  American  and  the  British 
systems  of  slavery,  in  their  effects  upon  the  increase  of  popula- 
tion, can  be  readily  inferred ;  and  it  will  be  easy  to  perceive, 
also,  how  the  American  and  the  Englishman  —  like  the  two 
knights  of  old,  when  looking  at  the  opposite  sides  of  the  bi-col- 
ored  shield — should  have  adopted  antagonistic  theories  on  this 
question. 

It  is  only  in  the  light  of  these  facts,  that  any  satisfactory  ex- 
planation can  be  given,  why  that  eminent  philanthropist,  Sir 
Thomas  Fowell  Buxton,  in  1831,  when  commenting  on  the 
enormous  decrease  of  the  slave  population  in  the  West  Indies, 
should  have  employed  this  language  : 

"  Where  the  blacks  ai'e  free  they  increase.  But  let  there  be  a 
change  in  only  one  circumstance,  let  the  population  be  the  same  in 
every  respect,  only  let  them  be  slaves  instead  of  freemen,  and  the 
current  is  immediately  stopped."  f 

Here  is  the  theory  of  a  British  philanthropist,  based  upon  the 
workings  of  slavery  under  British  rule.  Must  the  American  ac- 
cept this  theory,  because  a  philanthropist  is  its  author?  Must 
he  let  it  pass  unquestioned,  while  five  distinct  American  census 
returns  stamp  it  as  erroneous?  Why  did  not  Mr.  Buxton  ex- 
amine these  returns,  before  announcing  his  theory  ?  Why  did  he 
not  state  the  true  cause  of  the  constant  decrease  of  the  slave 

*  See  Compend.  of  U.  S.  Census,  1850. 
t  North  British  Review.  Aup;iist.  1848.    ■ 


INFLUENCE   OF   SLAVERY   ON  POPULATION.  47 

population  in  the  West  Indies,  and  its  corresponding  rapid  in- 
crease in  the  United  States  ?  The  cause  of  this  difference  in 
results,  could  have  been  easily  explained.  In  the  West  Indies, 
the  disparity  in  the  sexes,  and  the  neglect  of  infants,  produced  a 
continuous  decrease  of  population ;  while  in  the  United  States, 
the  care  taken  of  infants  by  white  women,  and  the  equality  of 
the  sexes  among  the  slaves,  produced  the  enormous  increase  given 
above.  Added  to  this,  was  another  feature  in  the  history  of  the 
two  systems  of  slavery  —  the  British  and  American  —  which 
marks,  in  a  striking  manner,  their  difference  of  effect  upon  human 
life.  Before  the  cultivation  of  cotton  and  sugar  had  assumed 
any  very  prominent  position  in  the  commerce  of  the  United 
States  —  indeed,  before  any  regular  exports  of  cotton  had  com- 
menced—  provision  had  been  made  for  the  abolition  of  the  slave 
trade.  The  American  planter,  therefore,  when  regular  exports 
had  commenced,  and  were  rapidly  increasing,  was  placed  in  a 
position  in  which  his  reliance  for  an  increase  of  labor  had  to 
depend,  entirely,  on  the  natural  increase  of  his  slaves  already  in 
possession.  And,  even  had  he  been  desirous  of  greatly  increas- 
ing his  laborers,  by  importations  from  Africa,  between  the  periods 
of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  and  the  prohibition  of  the 
slave  trade,  he  could  not  have  done  so,  as  the  Revolution  had  left 
him  too  little  money  to  effect  that  object.  The  care  of  the  slave 
children  thus  became  a  matter  of  great  importance  to  the  Ameri- 
can master.  Quite  different,  however,  was  the  situation  in  which 
the  English  planter  had  been  placed  in  the  West  Indies.  There, 
for  a  century  before  the  prohibition  of  the  traffic  in  slaves,  tropi- 
cal cultivation  by  slave  labor  had  been  conducted  with  great 
profit.  To  secure  to  herself  the  advantages  of  this  cultivation, 
Great  Britain,  in  1713,  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  obtained  the 
monopoly  of  the  slave  trade  for  thirty  years.  The  great  activity 
with  which  the  traffic  was  prosecuted,  at  this  period,  is  referred 
to  elsewhere.  Such  was  the  ease,  then,  with  which  slaves  could 
be  procured  from  Africa,  that  it  became  much  less  expensive  to 
import  them,  than  to  raise  them  on  the  plantations.  The  labor 
of  the  mother  in  the  field  was  vastly  more  valuable  than  her 
services  in  the  nursery.  Again,  as  the  most  aggravated  feature 
in  the  whole  system,  it  was  found  that,  by  over-working,  a  slave 


48  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

could  be  made  to  produce  as  much  in  four  or  five  years,  as,  by 
ordinary  labor,  he  would  do  in  eight  or  ten.  The  aim  of  the 
planter  —  or  rather  of  his  overseer,  the  owner  of  the  estate  being 
usually  a  non-resident  —  was,  therefore,  to  get  the  greatest  possi- 
ble amount  of  work  out  of  the  slave  in  the  least  possible  time  ! 

Such  was  West  India  slavery  as  compared  with  that  of  Amer- 
ica. It  will  now  be  apparent  to  the  most  superficial  thinker, 
that  the  theory  under  consideration  received  a  sad  proof  of  its 
truth  in  the  history  of  British  Colonial  slavery;  but  that  it  is 
wholly  untrue,  as  applied  to  the  slavery  of  the  United  States. 

Section  III. — That  Slavery  presents  an  insuperable  bar- 
rier TO  THE  Evangelization  of  the  Africans  subjected  to  its 

CONTROL. 

We  shall  limit  the  investigations  under  this  head,  in  the  pres- 
ent chapter,  to  the  period  preceding  West  India  Emancipatioi^ 
so  that  the  contrast  between  British  slavery  and  American  slav- 
ery, as  retarding  or  promoting  the  conversion  of  the  colored 
people,  can  be  more  clearly  made  out,  and  the  differences  in  the 
results  be  better  understood.  When  this  is  done,  the  contrast  can 
be  continued  in  another  chapter ;  so  as  to  show  the  difference  in 
the  missionary  success  under  freedom,  in  the  West  Indies  a.nd 
other  parts  of  the  world,  and  under  slavery  in  the  United  States. 
The  claims  set  up  for  emancipation  as  an  economical  measure, 
must  also  be  considered,  in  connection  with  the  question  of  its 
moral  advantages. 

More  than  this,  however,  will  be  necessary,  to  illustrate  the 
whole  of  the  bearings  of  American  slavery,  and  to  determine 
whether,  in  the  present  condition  of  the  colored  people,  their  sub- 
jection to  servitude  does  or  does  not  present  a  barrier  to  their 
christianization.  This  point,  fortunately,  can  be  determined  more 
readily  in  connection  with  American  slavery,  than  with  the  ope- 
rations of  the  system  of  African  bondage  anywhere  else;  because 
the  work  of  emancipation  began,  in  the  United  States,  at  an  early 
day,  and  soon  a  large  number  of  colored  people,  in  a  state  of 
freedom,  appeared  in  the  community.  Thus,  the  two  classes  — 
slaves  and  freemen  —  have  existed  together  ever  since  the  origin 


EARLY  AMERICAN  COLONISTS  AND  SLAVERY.  49 

of  the  government — the  first  census,  in  1790,  showing  a  free 
colored  population  of  nearly  60,000.  The  fact  that  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  freedmen  have  been  wholly  separated  from  the  slave 
population,  by  a  geographical  line,  makes  the  task  of  tracing  the 
results  the  more  easily  performed.  In  this  field  of  investigation, 
as  well  as  in  that  concerning  the  West  Indies,  many  collateral 
topics  must  be  introduced,  in  illustration  of  the  subject  under 
consideration.  The  character  of  these  discussions  may  be  infer- 
red from  the  following  statement  of  the  subjects  examined: 

1.  The  Christian  character  of  the  early  immigrants  of  the  North 
American  Colonies ;  their  estimate  of  the  influence  of  barbarism 
upon  free  institutions ;  and  the  diversity  of  the  means  adopted  to 
avoid  the  evils  anticipated  by  an  increase  of  the  negro  popula- 
tion. 

2.  Opinions  of  Revolutionary  statesmen  upon  the  subject  of 
negro  slavery,  and  the  propriety  and  prospects  of  general  eman- 
cipation. 

3.  Effects  of  emancipation  upon  the  negroes  of  the  United 
States,  previous  to  the  period  of  West  India  Emancipation. 

4.  Contrast  of  the  results  of  freeing  the  blacks  in  the  North, 
with  the  continuation  of  them  in  slavery  in  the  South. 

5.  Deductions  from  the  facts  stated. 

With  this  approximate  statement  of  the  topics  to  be  examined, 
we  may  proceed  with  our  investigations : 

1.  The  Christian  character  of  the  early  immigrants  of  the  North 
American  Colonies;  their  estimate  of  the  influence  of  barbarism 
upo7i  free  institutions;  and  the  diversity  of  the  means  adopted  to 
avoid  the  evils  anticipated  by  an  increase  of  the  negro  population. 

As,  in  closing  the  preceding  chapter,  the  godless  character 
of  the  white  settlers  in  Jamaica  is  referred  to  as  contributing, 
mainly,  to  the  hindrance  of  the  Christian  missions  among  its 
black  population,  so,  in  approaching  the  investigation  of  the 
facts  relating  to  the  favorable  influence  which  American  Slavery 
has  exerted  over  the  cause  of  the  Gospel  among  our  African  pop- 
ulation, it  will  be  necessary  to  refer  to  the  Christian  character 
of  the  early  white  settlers  of  this  country,  as  contributing,  chief- 
ly, to  the  greater  success  here. 
^    4 


50  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

Like  the  white  settlers  of  Jamaica,  numbers  of  the  earlier  emi- 
grants to  America,  were  exiles  from  the  country  of  their  birth  — 
not  as  criminals,  self-exiled,  to  escape  the  punishment  justly  due 
for  crime,  but  exiles  on  account  of  their  religious  belief.  The 
intolerant  zeal  for  religious  uniformity,  prevailing  in  Europe, 
compelled  many  of  its  population  to  flee  from  persecution  to  this 
country,  where  they  could  worship  God  according  to  the  dictates 
of  their  own  consciences.  No  lengthened  eulogy  of  these  men  is 
needed  —  the  Christian  character  of  the  majority  of  them  being  a 
matter  of  history.  With  them  the  school  house  and  the  church  — 
the  sources  of  intelligence  and  morality  —  were  objects  of  the 
first  importance.  They  believed  that  the  perpetuity  of  the  free 
institutions  they  hoped  to  found,  would  depend,  not  upon  any 
magic  in  the  mere  possession  of  freedom,  but  in  the  intelligence 
and  morality  of  their  posterity. 

These  were  not  the  men  to  deny  the  Gospel  to  any  human  be- 
ing. On  the  contrary,  the  Indian  and  the  African  both  received 
attention,  and  both  were  instructed  in  the  Christian  faith.  But 
while  they  labored  for  the  moral  elevation  of  these  children  of 
barbarism,  they  refused  to  admit  them  to  the  privileges  of  citi- 
zenship. No  morbid  sentimentality,  upon  the  subject  of  human 
rights,  could  induce  them  to  overlook  the  dangers  into  which  they 
might  precipitate  themselves,  by  conferring  upon  savage  men,  or 
even  the  half-civilized,  equal  privileges  in  the  government  of  the 
country. 

Time  rolled  on,  and  the  period  of  the  American  Revolution 
approached.  The  slave  trade,  forced  upon  the  colonies  by  the 
mother  country,  was  revealing,  more  and  more,  the  difficulties 
attendant  upon  the  presence  of  a  barbarous  population  in  the 
midst  of  a  civilized  people.  At  the  North,  where  slave  labor  in 
the  field  proved  to  be  profitless,  it  was  felt  to  be  a  grievous  bur- 
den. So  fully  had  this  sentiment  fixed  itself  upon  the  public 
mind,  especially  in  the  northern  colonies,  that  there  was  no  diffi- 
culty in  securing  an  expression  of  opinion  hostile  to  the  slave 
trade.  It  was  not  so  much  because  the  negroes  were  held  as 
slaves,  that  the  colonists  objected  to  their  importation,  as  because 
their  barbarism  presented  a  barrier  to  the  prosperity  of  the  coun- 
try.    This  was  the  true  state  of  public  opinion. 


EARLY  AMERICAN  COLONIST.S   AND   SLAVERY.  51 

An  opportunity  for  the  expression  of  these  sentiments  was 
presented,  when  the  Boston  Port  Bill  passed  the  British  Parlia- 
ment. All  commerce  was  at  once  destroyed,  and  various  meet- 
ings were  immediately  called,  to  consider  the  best  plan  to  be 
pursued  for  the  redress  of  grievances.  The  measures  finally 
adopted,  by  the  colonies,  were  designed  mainly  to  be  retaliatory 
upon  the  commerce  of  Great  Britain.  Accompanying  the  reso- 
lutions adopted  by  the  Colonists  generally,  were  another  class 
of  resolutions  upon  the  question  of  the  slave  trade.  These  were 
passed  in  many  of  the  counties  of  Virginia,  in  some  of  the  Col- 
onial conventions,  and,  finally,  in  those  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress, in  which  the  slave  trade,  and  the  purchase  of  additional 
slaves,  were  specially  referred  to  as  measures  to  be  at  once  dis- 
continued. In  substance  they  declare,  as  the  sentiment  of  the 
people  : 

"  That  the  African  trade  is  injurious  to  the  colonies ;  that  it  ob- 
structs the  population  of  them  by  freemen ;  that  it  prevents  the  immi- 
gration of  manufacturers  and  other  useful  emigrants  from  Europe  from 
settling  among  them ;  that  it  is  dangerous  to  virtue  and  the  welfare  of 
the  population  ;  that  it  occasions  an  annual  increase  of  the  balance  of 
trade  against  them ;  that  they  most  earnestly  wished  to  see  an  entire 
stop  put  to  such  a  wicked,  cruel,  and  unlawful  traffic ;  that  they  would 
not  purchase  any  slaves  hereafter  to  be  imported  ;  nor  hire  their  vessels, 
nor  sell  their  commodities  or  manufactures  to  those  who  are  concerned 
in  their  importation.  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  did  not  follow  the 
example  of  Virginia;  and  North  Carolina,  in  resolving  against  the  slave 
trade,  but  acquiesced  in  the  non-intercourse  policy,  until  the  grievances 
complained  of  should  be  remedied."  * 

The  plan  adopted  by  the  Colonists,  to  force  Great  Britain  to 
terras,  included  the  policy  of  non-intercourse.  Her  foreign  com- 
merce had  then  a  value  of  but  eighty  millions  of  dollars  per 
annnm,  nearly  one-half  of  which,  directly  and  indirectly,  was 
dependent  upon  her  North  American  and  West  India  colonies, 
and  the  African  slave  trade.  The  colonies  resolved  not  to  import 
or  consume  any  British  manufactures,  or  West  India  products; 
and  not  to  export  to  the  mother  country,  or  the  West  Indies,  any 

*  Cotton  is  King  embraces,  in  detail,  the  facts  on  this  subject. 


52  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

of  their  own  productions.  *      The  non-importation  of  negroes 
formed  a  part  of  this  policy. 

"  The  North  American  colonies  could  not  have  devised  a  measure  so 
alarming  to  Great  Britain,  and  so  well  calculated  to  force  Parliament 
into  the  repeal  of  her  obnoxious  laws,  as  this  policy  of  non-intercourse. 
It  would  deprive  the  West  Indies  of  their  ordinary  supplies  of  pro- 
visions, and  force  them  to  suspend  their  usual  cultivation,  to  produce 
their  own  food.  It  would  cause  not  only  the  cessation  of  imports  from 
Great  Britain  into  the  West  Indies,  on  account  of  the  inability  of  its 
people  to  pay,  but  would,  at  once,  check  all  demand  for  slaves,  both  in 
the  sugar  islands  and  in  North  America  —  thus  creating  a  loss  to  the 
mother  country,  in  the  African  trade  alone,  of  three  and  a  half  millions 
of  dollars,  and  putting  in  peril  one-half  of  the  commerce  of  England."  f 

These  details  are  necessary  to  enable  the  reader  to  understand 
the  true  nature  of  the  opposition  to  the  slave  trade  existing  at 
that  period. 

Another  remark,  in  this  connection,  upon  a  different  point : 
That  the  emancipation  of  the  negroes  was  not  contemplated  by 
those,  in  general,  who  voted  for  the  non-intercourse  resolutions, 
is  evident  from  the  subsequent  action  of  Virginia,  where  the 
greater  portion  of  the  meetings  were  held.  They  could  not  have 
intended  to  enfranchise  men,  whom  they  declared  to  be  obstacles 
in  the  way  of  public  prosperity,  and  as  dangerous  to  the  morals 
of  the  people.  Nor  could  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence have  designed  to  include  the  Indians  and  negroes,  in 
the  assertion  that  "  all  men  are  created  equal ; "  because  these 
same  men,  in  afterwards  adopting  the  Constitution,  deliberately 
excluded  the  Indians  from  citizenship,  and  forever  fixed  the  ne- 
gro in  a  condition  of  servitude,  under  that  Constitution,  by  in- 
cluding him,  as  a  slave,  in  the  article  fixing  the  ratio  of  Con- 
gressional representation  on  the  basis  of  five  negroes  equaling 
three  white  men.  The  phrase  —  "  all  men  are  created  equal " — 
could,  therefore,  have  meant  nothing  more  than  the  declaration 
of  a  general  principle,  asserting  the  equality  of  the  Colonists,  be- 
fore God,  with  those  who  claimed  it  as  a  divine  right  to  lord  it 
over  them.    The  Indians  were  men  as  well  as  the  negroes.     Both 

*  See  American  Arcliives,  vol.  I,     t  Cotton  is  King,  page  '233,  3d  edition. 


EARLY  AMERICAN  COLONISTS   AND   SLAVERY.  53 

were  within  the  territory  over  which  the  United  Colonies  claimed 
jurisdiction.  The  exclusion  of  both  from  citizenship,  under  the 
Constitution,  is  conclusive  that  neither  was  intended  to  be  em- 
braced in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  with  any  reference  to 
their  admission  to  an  equality  with  the  whites,  in  the  government 
about  to  be  established. 

The  successful  issue  of  the  American  Revolution,  left  the  peo- 
ple highly  elated  with  their  achievement.  Exalted  ideas  of  the 
value  of  personal  freedom  prevailed,  and  its  power  in  remedying 
all  human  ills  was  believed  to  be  almost  omnipotent.  Every 
measure,  therefore,  which  promised  an  enlargement  of  human  lib- 
erty, was  readily  accepted  by  the  public.  For  a  time,  the  maxims 
of  the  fathers  —  that  intelligence  and  morality  are  essential  to 
the  success  of  free  government  —  seem  to  have  been  overlooked. 
This,  however,  was  true  only  in  reference  to  the  North;  and 
even  there,  the  public  sympathy  was  not  extended  to  the  Indian, 
but  limited  to  the  negro. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances,  and  during  the  prevalence 
of  these  opinions,  that  the  Legislatures  of  the  Northern  States 
commenced  their  legislation  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  The  Rev- 
olution had  closed,  the  treaty  of  peace  had  been  signed,  Sept.  3, 
1783,  and  the  new  Constitution  adopted,  March  4,  1789. 

In  1780,  Pennsylvania  and  Massachusetts  passed  their  meas- 
ures for  the  abolition  of  slavery  :  the  latter  by  a  Constitutional 
provision,  and  the  former  by  a  legislative  act  —  the  one  making 
emancipation  immediate,  the  other  gradual.  Eight  years  later, 
Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  followed  their  example.  The  work 
of  emancipation,  begun  by  the  four  States  named,  continued  to 
progress,  so  that  in  fifteen  years  from  the  adoption  of  the  Fed- 
eral Constitution,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  New  York,  and  New 
Jersey  had  also  enacted  laws  to  free  themselves  from  slavery  — 
some  of  them  by  the  immediate  and  others  by  the  gradual  sys- 
tem. * 

*  Dates  of  Emancipation  in  the  United  States: 

Pennsylvania,  on  March  1,  1780.  by  Act  of  Legislature. 
Massachusetts,  on  March  2,  1780,  by  Court. 
Connecticut,  on  March  1,  1784,  by  Legislature. 
Rhode  Island,  on  March  1,  1784,  by  Legislature. 


54  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

The  earlier  legislation  of  the  Churches  occurred  in  connection 
with  these  schemes  of  State  emancipation.  In  the  measures 
adopted  by  the  ecclesiastical  courts,  generally,  they  only  aimed 
at  a  friendly  cooperation  with  the  civil  authorities.  But  while 
this  was  substantially  the  case,  they,  at  the  same  time,  used  lan- 
guage of  general  application,  guarding  it,  however,  by  exceptions 
as  to  the  States  which  had  not  passed  emancipation  laws. 

The  clergymen  of  the  South  readily  acquiesced  in  the  measures 
proposed.  As  ambassadors  of  Christ,  they  were  to  proclaim  his 
Gospel  to  fallen  men.  Where  no  hindrance  existed  to  the  per- 
formance of  their  duties,  they  were  not  concerned  about  the  re- 
peal or  modification  of  civil  laws.  As  they  were  not  required 
by  their  northern  brethren  to  unchurch  believing  slaveholders, 
or  to  make  war  upon  the  institutions  of  the  Southern  States,  they 
were  perfectly  willing  to  allow  northern  clergymen,  in  turn,  the 
fullest  latitude  in  their  experiments  upon  the  negro  at  the  North, 
So  long  as  they  of  the  South  were  exempted  from  the  rules 
adopted  on  slavery,  they  cared  not  what  terms  of  church  fellow- 
ship were  imposed  at  the  North.  * 

It  was  a  great  problem  that  was  about  to  be  solved.  Could  the 
negro  population  be  rendered  more  accessible  to  the  Gospel  by 
freedom,  or  would  the  restraints  of  slavery,  properly  regulated, 
afford  equal  advantages  in  laboring  for  their  conversion.  The 
test,  so  far  as  it  had  been  made  in  the  West  Indies,  where  the 
planters  opposed  the  missionaries,  had  been  unfavorable  to  the 
theory  that  slavery  might  not  be  adverse  to  the  work  of  the  Gos- 
pel among  the  blacks ;  but  this  did  not  discourage  efforts  at  the 
South,  where  the  masters  acknowledged  their  Christian  obliga- 
tions, and  were  willing  to  have  the  precepts  of  religion  taught  to 
their  slaves. 

Practically,  the  question  at  issue  between  the  ecclesiastics  of 
the  North  and  the  South  was  this :  Can  the  negro  be  evangelized 
while  in  slavery?      Southern  clergymen  accepted  the  challenge, 


New  Hampshire,  on  Feb.  8,  1792,  by  Legislature. 
Vermont,  on  July  4,  1793,  by  Constitution. 
New  York,  on  July  4,  1799,  by  Legislature. 
New  Jersey,  on  July  4,  1804,  by  Legislature. 
See  the  Rules  of  the  Methodist  Church,  on  a  subsequent  page. 


OPINIONS  OF  EARLY  STATESMEN  ON  SLAVERY.  55 

and,  to  test  this  question,  proceeded  to  enlarge  their  fields  of 
operation  for  the  conversion  of  the  slaves.  They  did  this  the 
more  confidently,  because  they  vrere  not  about  to  enter  upon  an 
untried  experiment.  Already  had  the  Gospel  made  considera- 
ble progress  among  the  blacks.  The  Methodists,  in  1793,  report 
16,227  colored  members  in  their  churches,  while,  in  1787,  they 
had  but  1,890  —  such  had  been  their  rapid  increase.  From  some 
cause,  perhaps  the  working  of  the  emancipation  laws,  the  mem- 
bership was  reduced,  in  1795,  to  12,170.* 

From  other  denominations  we  have  no  regular  statistics  for  this 
period.  In  the  history  of  the  Presbyterians,  however,  it  is  stated 
that  the  work  of  the  religious  instruction  of  the  blacks  had  been 
commenced  as  early  as  1747,  in  Virginia,  with  very  encouraging 
success.  In  one  congregation  in  that  State,  in  1755,  about  500 
colored  members  are  reported,  and  about  an  equal  number  in 
another  congregation.  In  a  third  congregation,  some  time  later, 
200  are  reported,  for  the  care  of  whom  black  men  had  been 
ordained  as  elders.  It  is  further  stated,  that  multitudes  of  the 
colored  people,  in  different  places,  were  willingly  and  eagerly 
desirous  to  be  instructed  in  religion. f 

2.  Opinio7is  of  Revolutionary  Statesmen  upon  the  subject  of 
Negro  Slavery,  and  the  propriety  and  prospects  of  Emancipation. 

Before  proceeding  to  contrast  the  results  of  the  efi"orts.  North 
and  South,  in  behalf  of  the  blacks,  it  may  be  well  to  notice,  more 
at  large,  the  opinions  entertained,  in  relation  to  the  negro  race 
and  the  propriety  of  emancipation,  by  some  of  our  statesmen, 

subsequent  to  the  Revolution. 

• 

*  See  Minutes  of  Conferences  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church.  The  sta- 
tistics of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  as  presented  in  the  published  Min- 
utes of  that  denomination,  first  separate  the  colored  from  the  white  members 
in  1787.  From  this  date  to  1795,  the  returns  are  given  by  congregations,  as 
follows : 


In   1787,      -    -       1,890  members. 

In   1792,      -     -     13,871  j 

members. 

"     1788,  -    -    -    6,545 

u 

"     1793,  -    -     -16,227 

u 

"     1789,      -    -      8,243 

u 

"     1794,      -     -     13,814 

<1 

"     1790,   -    -    -  11,682 

(I 

"     1795,  -    -     -12,170 

CI 

"     1791,      -    -     12,884 

" 

t  Hand  Book  of  the  Slavery  Question,  by  Rev.  John  Robinson. 

56  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

On  the  question  of  negro  equality,  by  emancipation,  and  the 
social  and  civil  commingling  of  the  two  races,  black  and  white, 
Mr.  Jefferson  took  negative  ground.  He  was  inclined  to  consider 
the  African  inferior  "  in  the  endowments  both  of  body  and  mind  " 
to  the  European;  and,  while  expressing  his  hostility  to  slavery 
earnestly,  vehemently,  he  avowed  the  opinion  that  it  was  impos- 
sible for  the  two  races  to  live  equally  free  in  the  same  govern- 
ment—  that  "nature,  habit,  opinion,  had  drawn  indelible  lines  of 
distinction  between  them  "  —  that  accordingly,  emancipation  and 
"deportation"  (colonization)  should  go  hand  in  hand  —  and  that 
these  processes  should  be  gradual  enough  to  make  proper  pro- 
visions for  the  blacks  in  a  new  country,  and  fill  their  places  in 
this  with  free  white  laborers.  * 

That  Mr.  Jefferson  was  considered  as  having  no  settled  plans 
or  views  in  relation  to  the  disposal  of  the  blacks,  and  that  he  was 
disinclined  to  risk  the  disturbance  of  the  harmony  of  the  country 
for  the  sake  of  the  negro,  appears  evident  from  the  opinions 
entertained  of  him  and  his  schemes  by  John  Quincy  Adams. 
After  speaking  of  the  zeal  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  the  strong  man- 
ner in  which,  at  times,  he  had  spoken  against  slavery,  Mr.  Adams 
says :  "  But  Jefferson  had  not  the  spirit  of  martyrdom.  He 
would  have  introduced  a  flaming  denunciation  of  slavery  into  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  but  the  discretion  of  his  colleagues 
struck  it  out.  He  did  insert  a  most  eloquent  and  impassioned 
argument  against  it  in  his  Notes  on  Virginia ;  but,  on  that  very 
account,  the  book  was  published  almost  against  his  will.  He  pro- 
jected a  plan  of  general  emancipation,  in  his  revision  of  the 
Virginia  laws,  but  finally  presented  a  plan  leaving  slavery  pre- 
cisely where  it  was ;  and,  in  his  Memoir,  he  leaves  a  posthumous 
warning  to  the  planters  that  they  must,  at  no  distant  day,  eman- 
cipate their  slaves,  or  that  worse  will  follow;  but  he  withheld 
the  publication  of  his  prophecy  till  he  should  himself  be  in  the 
grave."  f 

Mr.  Jefferson  was  not  alone  in  his  views  of  the  difficulties  at- 
tending emancipation.     Dr.  Franklin,  in  1789,  as  President  of 


*  Randall's  Life  of  JefiFerson,  vol.  I,  page  370. 
t  Life  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  pages  177,  178. 


OPINIONS  OF  EARLY  STATESMEN   ON  SLAVERY.  57 

the  Pennsylvania  Abolition  Society,  issued  an  appeal  for  aid 
to  enable  his  society  to  form  a  plan  for  the  promotion  of  industry, 
intelligence,  and  morality  among  the  free  blacks,  and  he  zealously 
urged  the  measure  on  public  attention,  as  essential  to  their  well- 
being,  and  indispensable  to  the  safety  of  society.  He  expressed 
his  belief,  that  such  is  the  debasing  influence  of  slavery  on  human 
nature,  that  its  very  extirpation,  if  not  performed  with  care,  may 
sometimes  open  a  source  of  serious  evils ;  and  that  so  far  as 
emancipation  should  be  promoted  by  the  society,  it  was  a  duty 
incumbent  on  its  members  to  instruct,  to  advise,  to  qualify  those 
restored  to  freedom,  for  the  exercise  and  enjoyment  of  civil  liberty. 
The  state  of  public  sentiment,  at  this  period,  on  the  subject  of 
emancipation,  was  stated  by  Mr,  Jefferson,  January  24,  1786,  in 
his  answers  to  questions  propounded  by  M.  de  Meuisner : 

"  I  conjecture  there  are  650,000  negroes  in  the  five  Southern  States, 
and  not  over  50,000  in  the  rest.  In  most  of  these  latter,  effectual 
measures  have  been  taken  for  their  future  emancipation.  In  the 
former,  nothing  is  done  toward  that.  The  disposition  to  emancipate 
them  is  strongest  in  Virginia.  Those  who  desire  it,  form,  as  yet,  the 
minority  of  the  whole  State,  but  it  bears  a  respectable  portion  of  the 
whole  in  numbers  and  weight  of  character,  and  it  is  continually  re- 
cruiting by  the  addition  of  nearly  the  whole  of  the  young  men  as  fast 
as  they  come  into  public  life.  I  flatter  myself  it  will  take  place  there 
at  some  period  of  time  not  very  distant.  In  Maryland  and  North 
Carolina  a  very  few  are  disposed  to  emancipation.  In  South  Carolina 
and  Georgia,  not  the  smallest  symptom  of  it,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
these  two  States,  and  North  Carolina,  continue  importations  of  slaves. 
These  have  long  been  prohibited  in  all  the  other  States."  * 

These  statements  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  made  the  year  preceding 
the  founding  of  Sierra  Leone,  contradict  the  claims  set  up  in 
modern  times,  that  the  sentiments  of  the  fathei-s  of  the  Republic, 
were  almost  unanimously  in  favor  of  emancipation.  Dr,  Frank- 
lin, too,  as  above  quoted,  while  favoring  emancipation,  was  con- 
vinced that  many  difficulties  and  dangers  surrounded  that  policy, 
both  to  the  negroes  themselves  and  to  society,  unless  the  means 
of  instruction    should   accompany   their  admission    to   freedom. 

♦  JeflFerson's  Complete  Works,  vol.  IX,  page  290. 


58  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

Time  has  shown  that  the  views  of  Dr.  Franklin  were  the  most 
rational  of  all  those  who  wrote  upon  the  subject  of  emancipation* 

3.  Effects  of  Freedom  wpon  the  Negroes  of  the   United  States^ 
previous  to   West  India  Emancipation. 

The  tone  of  the  ecclesiastical  legislation,  up  to  1830,  will  be 
seen  by  reference  to  the  chapters  on  that  subject.  It  was  con- 
servative in  its  character,  generally,  and  in  some  instances 
agreed  with  the  opinions  expressed  by  Franklin.  But  it  partook 
of  the  foreign  type,  strongly  indicating  that  the  disposition  of 
clergymen  to  interfere  in  civil  affairs,  would  be  the  same  here,  in 
this  free  government,  that  it  had  been  in  Europe  for  centuries 
past.  Yet,  notwithstanding  this  zeal  for  emancipation,  the  moral 
culture  of  the  free  colored  people,  may  be  said  to  have  been 
almost  totally  neglected;  and  their  degradation,  throughout  the 
North,  had  become  so  much  a  matter  of  public  notoriet}^,  as  to 
lead  to  the  adoption  of  Colonization,  as  the  only  hope  of  their 
elevation.  Their  separation  from  the  whites  was  considered 
essential  to  their  moral  redemption.  This  had  become  the  prev- 
alent sentiment  from  1816  to  1830.  Why  had  this  opinion  been 
adopted?  Why  had  not  the  moral  progress  of  the  blacks  kept 
pace  with  their  advancement  in  personal  freedom  ?  Leaving  these 
questions  to  the  reader,  we  shall  proceed  to  the  statement  of  the 
results  which  followed  the  emancipation  of  the  blacks  : 

"  How  far  Franklin's  influence  failed  to  promote  the  humane  object 
he  had  in  view,  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that,  forty-seven  years 
after  Pennsylvania  passed  her  act  of  emancipation,  and  thirty-eight 
after  he  issued  his  appeal,  one-fhird  of  the  convicts  in  her  penitentiary 
were  colored  men  ;  though  the  preceding  census  showed  that  her  slave 
population  had  almost  wholly  disappeared — there  being  but  two  httn- 
dred  and  eleven  of  them  remaining,  while  her  free  colored  people  had 
increased  in  number  to  more  than  tliirty  thousand.  Few  of  the  other 
free  States  were  more  fortunate,  and  some  of  them  were  even  in  a  worse 
condition — one-half  of  the  convicts  in  the  penitentiary  of  New  Jersey 
being  colored  men. 

"  But  this  is  not  the  whole  of  the  sad  tale  that  must  be  recorded. 
Gloomy  as  was  the  picture  of  crime  among  the  colored  people  of  New 
Jersey,  that  of  Massachusetts  was  vastly  worse.     For  though  the  uum- 


EFFECTS  OF  EMANCIPATION  AT  THE  NORTH.  59 

ber  of  her  colored  convicts,  as  compared  with  the  whites,  was  as  one 
to  six,  yet  the  proportion  of  her  colored  population  in  the  penitentiary 
was  one  out  of  one  hundred  and  forty,  while  the  proportion  in  New 
Jersey  was  but  one  out  of  eigJit  hundred  and  thirty -three.  Thus,  in 
Massachusetts,  where  emancipation  had,  in  1780,  been  immediate  and 
unconditional,  there  was,  in  1826,  among  her  colored  people,  about  six 
times  as  much  crime  as  existed  among  those  of  New  Jersey,  where 
gradual  emancipation  had  not  been  provided  for  until  1804."  * 

The  moral  condition  of  the  colored  people  in  the  free  States, 
generally,  at  the  period  we  are  considering,  may  be  understood, 
more  clearly,  from  the  opinions  expressed,  at  the  time,  by  the 
Boston  Prison  Discipline  Society.  This  benevolent  association  in- 
cluded among  its  members.  Rev.  Francis  Wayland,  Rev.  Justin 
Edwards,  Rev.  Leonard  Woods,  Rev.  William  Jenks,  Rev.  B.  B. 
Wisner,  Rev.  Edward  Beecher,  Lewis  Tappan,  Esq.,  John  Tappan, 
Esq.,  Hon.  George  Bliss,  and  Hon.  Samuel  M.  Hopkins. 

The  first  annual  report  of  this  Association  was  made  in  1826, 
the  second  in  1827.  In  discussing  the  progress  of  crime,  with 
the  causes  of  it,  they  give  the  first  place  to  the  degraded  character 
of  the  colored  population ;  and,  from  the  facts  stated,  derive  an 
argument  in  favor  of  their  education.  They  mention,  also,  as  a 
remarkable  fact,  that  about  one-fourth  part  of  all  the  expense  in- 
curred, by  the  several  States  mentioned,  is  for  the  colored  con- 
victs ;  and  argue,  that,  if  their  character  can  not  be  raised,  where 
they  are,  a  powerful  argument  is  thereby  aff"orded  in  favor  of 
colonization.  The  statistics  presented  by  the  society,  enable  us 
to  state  the  proportion  of  the  whole  population  sent  to  the  peni- 
tentiary, with  the  proportion  of  the  colored  population  imprisoned 
therein,  for  1826,  in  the  five  States  named  below,  and  the  propor- 
tion of  the  colored  to  the  white  convicts  : 

Proportion  of  the        Proportion  of  the     Proportion 
Population  sent  to         Colored  PopiHon     of  Colored  to 
Prison.  sent  to  Prison.  white  conv' ts. 

In  Massachusetts,    -  -  1  out  of  1665  1  out  of  140  1  to  6 

In  Connecticut,      -  -     1  out  of  2350  1  out  of  205  1  to  3 

In  New  York,    -     -  -  1  out  of  2153  1  out  of  253  1  to  4 

In  New  Jersey,      -  -     1  out  of  3743  1  out  of  833  1  to  3 

In  Pennsylvania,      -  -  1  out  of  2191  1  out  of  181  1  to  3 

*  Cotton  is  King,  page  37. 


60  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

The  second  report  shows  that,  in  New  Jersey,  the  proportion 
of  the  colored  convicts  to  the  white  convicts  was  one  to  two,  while 
the  proportion  of  the  colored  population  to  the  white  was  one  to 
thirteen.  In  Massachusetts  the  proportion  of  the  colored  popu- 
lation to  the  white  was  1  to  74,  in  Connecticut  1  to  34,  in  New 
York  1  to  35,  and  in  Pennsylvania  1  to  34. 

To  the  testimony  of  the  Boston  Prison  Discipline  Society,  may 
be  added  that  of  the  General  Assembly  Presbyterian  Church,  on 
the  degraded  condition  of  the  free  colored  population.  In  1819, 
the  question  of  encouraging  the  American  Colonization  Society 
being  overtured  to  the  Assembly,  they  adopted,  along  with  an 
approval  of  that  Society,  the  following  language  : 

"  The  situation  of  the  people  of  color  in  this  country,  has  frequently 
attracted  the  attention  of  this  Assembly.  In  the  distinctive  and  indel- 
ible marks  of  their  color,  and  the  prejudices  of  the  people,  an  insu- 
perable obstacle  has  been  placed  to  the  execution  of  any  plan  for  ele- 
vating their  characterj  and  placing  them  on  a  footing  with  their 
brethren  of  the  same  common  family." 

The  Assembly,  after  thus  acknowledging  that  the  free  colored 
people  are  placed  in  a  position  in  which  insuperable  obstacles 
exist  to  their  elevation,  proceed  to  express  the  hope  that  their 
removal  to  Africa  may  not  only  favor  their  elevation,  but  be  the 
means  of  introducing  the  Gospel  to  the  benighted  nations  of  that 
continent.  Again,  in  1825,  the  Assembly  recur  to  the  subject, 
in  connection  with  colonization,  and  say : 

"  The  General  Assembly  having  witnessed  with  high  gratification 
the  progress  of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  in  a  great  work  of 
humanity  and  religion,  and  believing  that  the  temporal  prosperity  and 
moral  interests  of  an  extensive  section  of  our  country,  of  a  numerous, 
degraded  and  miserable  class  of  men  in  the  midst  of  us,  and  the  vast 
continent  of  Africa,  now  uncivilized  and  unchristian,  are  intimately 
connected  with  the  success  of  this  institution,  therefore,  resolved,"  &e. 

The  resolution  recommends  the  churches,  under  the  care  of  the 
Assembly,  to  make  contributions  to  this  object  on  the  4th  of 
July. 

That  the  common  conviction  of  the  community,  at  this  period, 
was  nearly  uniform,  as   to  the  degraded  condition  of  the  free 


EFFECTS  OF  EMANCIPATION  AT  THE  NORTH.  61 

blacks,  and  the  undesirableness  of  having  them  as  neighbors,  is 
still  more  apparent  from  the  action  of  the  Indiana  Yearly  Meet- 
ing of  Friends,  in  1826.  The  following  we  extract  from  their 
published  minutes : 

"  The  committee  charged  with  the  concerns  of  the  people  of  color, 

made  the  following  satisfactory  report : We  having  received  a 

communication  from  the  Trustees  of  the  North  Carolina  Yearly  Meet- 
ing, describing  the  difficult  and  perilous  situation  of  a  number  of  per- 
sons of  color  under  the  care  of  Friends,  and  informing,  that  some  of 
them  inclined  to  remove  to  the  States  north  of  the  Ohio  river,  and  re- 
questing our  attention  to  them.  After  solidly  deliberating  on  the  sub- 
ject, and  having  our  minds  clothed  with  feelings  which  breathe  '  good 
will  to  men,'  we  have  csxijE^to  the  conclusion  to  inform  Friends,  that 
we  are  free  to  extend  such  assistance  to  those  who  may  be  found  among 
us,  as  our  means  will  permit ;  and,  although  it  is  desirable  to  avoid  an 
accession  of  tliis  class  of  population  as  neighbors,  we  are  concerned  to 
impress  it  on  the  minds  of  all,  that  our  prejudices  should  yield  when 
the  interest  and  happiness  of  our  fellow-beings  are  at  stake  ;  and  that 
we  exert  no  influence  that  would  deprive  them  of  the  rights  of  free 
agents,  in  removing  to  any  part  of  the  world  congenial  to  them  ;  and 
that  Friends  everywhere  render  them  such  assistance,  in  procuring 
them  employment,  and  promoting  a  correct  deportment  among  them, 
as  occasion  may  require." 

The  testimony  in  relation  to  the  degraded  condition  of  the  free 
colored  people,  at  the  period  under  consideration,  might  be  great- 
ly multiplied,  as  the  facts  were  very  fully  brought  out  by  the 
discussions  on  Colonization ;  but  we  care  not  to  dwell  upon  this 
melancholy  topic.  As,  in  England,  the  negroes,  declared  free  by 
Lord  Mansfield's  decision,  became  a  nuisance  requiring  govern- 
ment aid  for  its  abatement;  so,  in  the  United  States,  the  free 
colored  people  became  a  burden  too  heavy  to  bear,  and  demanding 
the  aids  of  Colonization  to  remedy  the  evil.  Thus,  in  both  cases, 
the  efforts  for  Africa's  redemption  were  produced  by  the  evils 
falling  upon  society,  as  a  necessary  consequence  of  emancipation. 

Nearly  a  half  century  had  now  elapsed,  since  the  Northern 
States  had  commenced  the  work  of  emancipation,  and  since  the 
first  acts  of  ecclesiastical  legislation,  favoring  that  object,  had 
been  spread  out  before  the  Christian  world.     The  free  blacks,  as 


62  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

a  body,  had  made  no  progress,  morally,  beyond  that  of  their  con- 
dition in  slavery ;  but  remained  overshadowed  by  all  the  moral 
gloom  which  had  darkened  their  souls  under  African  barbarism. 
The  facts  show  that  northern  Christians,  busied  with  their  own 
cares,  either  had  grossly  neglected  their  duty;  or  the  freedom  of 
the  colored  man,  while  commingled  with  a  superior  race,  was 
unfavorable  to  his  evangelization. 

But  the  history  of  the  times  proves  more  than  this.  It  is  a 
fact,  the  truth  of  which  cannot  be  controverted,  that  the  clergy, 
at  the  period  under  consideration,  much  more  willingly  engaged 
in  efforts  to  control  the  civil  legislation  of  the  country,  in  refer- 
ence to  slavery,  than  in  projecting  and  sustaining  measures  for 
the  elevation  of  the  free  colored  men,  at  their  doors,  to  the  po- 
sition in  morality  and  intelligence  which  a  patient  course  of 
Christian  instruction  was  calculated  ,to  effect. 

Here,  now,  is  an  accurate  picture  of  the  moral  condition  of  the 
free  colored  population  of  the  North,  at  the  period  approaching 
the  time  of  the  West  India  Emancipation,  and  of  the  inaugura- 
tion of  modern  abolitionism  in  the  United  States.  The  difference 
in  the  moral  condition  of  the  free  colored  people  at  the  North, 
as  contrasted  with  that  of  the  slave  population  at  the  South,  will 
be  understood  on  the  examination  of  the  facts  given  in  the  next 
chapter.  It  was  at  the  close  of  the  period  we  have  been  con- 
sidering, that  the  British  theories  on  slavery  began  to  be  urged 
on  this  country,  and  universal  emancipation  claimed  to  be  indis- 
pensable, both  to  the  economical  prosperity  of  the  South,  and  to 
the  evangelization  of  the  blacks. 

4.  Contrast  of  the  results  of  freeing  the  blacks  in  the  North, 
with  the  continuation  of  them  in  slavery  at  the  South. 

Under  the  preceding  head,  we  have  seen  the  discouraging  con- 
dition into  which  the  free  colored  people  were  thrown,  at  the 
North,  by  the  systems  of  emancipation  adopted.  We  shall  now 
proceed  to  give  the  main  facts,  in  reference  to  the  moral  progress 
of  the  slaves  at  the  South,  so  that  the  legitimate  results  of  the 
two  systems  may  be  brought  into  fair  contrast :  the  North  giving 
freedom,  and  withholding  theiiaeans  of  moral  elevation;  the  South 
subjecting  to  restraint,  but  supplying  the  means  of  moral  pro- 


RESULTS   OF  EMANCIPATION,   NORTH   AND   SOUTH.  63 

The  American  clergymen  who  accepted  the  British  theory  — 
that  slavery  and  African  evangelization  are  incompatible  —  must 
have  taken  but  little  care  to  understand  the  question,  or  else  they 
must  have  willingly  closed  their  eyes  to  the  most  important  facts. 
British  Colonial  slavery  furnished  them  the  data  upon  which  they 
based  their  opinions ;  but  they  failed  to  perceive,  that  the  hin- 
drances to  the  Gospel,  in  the  West  Indies,  arose,  not  essentially 
from  slavery,  but  from  the  hostility  of  the  slaveholders.  They 
were  blind,  as  only  a  fanatical  spirit  can  render  men  blind.  They 
had  before  them  not  only  the  facts  which  demonstrated  that  the 
blacks  had  made  progress  under  American  slavery  ;  but  they  had 
the  additional  fact,  that  the  free  colored  people  of  the  North  had 
made  less  progress,  as  a  body,  than  the  slaves  of  the  South.  The 
reason  of  this  diiference  in  results  is  obvious.  At  the  North,  the 
negro,  while  a  slave,  was  considered  a  burden,  to  be  cast  off  at  all 
hazards;  and  when  he  was  driven  into  freedom,  no  one  felt  any 
responsibility  for  his  moral  culture.  Thrown  upon  society  in  a 
state  of  destitution,  what  could  the  poor  colored  man  do,  but  — 
as  he  did  in  London,  under  the  decision  of  Lord  Mansfield  —  fall, 
as  a  helpless  child,  into  neglect  and  degradation  —  filling  the 
jails  and  workhouses,  instead  of  taking  the  proud  stand  which 
freemen  should  maintain.  But  it  was  not  so  in  the  South,  so  far 
as  the  progress  in  crime  "was  concerned.  This  was  due,'  doubt- 
less, to  two  causes :  the  restraints  of  slavery,  and  the  increasing 
attention  paid  to  their  religious  instruction.  Many  Christian 
masters  felt  their  responsibility,  before  God,  for  the  welfare  of 
the  souls  of  their  slaves.  Under  the  influence  of  this  obligation, 
they  either  gave  instruction  themselves  to  their  blacks,  or  allowed 
the  ministry  to  teach  them.  With  fixed  homes,  and  the  rigid 
restraints  of  slavery,  controlling  their  movements,  the  religious 
teacher  was  certain,  from  Sabbath  to  Sabbath,  of  finding  the 
same  slaves  meeting  him  for  moral  training.  If  this  had  not  been 
the  case,  how  could  such  results  have  followed,  as  are  found  to 
have  occurred.     Let  us  examine  them  : 

All  the  religious  denominations  can  tell  of  the  fruits  of  their 
labors,  in  this  field  of  toil,  and  can  point  to  the  evidences  of  their 
success.  But  the  Methodists  were  not  only  eminently  successful 
in  the  work,  but  have  preserved  accurate  statistics  of  the  results. 


64 


PULPIT  POLITICS. 


From  the  minutes  of  that  denomination,  therefore,  we  shall  cull 
out  the  evidences  to  disprove,  triumphantly,  the  British  theory 
on  slavery,  as  applicable  to  slaves  in  America ;  and  to  show,  con- 
clusively, that  the  northern  ecclesiastics  were  in  error  in  sup- 
posing that  slavery  necessarily  prevents  the  evangelization  of  the 
blacks.  They  overlooked  the  great  truth,  that  God,  in  his  Prov- 
idential care  of  the  world,  never  places  men  in  conditions  where 
the  blessed  Gospel  of  his  Son  is  not  adapted  to  their  circum- 
stances. Had  this  truth  been  felt,  in  its  legitimate  power,  by 
northern  Christian  hearts,  the  free  colored  people  would  not  have 
been  so  strangely  neglected,  as  though  they  had  no  interest  in 
the  Great  Salvation ! 

But  we  must  proceed  with  the  proof  of  these  assertions.  The 
minutes  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  from  1796  to  1801, 
was  given  by  States,  and  presents  the  following  as  its  colored 
membership : 


STATES. 


Vermont 

New  Hampshire 

Maine 

Massao-husetts 

Rhode  Island 

Connecticut 

New  York 

New  Jersey 

Pennsylvania 

Pel  aware 

Maryland 

Virginia 

North  Carolina 

South  Carolina 

Georgia 

Tennessee 

Kentucky 

North  West  Territory. 
Upper  Canada 


1796     1797  I  1798     1799  i  1800 


218 

105 

380 

811 

4,910 

2,458 

1,288 

825 

146 

43 

84 


Total 11,280  12,218  12,302  12,236  13,452  15,688 


2 
15 

238 

127 

198 

832 

5,106 

2,490 

2,071 

890 

148 

42 

57 


11 

1 

22 

245 

163 

224 

939 

4,950 

2,432 

1,810 

1,179 

222 

49 

61 

3 


11 

1 

17 

276 

167 

309 

900 

5,079 

2,312 

1,659 

1,169 

216 

51 

65 


6 

25 

22 

17 

300 

867 

5,497 

2,631 

2,109 

1,283 

252 

62 

115 

2 

3 


1801 


12 
3 

24 

284 

172 

507 

1,447 

6,815 

2,578 

2,092 

1,360 

202 

62 

115 

2 

4 


The  dotted  lines  ( )  indicate  that  the  Church  had  not  yet  been  organized.     The  dash,  ( ) 

that  the  Church  had  been  organized,  but  had  no  colored  members  of  that  date. 


Here,  at  the  very  time  when  it  was  doubtful  whether  a  mission- 
ary could  maintain  a  foothold  in  the  West  Indies,  the  Methodists 
in  the  United  States  had  a  colored  membership  exceeding  15,600, 
of  whom  more  than  14,000  were  in  the  States  which  had  passed 


RESULTS   OF  EMANCIPATION,  NORTH  AND  SOUTH. 


65 


no  emancipation  laws  —  New  York  having  passed  hers  in  1799, 
and  New  Jersey  in  1804. 

To  understand  the  point  illustrated  by  the  foregoing  statistics  — 
the  degree  of  success  attending  the  labors  of  the  Methodists 
among  the  colored  population  —  it  is  necessary  to  show  the  rate 
of  progress  among  the  whites  also ;  and  to  give  the  number  of 
free  blacks  and  slaves  in  the  several  States.  They  stood  as 
follows  : 


STATES. 


WHITE 
MEMBERS. 

1796 


WHITE 

MEMBERS. 

1800 


FREE  COL  ED 
POPULATION. 

1800 


SLAVE 

POPULATION. 

1800 


Maine 

New  Hampshire. 

Vermont 

Massachusetts 

Rhode  Island 

Connecticut 

New  York 

New  Jersey 

Pennsylvania 

Delaware 

Maryland 

Virginia 

North  Carolina.... 

South  Carolina 

Georgia 

Tennessee 

Kentucky 


Total , 


357 


822 

220 

1,042 

3,826 

2,246 

2,631 

1,417 

7,506 

11,321 

7,425 

2,834 

1,028 

503 

1,666 


1,197 

171 

1,095 

1,571 

224 

1,546 

6,141 

2,857 

2,887 

1,626 

6,549 

10,859 

6,363 

3,399 

1,403 

681 

1,626 


818 

856 

557 

6,452 

3,304 

5,330 

10,374 

4,402 

14,561 

8,268 

19,587 

20,124 

7,043 

3,185 

1,019 

309 

V41 


381 

951 

20,343 

12,422 

1,706 

6,153 

105,635 

345,796 

133,296 

146,151 

59,404 

13,584 

40,343 


44,912 


50,226 


106,930 


886,173 


The  dotted  lines  ( )  indicate  that  the  Church  had  not  yet  been  organized. 


Continuing  these  statistics  to  1811,  during  which  time  the  mis- 
sions at  Sierra  Leone  had  made  no  progress,  and  the  slaves  of 
the  "West  Indies  were  still,  mainly,  in  the  darkness  of  barbarism, 
we  find  that  the  colored  membership  of  the  Methodists  had  in- 
creased to  more  than  35,700.  The  statistics  are  given  by  Con- 
ferences. It  will  be  noticed  that  the  greater  number,  by  far,  are 
in  the  slave  States  : 


66 


PULPIT    POLITICS. 


CONFERENCES, 

1803 

1804  j  1805 

1806 

1807 

1808 

1809 

1810 

1811 

464 
2,815 
3,794 
6,414 
8,561 
14 

391 

518 
3,446 
3,767 
6,877 
8,442 
59 

432 

736 
3,831 
3,573 
6,805 
8,914 
56 

401 

630 

4,389 
4,548 
7,221 
9,782 
62 
625 

621 

4,432 

5,668 

7,453 

10,899 

56 

734 

796 

5,111 

5,834 

7,143 

10,624 

64 

837 

1,117 

6,284 

5,739 

7,200 

10,634 

73 

937 

1,144 

8,202 

6,160 

7,452 

10,714 

69 

942 

51 

1,467 

9,129 

6,232 

7,438 

10,354 

73 

986 

53 

South  Carolina 

Virginia 

Baltimore 

Philadelphia 

New  England 

New  York 

Genessee 

Total 

22,463 

23,531 

24,316 

27,257 

29,863 

30,308 

31,884 

34,724 

35,732 

The  dotted  lines  ( )  indicate  that  the  Church  had  not  yet  been  organized. 

Passing  by  an  interval  of  several  years,  during  which  the  Con- 
ferences were  multiplied,  and  the  colored  members* greatly  in- 
creased, we  next  select  the  nine  years  ending  with  1834.  This  is 
an  important  epoch,  as  it  was  in  this  year  that  the  British  Eman- 
cipation Act  went  into  operation  in  the  West  Indies,  and  the 
slaves  were  all  placed  in  the  relation  of  apprentices  to  their  old 
masters.     The  returns  are  given  by  the  Conferences  : 


CONFERENCES. 

1826 

1827 

1828 

1829 

1830 

1831 

1832 

1833 

1834 

Pittsburgh 

194 

184 

2,821 

64 

""339 
1,485 
2,112 
2,494 

i5,'708 

206 

195 

2,812 

125 

""356 
1,620 
2,076 
2,724 



16,555 

201 

208 

3,660 

124 

335 
1,864 
2,257 
3,283 

18,460 

176 

193 

3,682 

116 

""350 
2,012 
2,499 
3,576 

2r,'276 

163 

268 

4,884 

172 

"'414 

2,182 
3,248 
4,247 

24,538 

176 

274 

5,284 

276 

'"4*51 
2.362 
3,733 

*4,247 

19,144 

6,167 

9,194 

10,905 

8,649 

418 

261 

8 

69 

187 

344 

4,594 

204 

"«^5i 
2,319 
3,624 
5,186 

20,197 

7,330 

8,210 

11,566 

8,616 

615 

289 

8 

66 

261 

32.1 

4,651 

61 

182 

766 

2,316 

3,805 

2,645 

2,770 

22,326 

7,946 

7,447 

12,732 

8,960 

686 

304 

285 

502 

5,709 

72 

273 

996 

2,593 

4,674 

2,622 

3,163 

22,788 

7,421 

8,083 

13,851 

9,025 

516 

320 

8 

109 

Ohio 

Kentucky 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Missouri 

Holston 

Tennessee 

Mississippi 

Alabama. 

South  Carolina 

Georgia 

Virginia 

7,847 

9,406 

7,660 

378 

250 

6 

110 

36 

8,567 

9,607 

8,043 

371 

248 

6 

120 

12 

9,090 

10,402 

8,364 

428 

252 

1 

135 

12 

9,756 

10,302 

8,169 

371 

220 

3 

39 

10 

74 



9,967 

10,454 

8,169 

281 

245 

10 

45 

Baltimore 

Philadelphia 

New  York 

New  England 

Maine 

Genessee 

Troy 

Oneida 

88 

8 

""i'li 
11 

""li'i 
11 

50 
111 

6 

69 
69 

8 

New  Hampshire  and 
Vermont 

Total 

51,084 

53,542 

59,056  62.814 

69,383 

71,589 

73,817 

78,293 

83,166 

The  dotted  lines  ( )  indicate  that  the  Chui-ch  had  not  yet  been  organized.     The  dash,  ( ) 

that  the  Church  had  been  organized,  but  had  no  colored  members  of  that  date. 


*  The  last  year"?  report. 


DEDUCTIONS  FROM   THE  FACTS  STATED.  67 

Here,  at  the  very  moment  of  British  emancipation,  and  when 
the  British  theories  were  considered  as  demonstrated,  the  Metho- 
dist Church  in  the  United  States  had  more  than  83,000  colored 
members,  only  2,231  of  whom  were  outside  of  the  slave  States 
and  the  Philadelphia  Conference.  This  Conference  covers  con- 
siderable territory  in  the  slave  States.  The  total  converts  among 
the  colored  people,  in  all  the  religious  denominations  in  the 
United  States,  at  this  date,  could  not  have  fallen  far  short  of 
160,000.*  It  is  worthy  of  note,  that  the  colored  membership  of 
the  Methodist  Church,  in  the  six  New  England  States,  was  less 
than  330 ;  while  in  seven  of  the  slave  States  it  was  more  than 
65,000.  The  New  England  States  at  this  date,  1834,  had  a  free 
colored  population  of  21,331.  Nothing,  therefore,  is  plainer, 
than  that  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  colored  people  was  better 
promoted  in  the  South,  under  restraint,  and  with  the  means  of 
moral  progress,  than  it  was  in  the  North,  under  freedom,  but 
without  the  means  of  moral  elevation. 

5.  Deductions  from  the  facts  stated. 

The  moral  condition  of  the  free  colored  people  in  the  United 
States,  at  the  period  under  consideration,  can  now  be  understood. 
The  founders  of  the  American  Republic  had  not  erred  in  opinion, 
in  reference  to  the  burden  which  the  African  race  might  lay  upon 
the  shoulders  of  the  people.  Franklin,  with  the  forecast  of  a 
philosopher  and  statesman,  foresaw  that  emancipation,  without 
education,  would  be  fruitless  of  good  to  the  negroes,  and  might 
open  up  a  series  of  evils  to  themselves  and  society.  The  reports 
of  the  Boston  Prison  Discipline  Society,  the  declarations  of  the 
Presbyterian  General  Assembly,  and  other  authorities  quoted,  in 
relation  to  their  degraded  condition,  are  ample  proofs  that  the 
early  opinions  entertained  were  founded  in  sound  views  of  the 
negro  character,  in  his  then  barbarous  condition.  The  Prison 
Discipline  Society's  Report  shows,  that,  in  Massachusetts,  after 
nearly  fifty  years  of  freedom  had  prevailed,  one  out  of  every  one 
hundred  and  forty  of  the  free  colored  population  of  that  State 


*  This  estimate  is  based  on  the  fact,  that  the  Methodist  Church,  at  present, 
has  less  than  one-half  of  the  colored  members  in  the  slave  States. 


06  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

■were  in  the  penitentiary ;  while  the  Presbyterian  General  Assem- 
bly asserts,  that  "in  the  distinctive  and  indelible  marks  of  their 
color,  and  the  prejudices  of  the  people,  an  insuperable  obstacle 
has  been  placed  to  the  execution  of  any  plan  for  elevating  their 
character,  and  placing  them  on  a  footing  with  their  brethren  of 
the  same  common  family."  And,  again,  the  Assembly  speaks  of 
them  as  "  a  numerous,  degraded,  and  miserable  class  of  men  in 
the  midst  of  us." 

In  contrast  with  this  deplorable  picture  of  the  moral  degrada- 
tion of  the  free  colored  people  of  the  United  States  at  the  date 
of  West  India  emancipation,  we  have  the  encouraging  fact,  that 
the  religious  progress  of  the  slave  population  had  not  fallen  be- 
hind that  of  the  whites,  as  to  the  rate  of  increase  in  church 
members,  in  any  part  of  the  Union.  Of  the  83,000  colored  mem- 
bers in  the  Methodist  Church  at  that  date,  not  less,  probably, 
than  75,000  were  in  the  slave  States,  and  were  either  slaves  or 
dwelling  in  the  midst  of  slavery.  The  other  denominations, 
doubtless,  had  an  equal  number,  making  the  total  membership, 
among  the  colored  people  in  the  slave  States,  about  150,000. 
As  the  total  slave  population  of  the  preceding  census,  was  over 
2,000,000,  it  appears  that  nearly  one  out  of  every  thirteen  was  a 
church  member,  * 

Thus,  then,  about  the  same  time  that  one  out  of  every  otie 
hundred  and  forty  of  the  free  colored  people  of  Massachusetts  was 
in  the  Penitentiary ;  about  one  out  of  every  thirteen  of  the  col- 
ored population  in  the  slave  States  was  in  the  Christian  church  — 
a  happy  difference  of  condition,  truly,  and  supplying  a  forcible 
example  of  the  difference  in  the  effects  of  the  northern  and  south- 
ern systems  of  policy  upon  the  negro  race. 

But  we  have  a  double  contrast  to  make.  In  comparing  the 
missionary  results  in  the  West  Indies,  during  the  existence  of 
slavery,  with  those  in  the  United  States,  among  the  slave  popu- 
lation, during  the  same  period,  it  does  not  appear  that  there  was 
any  difference  in  the  degrees  of  success  attained.  Their  missions 
were  frequently  broken  up ;  ours  went  on  without  interruption. 

*  This  estimate  is  ouly  intended  as  an  approximation.  It  does  not  include 
the  free  colored  people  in  the  slave  States. 


DEDUCTIONS  FROM  THE  FACTS  STATED.  69 

Their  religious  teachers  had  to  be  supplied  from  Great  Britain, 
and  were  fewer  in  number  than  ours ;  the  teachers  of  our  colored 
population  were  more  numerous,  and  lived  among  them,  preach- 
ing to  them,  mostly  in  connection  with  their  white  parishioners. 
At  the  time  of  final  emancipation,  in  1838,  they  must  have  had 
near  80,000  African  converts  ;  in  1834,  we  had  not  less  than 
166,000,  including  slaves  and  colored  freemen. 

The  conclusion,  then,  to  which  we  are  forced  is,  that  the  Brit- 
ish theory  under  consideration  —  that  slavery  presents  an  insu- 
perable barrier  to  the  evangelization  of  the  Africans  subjected  to 
its  control  —  is  not  sustained  by  the  results  which  happened  up 
to  the  date  of  emancipation ;  and  that,  therefore,  the  American 
ministers,  who  adopted  it  as  true,  have  been  laboring  under  a 
delusion  —  a  delusion  that  has  been  fatal  to  the  peace  of  the 
Church;  fatal  to  the  welfare  of  the  African  race;  fatal  to  our 
beloved  country  I 


70  PULPIT  POLITICS. 


CHAPTER    III. 

EXAMINATION  OF  THE  ERRORS  IN  THE  BRITISH  THEORIES  AS  AP- 
PLIED TO  AMERICAN  SLAVERY  AFTER  WEST  INDIA  EMANCIPA- 
TION. 

Section  I. — The  Circumstances  under  which  Abolitionism 
TOOK  ITS  Rise  in  the  United  States. 

The  preceding  chapters  bring  the  history  of  the  movements 
in  behalf  of  the  African  race,  down  to  the  period  of  the  final 
action  of  Great  Britain  on  her  Colonial  Slavery.  It  was  this  im- 
portant measure  that  gave  the  impulse  to  the  abolition  movement 
in  the  United  States.  The  American  people  had  been  looking  to 
Colonization,  for  the  previous  seventeen  years,  as  a  means  of 
relief  from  the  burdens  imposed  by  emancipation.  But  the  sys- 
tem of  Colonization  worked  tardily.  The  Society  bad  been  unable 
to  remove  a  tithe  of  the  increase  of  the  colored  population.  It 
was  too  slow  in  its  operations  to  satisfy  those  who  had  been  ac- 
customed to  look  forward  to  the  total  extinction  of  slavery.  They 
had  become  excited  by  the  passage  of  the  British  Emancipation 
Act ;  and  demanded,  for  the  American  bondmen,  a  more  speedy 
redemption  than  that  promised  by  Colonization.  But  Coloniza- 
tion had  many  supporters,  who  had  full  faith  in  its  beneficent 
results,  and  who  would  not  abandon  the  enterprise.  Its  contin- 
uance was  considered,  by  many  anti-slavery  men,  as  an  obstacle 
to  the  success  of  emancipation.  The  South,  becoming  jealous  of 
the  Society,  denounced  Colonization  as  an  abolition  scheme  in 
disguise.  The  Society,  in  self-defense,  had  to  define  its  position, 
as  having  reference  only  to  the  removal  of  the  free  colored  peo- 
ple, and  that  it  had  no  design  of  interfering  with  slavery.     For 


ORIGIN  OF  ANTI-SLAVERY  MOVEMENT.  71 

this  reason,  "  the  Anti-Slavery  Society  began  with  a  declaration 
of  war  against  the  Colonization  Society."  *  The  doctrine  of  "  im- 
mediate, not  gradual  abolition,"  had  been  announced  in  England 
as  the  creed  of  the  friends  of  the  African  race.  Emancipation, 
they  contended,  was  indispensable  to  the  success  of  the  Gospel 
among  the  blacks.  Under  various  degrees  of  modification,  this 
view  was  adopted  by  the  anti-slavery  men  of  the  United  States. 
In  1831,  the  first  abolition  society,  of  the  modern  type,  was  or- 
ganized in  Rhode  Island.  In  1832,  the  anti-slavery  movement 
was  begun  in  Boston ;  and,  in  1833,  a  national  organization, 
under  the  name  of  The  American  Anti-Slavery  Society,  f  was 
founded  in  Philadelphia.  This  body  boldly  took  the  ground  that 
nothing  short  of  immediate  and  unconditional  emancipation,  could 
satisfy  the  demands  of  justice,  and  fulfill  the  righteous  law  of 
God  —  that  as  slaveholding,  in  every  form  in  which  it  prevailed, 
was  sinful,  it  was  the  duty  of  all  engaged  in  it  to  cease  immedi- 
ately, and  that  there  could  be  nothing  to  fear  from  the  conse- 
quences of  so  doing.  % 

The  North  now  everywhere  resounded  with  the  cry  of  "  im- 
mediate abolition  :  "  but  while  this  motto  was  borrowed  from  the 
English  abolitionists,  their  American  imitators  had  no  disposition 
to  act  upon  the  magnanimous  principles  adopted  by  the  British 
government,  in  giving  a  liberal  compensation  to  the  masters.  The 
South  were  required  to  sacrifice  all  their  wealth  upon  the  altar 
of  northern  philanthropy :  and  British  eloquence,  in  the  person 
of  Mr.  George  Thompson,  was  employed  to  give  an  impulse  to 
the  fanatical  scheme. 

The  year  1837  found  the  abolitionists  numbering  1,015  socie- 
ties, having  70  agents  in  the  field,  and  an  income,  for  the  year, 
of  $36,000.  II  The  Colonization  Society,  on  the  other  hand,  was 
greatly  embarrassed.  Its  income,  in  1838,  was  reduced  to  $10,- 
000;  it  was  deeply  in  debt;  the  parent  society  did  not  send  a 
single  emigrant  that  year  to  Liberia  ;  and  its  enemies  pronounced 
it  bankrupt  and  dead.  § 

The  doctrine  previously  held  by  the  few  —  that  slavery  is  ne- 

*  Gerritt  Smith,  1835.     t  This  may  be  best  designated  by  the  i&vm  Abolition. 
X  History  of  the  Separation  in  Indiana  Yearly  Meeting  of  Friends. 
II  Life  of  Benjamin  Lundy.  |  Cotton  is  King,  p.  52. 


n 


PULPIT   POLITICS. 


cessarily  sinful —  and  which  lies  at  the  foundation  of  all  abolition 
action,  now  became  the  doctrine  of  the  many.  It  demanded  the 
exclusion  of  all  slaveholders  from  the  communion  of  the  Church. 
This  element  in  the  controversy  on  slavery  —  so  unlike  anything 
taught  by  the  Saviour  and  his  Apostles,  while  laboring  in  the 
midst  of  slaveholders  —  can  be  dimly  traced  throughout  the  early 
ecclesiastical  legislation  of  the  North.  In  general,  slavery  was 
declared  to  be  a  moral  evil ;  but  the  idea  connected  with  this 
phrase  was  the  same  as  that  attached  to  monarchical  and  despotic 
forms  of  government.  According  to  the  notions  of  right  and 
wrong  then  prevailing,  all  laws  which  limited  the  personal  free- 
dom of  men,  were  pronounced  moral  evils,  to  be  removed  as 
speedily  as  possible,  so  that  the  whole  world,  ultimately,  might 
become  democratic.  The  idea  of  sinfulness  was  not  generally 
attached  to  the  phrase,  in  the  sense  that  slavery,  as  a  moral  evil, 
was  to  be  classified  with  blasphemy,  robbery,  or  murder.  In  the 
churches  legislating  on  the  subject,  this  view  was  long  held,  and 
all  efforts  were  directed  to  the  reform  of  abuses ;  while,  at  the 
same  time,  they  gave  a  hearty  cooperation  to  the  civil  authorities 
in  the  promotion  of  emancipation,  wherever  that  policy  was  agreed 
upon. 

At  length,  however,  the  doctrine  that  slaveholding  is  a  sin 
began  to  prevail,  and  was  introduced  into  church  legislation.  In 
some  churches  it  soon  gained  the  ascendency,  in  others  it  was 
held  in  check  by  more  conservative  principles.  There  was  this 
difference  between  the  aims  of  the  churches  and  those  of  the 
Abolitionists.  The  ecclesiastical  legislation,  avowedly,  aimed  only 
at  freeing  the  Church  from  slavery  ;  while  the  abolition  action 
demanded,  imperatively,  that  the  government  also  should  free  it- 
self from  the  crime  of  human  bondage,  by  immediate  emancipa- 
tion. Thus  it  was,  that  there  seemed  to  be  a  wide  distinction 
between  these  two  parties  ;  but  it  was  a  distinction  without  a 
difference.  Both  parties  aimed  at  accomplishing  the  same  ob- 
ject :  the  one  by  church  legislation,  the  other  by  political  ac- 
tion —  both  expecting  their  efforts  to  be  crowned  with  the  aboli- 
tion of  slavery.  ^ 


ANTI-SLAVERY  DOCTRINES  AND  POLICY.  73 


Section  II. — What  the  early  Anti- Slavery  Writers  taught 
m  relation  to  the  Bible  and  Slavery. 

We  must  go  back  a  little,  in  order  to  examine  the  opinions 
advocated  by  the  earlier  anti-slavery  writers,  who  inaugurated 
the  scheme  of  excluding  slaveholders  from  the  communion  of  the 
Church.  This  is  the  more  necessary,  as  the  clergymen  to  whom 
we  refer,  gave  the  impulse  to  the  abolition  movement,  while  un- 
dertaking only  the  task  of  purging  the  Church  from  slavery. 

We  open  Volume  1st  of  the  Christian  Intelligencer,  published 
at  Hamilton,  Ohio,  and  edited  by  Rev.  David  McDilL,  *  assisted 
by  two  other  neighboring  ministers  of  the  Gospel.  This  period- 
ical was  started  at  the  time  that  the  Associate  Reformed  Synod 
OF  THE  West  had  under  consideration  the  question  of  making 
slavery  a  term  of  communion  —  that  is,  the  casting  of  slave- 
holders out  of  the  Church.  As  this  was  a  novel  doctrine,  it  re- 
quired novel  means  to  bring  the  people  of  that  Church  to  assent 
to  the  proposition.  On  page  6th,  we  find  this  statement,  as 
embracing  the  condition  of  the  slavery  question  at  that  early  day. 
The  date  is  January,  1829 : 

"  The  question  of  slavery  is,  at  the  present  time,  agitated  in  several 
branches  of  the  Church :  but  its  character  is  much  changed  from  what 
it  once  was.  Formerly,  as  a  practice  which  had  long  prevailed,  and 
had  rarely  been  called  in  question,  it  was  supposed  to  be  probably 
lawful ;  (1  f )  and  what  was  necessary  to  be  done  was  to  prove  its  im- 
morality ;  (2)  and  by  depicting  its  horrors,  and  showing  its  contrariety 
to  the  '  holy,  just,  and  good  law,'  endeavor  to  awaken  the  public  mind 
to  a  sense  of  its  moral  turpitude.  (3)  This  ground  is  nearly  won :  and 
the  object  of  the  present  and  future  efforts  on  the  subject,  must  be,  for 
the  most  part,  to  shew,  that  being  a  heinous  sin.  a  system  mpst  contrary 
to  the  spirit  of  the  Gospel,  it  ought  not  to  be  connived  at  in  the 
Church.  And  so  very  different  are  these  questions  —  so  generally  are 
Christian  men  now  convinced,  it  would  seem,  that  slavery  is  a  moral 
evil  of  no  small  magnitude,  that  all  reasonings  from  its  moral  character 

*  Now  Rev.  David  McDill,  D.  D.,  of  Illinois. 

t  The  reader  on  subsequent  pages,  will  find  remarks  on  the  points  here  noted 
by  numerals. 


74  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

are  pronounced  inapplicable  to  the  question  at  issue,  i.  e.  -whetlier  the 
obstinate,  irreclaimable  holder  of  slaves  should  be  excluded  from  the 
communion  of  the  Church.  If  this  be  so  —  if  so  great  a  change  has 
already  been  wrought  on  the  public  mind,  that  proving  the  immorality 
of  slavery  is  only  proving  what  no  one  denies,  there  is  encouragement 
to  hope  that  what  remains  will  also  in  due  time  be  accomplished  :  — r 
that  it  will  soon  be  conceded,  that  a  system  which  is  so  bad.  that  no 
person  can  have  a  word  to  say  in  its  direct  vindication,  ought  to  be 
speedily  banished  from  the  pale  of  the  Church  ;  (4)  and  that  we  ought, 
all  of  us,  to  cease,  and  cease  at  once,  from  holding  a  language,  which 
slaveholders  do  view  as  a  special  pleading  for  their  practice." 

After  referring  to  several  Churches — the  General  Assembly 
Presbyterians,  and  his  own,  among  the  number  —  which  had  not 
yet  taken  decided  action,  the  editor  continues  : 

"  When  we  consider  what  has  been  done,  and  is  still  being  done  by 
the  Quakers,  Methodists,  &c.,  if  these  bodies  of  professing  Christians 
which  have  been  mentioned  as  having  the  subject  under  consideration, 
would  only  disenthral  themselves  from  all  human  schemes  of  policy 
and  prudence,  and  stand  forth  un  serii:)tural  grounds,  the  decided  advo- 
cates of  justice,  humanity,  and  equal  rights  and  privileges  to  all  God's 
rational  creatures,  in  that  system  of  things  with  which  we  are  connec- 
ted, what  happy  results  to  the  fam.ily  of  man  might  not  be  anticipated, 
from  their  harmonious  and  well-directed  efforts.  If,  instead  of  fold- 
ing up  their  hands  and  saying,  we  cannot  touch  the  subject  of  slavery — 
the  evils  admit  of  no  remedy,  at  least  till  the  millenium  —  the  laws 
lay  an  embargo  on  the  cause  of  emancipation  :  —  they  would  only  con- 
sider that  public  opinion  is  superior  to  the  laws,  so  that  tyrannical  and 
oppressive  laws  cannot  stand  it  out  against  correct  and  enlightened 
public  opinion — that,  if  any  of  our  fellow  Christians  are  withheld 
from  doing  their  duty,  by  laws  which  are  an  usurpation  on  the  rights 
of  men,  and  an  enormity  under  the  government  of  God,  it  is  because 
public  opinion  has  become  corrupt  through  the  apathy  and-supineuess 
of  those  who  ought  to  have  beeu  exerting  themselves  to  keep  it  iu  a 
pure  and  healthy  state ;  and  if  every  man  who  possesses  a  particle  of 
influence,  either  direct  or  indirect,  on  the  common  weal,  would  rise  up, 
and  come  forward,  and  bring  with  him  all  the  aid  in  his  power,  to  cor- 
rect the  stream  of  human  blessing  in  its  fountain  head  :  —  we  should 
soon  find  laws  relaxing  from  their  rigor,  customs  melting  down  into 
goodness,  and  the  obstacles  which  obstruct  the  current  of  emancipation 


ANTI-SLAVERY  DOCTRINES  AND  POLICY.  75 

giving  way,  (5)  sooner  than  many  who  make  goodly  professions  would 
be  willing  to  see  tliem."  * 

The  men  who  first  commenced  the  anti-slavery  agitation,  are 
not  to  be  charged  with  evil  intentions ;  but  they  are  liable  to  the 
imputation  of  having  been  influenced  by  a  spirit  of  fanaticism 
that  blinded  their  judgments  —  that  led  them  to  overlook  the  pro- 
gress made  in  the  conversion  of  the  slaves  in  the  United  States, 
and  to  greatly  exaggerate  the  cruelties  practiced  upon  them  by 
their  masters.  The  plan  of  action  they  adopted  to  revolutionize 
public  sentiment,  we  have  said,  was  a  novel  one.  At  that  day, 
free  discussion  was  not  considered  the  best  means  of  establishing 
a  theory ;  as,  to  allow  it,  might  defeat  the  object  of  the  reformer. 
Here  is  the  language  employed  by  the  editor  of  the  Christian 
Intelligencer,  to  announce  the  principles  upon  which  the  contro- 
versy was  to  be  conducted : 

"  As  slavery  is  a  plain  practical  question,  claiming  the  attention  of 
every  one  who  has  any  part  to  act  in  the  aflFairs  of  the  day,  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  see  how  any  one  can  be  without  an  opinion  on  the  subject. 
Our  object,  so  far  as  this  question  is  concerned,  was,  from  the  first,  to 
show  our  opinion :  and  those  who  wish  to  meet  and  refute  our  views, 
or  to  see  them  met  and  refuted,  must  apply  elsewhere.  We  can  have 
no  hand,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  in  perpetuating  an  evil  so  repug- 
nant to  the  laws  of  God,  and  so  afflictive  to  the  family  of  man  ;  nor 
are  we  under  the  influence  of  so  much  of  that  neutral  feeling,  which  is 
necessary  to  the  more  perfect  examples  of  prudence,  that  we  can  obtain 
our  own  consent  to  labor  in  balancing  the  scale  of  argument,  for  the 
pleasure  of  leaving  it  in  a  state  of  equipoise."  f  (6) 

It  may  be  well  to  explain,  that  the  question  of  excluding  the 
slaveholder  from  the  Church,  had  been  brought  before  the  Synod, 
some  two  or  three  years  before  the  Ohristian  Intelligencer  had 
been  started ;  and  that  one  chief  object  of  its  publication  was  to 
advocate  that  measure,  and  free  the  Associate  Keformed  Church 
from  all  connection  with  slavery.  A  communication  in  opposition 
to  the  policy  had  been  sent  to  the  editor,  and,  on  publishing  it, 

*  Christian  Intelligencer,  January,  1829,  p.  7. 

t  Ibid.,  June,  1829,  p.  180.     The  italics  are  the  editor's. 


76  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

the  foregoing  announcement  was  made.  Having  thus  secured 
himself  against  all  assailants,  the  way  was  open  for  the  circula- 
tion, among  the  people  of  the  Church,  of  any  opinions  which  the 
editor  and  his  associates  might  choose  to  utter.  Some  of  these 
opinions  we  shall  present  to  the  reader,  that  he  may  learn  how 
the  public  became  tinctured  so  readily  with  abolition  sentiments. 
Appearing,  as  they  did,  from  the  pens  of  men  who  could  quote 
Hebrew,  Greek,  and  Latin,  the  statements  made  were  received  by 
their  readers  as  true ;  and  no  contradiction  being  allowed,  their 
demonstration  was  reckoned  complete.  With  the  reasonings  em- 
ployed, we  need  have  nothing  to  do,  at  this  late  day.  The  con- 
clusions at  which  the  writers  arrived,  are  all  that  it  is  necessary 
to  notice.  The  object  they  had  in  view,  it  must  be  remembered, 
was  to  secure  the  passage  of  an  act,  by  their  Church,  excluding 
slaveholders  from  its  communion. 

But  before  proceeding  to  make  additional  quotations,  it  will  be 
well  to  analyze  the  programme  of  action  adopted :  * 

1.  It  is  admitted  by  the  editor  that  slaveholding,  formerly,  was 
supposed  to  be  probably  lawful.  This  was  the  opinion  held  by 
the  British  Churches,  in  reference  to  the  Christian  master,  Mr. 
Gilbert,  who  first  introduced  the  Gospel  into  Antigua ;  and  in 
reference,  also,  to  the  masters,  in  the  other  islands,  who  built 
chapels  on  their  estates,  or  aided  in  building  them  in  their  neigh- 
borhoods, for  the  benefit  of  the  slaves.  In  all  these  cases  the 
Christian  slaveholder  was  treated  as  a  brother  beloved.  The  same 
sentiments  long  prevailed  in  the  United  States ;  and  only  those 
slaveholders  who  refused  to  allow  their  slaves  the  benefits  of  the 
Gospel,  were  ranked  as  unchristian  in  heart  and  conduct. 

2.  Such  being  the  fixed  opinion  of  Christians,  generally,  it  was 
found  necessary,  before  a  revolution  of  sentiment  could  be  pro- 
duced, to  prove  the  immorality  of  slavery  itself.  To  have  labored 
for  the  conversion  of  the  masters,  and  by  that  means  to  have  se- 
cured their  cooperation  in  the  work  of  evangelizing  the  slaves, 
was  not  in  accordance  with  the  designs  of  the  movers  in  the 
anti-slavery  reform.  This  policy  might  have  led  to  the  conver- 
sion of  both  masters  and  slaves ;  but  then,  such  a  result,  leaving 

*  The  reader  will  observe  that  the  several  points  noticed  are  indicated  by 
numerals,  and  refer  to  corresponding  figures  in  the  quotations  from  the  editor. 


ANTI-SLAVERY  DOCTRIOTSS  AND  POIitCT.  77 

Christians  contented  with  these  fruits  of  their  labors,  would  have 
tended  to  perpetuate  slavery.  Indeed,  where  masters  were  en- 
gaged in  the  religious  instruction  of  the  bond-men,  the  act  was 
looked  upon  with  suspicion,  by  Northern  men,  as  not  being 
prompted  by  any  care  for  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  colored 
population ;  but  only  as  a  means  of  satisfying  public  opinion,  and 
perpetuating  the  legal  claim  to  their  slaves.  On  this  subject  the 
Synod  of  Indiana,  in  a  memorial  to  The  General  Assembly 
OF  THE  Presbyterian  Church  m  the  United  States,  in  1829, 
uses  the  following  language : 

"  In  fine,  believing  that  the  encouragement  of  Sabbath  school  in- 
struction, and  other  religious  exercises,  are  too  often  resorted  to  by 
slaveholders  merely  as  a  compromise  with  public  opinion,  and  to  soothe 
the  clamors  of  conscience,  without  any  intention  to  '  let  the  oppressed 
go  free,'  so  soon  as  by  those  means  they  may  be  prepared  for  the  en- 
joyment of  civil  liberty  —  we  do  most  earnestly,  yet  most  respectfully, 
entreat  your  venerable  body  to  take  the  subject  into  consideration,  and 
to  adopt  such  measures  as  in  your  wisdom  may  appear  best  calculated 
to  effect  a  speedy  and  entire  abolition  of  slavery  within  the  bounds  of 
the  Presbyterian  Church."  * 

3.  The  next  step  taken,  according  to  the  programme,  was  to 
depict  the  horrors  of  slavery,  and  show  its  contrariety  to  the  Di- 
vine Law,  so  as  to  awaken  the  public  mind  to  a  sense  of  its  moral 
turpitude.  In  their  discussions  of  this  topic,  no  reference  was 
made  to  the  success  attending  the  labors  of  other  denominations 
among  the  slaves ;  none  to  the  fact,  that  the  Methodists,  alone, 
in  that  same  year,  1829,  reported  their  colored  membership,  in 
the  United  States,  at  62,814,  most  of  whom  were  slaves;  none  to 

*  Christian  Intelligencer,  Hamilton,  Ohio,  May,  1829,  p.  145. 

Note. — Even  as  late  as  1844,  this  feeling  was  still  entertained,  and  received 
its  expression  in  the  Fraternal  Letter  of  the  Synod  of  Northern  Indiana,  in 
the  following  language: 

"  That  many  masters  strive  to  avert  these  evils  from  their  slaves  does  not 
alter  the  general  effect;  and  their  example,  by  presenting  the  fairest  aspect 
of  slavery,  quiets  the  conscience  of  the  holder;  and  it  may  be  said,  without 
exaggeration,  that  the  better  a  limited  portion  of  the  slaves  are  made,  the 
worse  it  is  for  the  whole,  since  the  good  (ff  the  few  becomes  a  palliation  for 
the  evil  of  the  many." — See  Robinson's  "Hand-Book  of  the  Slavery  Contro- 
versy." 


78  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

the  fact,  that  the  several  missions  in  the  West  India  Islands  had 
at  least  80,000  converts  among  the  slaves  ;  and  none  to  the  fact, 
that  the  denominations  which  had  become  most  zealous  in  the 
anti-slaverj  movement,  had,  themselves,  a  very  meager  member- 
ship of  whites,  and  had  done  little  or  nothing  among  the  blacks.  * 

4.  The  horrors  of  slavery  being  depicted,  and  the  public  mind 
awakened  to  its  moral  turpitude,  the  future  mode  of  action  was 
to  show  that,  being  a  heinous  sin,  slaveholding  ought  not  to  be 
connived  at  in  the  church. 

5.  The  churches  having  taken  their  stand  in  denouncing  slav- 
ery as  a  sin,  and  being  firm  in  the  discharge  of  duty  in  the  ex- 
clusion of  slaveholders  from  the  church,  their  moral  influence,  it 
was  believed,  would  be  such  as  to  bring  the  people  to  mould  the 
legislation  of  the  country,  so  as  to  prepare  the  way  for  emanci- 
pation. 

6.  Emancipation,  then,  being  the  object  at  which  the  anti- 
slavery  men  aimed,  the  next  step  to  be  taken  was  the  closing  of 
the  columns  of  their  organ  against  all  free  discussion.  The 
church  was  the  agent  to  be  employed  in  producing  the  proposed 
revolution.  The  exclusion  of  the  slaveholder  from  its  communion, 
was  the  means  to  be  used  in  awakening  public  attention  to  the 
subject.  But  the  ministry  could  not  act  without  the  concurrence 
of  the  people.  The  members  of  the  church,  therefore,  were  the 
tribunal  to  whom  the  decision  had  to  be  referred ;  but  only  the 
advocates  on  one  side  of  the  case  were  permitted  to  plead,  and 
only  the  testimony  that  would  sustain  their  claims  was,  allowed  to 
be  offered.  These  things  seem  strange  at  this  day.  Men  having 
confidence  in  the  justice  of  their  measures,  and  intending  to  ad- 
here strictly  to  truth  in  their  discussions,  would  blush,  now,  to 
ask  such  advantages  in  controversy.  And  yet,  these  gentlemen, 
doubtless,  intended  to  act  in  strict  conformity  with  duty.  Their 
fault  was  that  of  the  age  in  which  they  lived.  There  was  more 
or  less  of  a  disposition  among  certain  clergymen  of  that  day,  to 
distrust  the  judgment  of  the  people  upon  moral  and  religious 
questions.     This  was  especially  the  case  with  those  of  the  smaller 

*  The  Associate  Synod  only  repofted  10,141  members,  and  the  Associate  Re- 
formed Synod  of  the  West  had  a  less  number;  the  two  combined  not  having 
oyer  one-third  as  many  members  as  the  Methodists  had  of  colored  converts. 


ANTI-SLAVERY  DOCTRINUS   AND   POLICY.  79 

denominations,  who  were  taking  the  lead  in  attempts  to  purge  the 
church  from  the  sin  of  slaveholding.     Take  an  example  or  two. 
The  Associate  Synod  had  a  rule  prohibiting  its  people  from  hear- 
ing aught  but  the  sermons  of  its  own  ministers.     To  listen  to  a 
sermon  from  any  one  else,  was  to  incur  the  censures  of  the  church ; 
and  if  the  offender  manifested  no  sorrow  for  his  sin,  he  was  cast 
out  until  brought  to  repentance  and  reformation.     The  Reformed 
Presbyterian  Church  had  a  different  rule,  but  it  operated  with 
equal  efficiency  in  keeping  its  people  from  worshiping  with  those 
of  other  religious  bodies.     Its  members  were  not  censured,  like 
the  Associate  Synod's  people,  for  "  occasional  hearing,"  but  were 
required   to   meet   in  "Society,"  on   their  silent  Sabbaths,  and 
•always  to  be  present  when  their  own  minister  preached.     The 
rules  of  both  these  denominations  were  carried  out,  at  the  period 
under  consideration,  with  a  great  degree  of  strictness,  and  tended 
to  foster  and  intensify  the  prejudices  of  their  people  against  all 
other  denominations.     The  Associate  Reformed  Church  was  more 
liberal  in  its  rules,  and  allowed  its  people  to  exercise  their  own 
judgments  as  to  listening  to  sermons  from  other  ministers  than 
their  own.     The  editor,  from  whom  we  have  quoted,  was  a  minis- 
ter in  this  church ;  but  while  he  was  liberal  in  church  discipline, 
he  was  unwilling  to  trust  the  people  with  a  free  discussion  of  the 
slavery  question.      To  have  permitted  this  in  his  periodical,  he 
tells  us,  might  have  left  the  minds  of  his  readers  in  "  equipoise," 
and  led  them  to  reject  the  proposed  reform  in  the  discipline  of 
the  church.     But  his  fault,  and  that  of  his  associates,  as  we  have 
said,  was  that  of  the  age  in  which  they  acted.     Men  of  education 
had  not  all  learned  to  reason  on  the  inductive  system,  but  in- 
dulged in  conjectures  after  the  manner  of  the  wise  men  of  olden 
times.     They  were  not  careful  to  note  all  the  facts  and  principles 
involved  in   the   questions   considered,  but,  indulging   much   in 
speculation,  they  ran  into  ^  hasty   generalizations,  like  tyroes  in 
science,  and,  consequently,  fell  into  egregious  errors.     In  this 
fact  is  to  be  found  the  source  of  nearly  all  the  conflicting  theories 
in  relation  to  the  negro  race.     At  best,  all  that  had  then  been 
done  for  the  colored  people  was  mere  experiment,  and  results, 
such  as  we  have  now,  were  unknown.     It  is  not  surprising,  there- 


80  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

fore,  that  what  was  then  held  as  orthodox,  should  now  be  scouted 
as  fanatical. 

The  aim  of  the  writers  for  the  Christian  Intelligencer,  in  under- 
taking the  agitation  of  the  question  of  slavery,  in  connection  with 
ecclesiastical  legislation,  can  now  be  understood.  They  found 
public  sentiment  endorsing  the  doctrine  of  the  probable  lawful- 
ness of  slavery,  and  only  condemning  its  abuses.  To  accomplish 
their  object,  they  must  change  this  public  sentiment;  and  this 
they  proposed  to  do,  by  proving  the  immorality  of  slavery  itself, 
separate  and  apart  from  its  abuses.  This  they  expected  to  effect, 
by  depicting  its  horrors,  showing  its  contrariety  to  the  Divine 
law,  and  thus  proving  its  great  moral  turpitude.  When  this 
should  be  accomplished,  and  the  practice  of  slavery  proved  to  be 
a  most  heinous  sin,  the  Church  would  be  easily  persuaded  that 
she  must  no  longer  tolerate  the  system.  This  point  gained,  it 
was  believed  that  the  influence  of  the  Church,  expressed  through 
her  judicial  acts,  and  thereby  enforced  upon  her  people,  could 
control  civil  legislation  and  thus  secure  the  emancipation  of  the 
slaves.  * 

This,  then,  is  the  scheme  they  proposed ;  and  we  may  now  pro- 
ceed to  show  how  it  was  carried  out.  To  depict  the  horrors  and 
show  the  moral  turpitude  of  slavery  were  the  first  steps  to  be 
taken.  The  world  had  unanimously  pronounced  the  slave  trade 
a  crime  of  the  deepest  dye.  To  show  the  moral  turpitude  of 
slaveholding,  the  editor  thus  classifies  it  with  the  slave  trade : 

"  The  Africans  were  stolen  from  their  country  ;  no  man  will  do  him- 
self any  credit  by  denying  it :  and  that  the  actual  holder  of  property 
which  is  known  to  be  stolen,  is  as  criminal  as  the  thief,  is  both  logic 
and  law."  f 

Again  the  editor  says  : 

"  The  prmciple  of  slavery  is  unrightepus  —  this  is  its  condemnation. 

The  practice  can  not  be  spared,  and  so  regulated  as  to  make  it  on  the 
i 

*  It  will  be  seen,  by  reference  to  Chapter  VII.,  that  a  few  years  later,  the 
Associate  Church  attempted  to  carry  out  thii  policy,  by  interdicting  freedom 
of  opinion  in  her  members  in  relation  to  voting. 

t  Christian  Intelligencer,  Hamilton,  Ohio,  June,  1829,  page  184. 


ANTI-SLAVERY  DOCTRINES  AND   POLICY.  81 

whole  a  blessing  to  any  part  of  the  tuman  family  —  more  than  any 
other  sinful  practice."  * 

From  the  editor,  we  turn  to  one  of  his  assistants,  who  under- 
takes to  show  the  horrible  character  of  American  slavery,  as 
compared  with  all  other  systems  which  ever  bad  an  existence. 
He  comes  to  the  following  conclusions : 

"  The  slavery  which  existed  in  the  Roman  Empire  in  the  Apostles' 
time,  was  by  no  means  so  debasing,  hopeless,  and  oppressive,  as  negro 

slavery  in  our  country."     "  No  one can  escape  the 

conclusion,  that  slavery  in  modern  times  exists  in  its  mildest  form  in 
countries  where  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  is  the  established  religion, 
and  where  the  government  is  despotic  or  purely  monarchical,  as  in  the 
Spanish  and  Portuguese  colonies  —  that  it  becomes  more  ferocious  and 
oppressive  in  Protestant  countries,  where  the  government  is  a  mixed 
monarchy,  as  in  the  British  colonies  —  and  that  it  is  most  debasing  of 
all  in  countries,  where  the  religion  is  purely  Protestant,  and  the  gov- 
ernment free  and  republican,  as  our  oion.'"  \ 

This  wholesale  denunciation  of  American  slavery,  as  the  most 
ferocious,  oppressive,  and  degrading  system  that  ever  existed,  % 
and  this  unqualified  condemnation  of  his  own  government,  as 
sanctioning  cruelties  unheard  of  in  the  history  of  the  world,  may 
have  been  necessary  to  maintain  the  positions  assumed  in  the 
anti-slavery  programme ;  but  it  was  all  based  rpon  the  sheerest 
conjecture  as  to  Roman  slavery,  and  was  wholl}^  destitute  of  any 
support  from  existing  facts,  so  far  as  concerned  American  slavery 
as  compared  with  that  of  the  Portuguese,  Spanish  and  British 
slave  colonies.  The  reader  will  find  these  asp'^'-tions  fully  sus- 
tained, by  the  opinions  and  facts  elsewhere  stated  in  this  work. 

In  the  farther  prosecution  of  the  efforts  to  show  that  American 
slavery  was  contrary  to  the  Divine  law,  and  thus  to  influence 
Church  legislation,  it  was  necessary  to  refer  to  what  the  Apos- 
tles —  the  founders  of  the  Church  —  had  said  and  done  in  refer- 
ence to  Roman  slavery.     Here,  however,  was  complete  silence. 

*  Christian  Intelligencer,  Hamilton,  Ohio,  Februai'y,  1829,  page  64. 
t  Ibid.,  August,  1829,  page  230. 

X  The  writer,  in  his  discussions,  refers  to  slavery,  generally,  as  well  as  to 
that  of  Rome. 

6 


82  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

They  found  precepts  to  regulate  the  relation,  but  not  a  word  of 
condemnation.  This  silence  proved  an  exceedingly  embarrassing 
difficulty.  But  it  had  to  be  met,  and  one  of  the  assistant  editors 
makes  the  attempt  to  dispose  of  it  as  follows : 

"Now,  considering  all  these  things,  is  it  not,  on  the  supposition  that 
the  Apostles  did  tolerate  slavery,  most  unfair  to  reason  from  what  the 
Apostles,  in  their  circumstances,  did,  to  what  we,  in  our  circumstances, 
should  do,  in  regard  to  the  toleration  of  this  acknowledged  evil  ?  May 
not  much  more  be  expected  of  us,  and  may  we  not  attempt  much  more 
in  its  abolition  ?  And  now  let  the  reader  take  into  the  account  not 
only  our  more  favorable  civil  relations,  but  also  the  superior  knowledge 
of  the  age  and  nation,  and  the  fact  that  in  many  important  respects, 
the  slavery  which  our  opponents  wish  us,  amidst  all  the  circumstances 
of  the  times,  to  tolerate  from  Apostolic  example,  is  far  more  hopeless 
and  debasing  than  that  which,  they  say,  the  Apostles  tolerated."  * 

Again,  he  says : 

"  I  defy  the  world  to  prove  that  slavery  was  tolerated  by  the 
Apostles,  and  that  it  is  in  harmony  with  the  spirit  ,of  the  Christian 
religion."  f 

And,  again : 

"Slavery  is  contrary  to  the  general  principles  of  the  "Word  of  God, 
and  to  the  spirit  of  the  religion  of  the  meek  and  lowly  Jesus,  our 
compassionate  Redeemer.  As  might  be  expected  of  such  a  system,  it 
gets  no  support  from  the  Apostles.  There  is  no  evidence  that  they 
tolerated,  in  the  Church,  the  slavery  which  existed  in  the  Eoman 
Empire ;  and,  even  if  they  did,  there  is  evidence,  that  the  slavery  of 
the  Roman?,  bad  as  it  was,  did  not  possess  many  of  the  most  cruel, 
degrading,  and  hopeless  properties  of  negro  slavery,  with  which  we 
have  to  do."  | 

But  what  does  all  this  amount  to?  The  writer  says,  that  even 
supposing  the  Apostles  did  tolerate  Roman  slavery,  that  is  no 
reason  why  we  should  tolerate  American  slavery  —  the  latter,  in 

*  Christian  Intelligencer,  Hamilton,  Ohio,  August,  1829,  page  242. 
t  Ibid.,  August,  1829,  page  229. 
t  Ibid.,  September,  1829.  page  266. 


ANTI-SLAVERY  DOCTRmES   AND  POLICY.  83 

his  opinion,  being  so  much  the  more  unrighteous  of  the  two.  But 
laying  aside  his  hypothetical  case,  he  becomes  more  bold,  and 
defies  the  world  to  prove  that  slavery  was  tolerated  by  the  Apos- 
tles. Then,  again,  as  if  doubtful  of  this  point,  he  comes  back  to 
the  first  supposition,  and  avers,  that  even  if  Roman  slavery  was 
tolerated  by  them,  there  is  no  evidence  that  it  was  as  bad  as  our 
slavery.  Here  we  are  still  upon  the  old  platform  —  that  the 
Church  is  only  required  to  deal  with  the  abuses  of  slavery.  If 
Roman  slavery  had  been  as  bad  as  American  slavery,  then,  ac- 
cording to  this  writer,  the  Apostles  could  not  have  remained 
silent,  but  must  have  spoken  out  in  its  condemnation. 

A  step  beyond  this  had  to  be  taken,  therefore,  so  that  some- 
thing more  convincing  than  hypothesis  and  assertion  might  be 
afi"orded.  Another  assistant  editor,  coming  to  the  rescue,  thus 
attempts  to  meet  the  difficulty : 

"  Again  it  is  said,  slavery  was  practiced  in  the  visible  church  while 
the  Apostles  were  yet  living  ;  and  that  instead  of  testifying  against 
slavery,  they  put  it  under  regulation,  giving  directions  to  masters  and 
servants  ;  which  fact,  it  is  'thought,  gives  us  a  warrant  to  tolerate  it 

now I  deny  that  they  taught  the  lawfulness  of  such  slavery 

as  this  :  or  that  they  tolerated  such  an  evil  without  testifying  against 
it.  They  could  not  do  every  thing  at  once,  although  they  were  in- 
spired men.  I  think  any  person  who  will  take  a  view  of  the  history 
of  God's  Church  throughout  the  former  dispensation  must  see,  that 
idolatry  and  other  abominations  were  practiced  in  the  church  while 
she  had  inspired  teachers  :  reader,  look  into  the  writings  of  the  proph- 
ets, and  see  if  this  were  not  the  case.  Why  did  not  the  inspired  men 
keep  out  all  visible  immorality  ?  Yea,  there  were  inspired  men  who 
practiced  polygamy.  Now,  if  it  be  no  reflection  upon  these  inspired 
men  to  purge  out  certain  evils  which  they  did  not  keep  out,  neither  is 
it  any  reflection  upon  the  Apostles  to  endeavor  to  purge  out  what,  ac- 
cording to  some,  they  did  not  purge  out."* 

Here,  again,  is  a  denial  that  Roman  slavery  was  as  bad  as  ours, 
or  that  the  Apostles  tolerated  it,  without  testifying  against  it. 
And,  as  an  apology  for  their  seeming  neglect,  in  not  making  it  a 
prominent  object  of  discipline,  as  they  did  idolatry,  he  supposes 

*  Christian  Intelligencer.  Hamilton,  Ohio,  March,  1830,  page  65. 


84  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

they  found  it  impracticable  to  do  every  thing  at  once ;  and  then 
goes  on  to  say,  that  idolatry,  and  other  abominations,  were  prac- 
ticed in  the  Church  of  God,  under  the  former  dispensation,  while 
she  had  inspired  teachers  ;  and  that,  if  it  be  no  reflection  upon 
them  that  they  did  not  keep  idolatry  out  of  the  Jewish  Church, 
neither  is  it  any  reflection  upon  the  Apostles  that  they  did  not 
purge  out  slavery  from  the  Christian  Church,  which  they  were 
founding.  The  writer,  however,  neglects  to  remind  the  reader, 
that  all  the  inspired  teachers  were  loud  in  their  denunciations  of 
idolatry,  and  did  extirpate  it  whenever  they  had  the  power,  as  the 
priests  of  Baal  found  to  their  dismay  and  ruin ;  but  that  the 
Apostles,  in  no  instance,  denounced  slavery,  or  ever  attempted  to 
make  such  an  example  of  any  slaveholder,  that  all  should  be 
deterred  from  the  practice  by  the  dread  of  the  judgments  of 
Heaven.     But  we  must  hear  this  writer  some  farther  : 

"  I  will  go  a  step  farther  and  state,  that  if  the  Apostles  did  not  per- 
ceive that  such  slavery  as  existed  among  us  is  contrary  to  the  law  of 
God,  it  does  not  follow  that  it  is  sanctioned  by  that  law.  Bishop  But- 
ler compares  the  sacred  penmen  to  the  collector  of  certain  memoirs 
written  by  others.  He  who  wrote  the  memoirs  is  supposed  to  under- 
stand fully  what  he  intended  in  his  own  writing,  and  what  he  intended 
is  the  true  sense.  The  compiler,  however,  may  not  always  see  the 
whole  of  what  was  intended  :  so  God  always  understands  all  the  proper 
applications  of  his  word,  though  the  penman,  perhaps,  in  many  in- 
stances did  not  see  the  whole  of  its  intention The  prophets 

had  to  study  their  own  writings  :  the  Apostles  we  may  suppose  had  to 
do  the  same.  What  they  wrote  we  likewise  have  to  study  as  the 
Providence  of  God  directs."  * 

Now,  what  have  we  here,  but  a  denial  that  the  Apostles  com- 
prehended, with  certainty,  the  Divine  mind,  as  to  the  plainest 
moral  duties.  Why  should  such  a  startling  and  unscriptural  doc- 
trine as  this  be  advocated  by  these  writers?  The  reference  is 
not  to  prophecies  relating  to  future  events,  such  as  were  recorded 
by  the  Old  Testament  prophets,  but  to  moral  duties  relating  to 
the  conduct  of  the  members  of  the  Christian  Church.  The  answer 
is  at  hand.     The  writers  had  been  met  by  the  startling  fact,  that 

*  Christian  Intelligencer.  Hamilton.  Ohio.  March.  1830.  page  65. 


ANTI-SLAVERY  DOCTRINES  AND  POLICY.  85 

the  Saviour  and  his  Apostles  adopted  no  rule  to  exclude  slave- 
holders from  the  Church.  Idolatry,  blasphemy,  murder,  adultery, 
robbery,  bearing  false  witn'ess,  covetousness,  were  all  broadly  con- 
demned as  inconsistent  with  the  Christian  character.  But  slavery 
was  nowhere  specifically  forbidden.  On  the  contrary,  the  relative 
duties  of  parent  and  child,  husband  and  wife,  magistrates  and 
people,  master  and  servant,  were  all  clearly  pointed  out.  The 
logical  inference  from  this  fact,  was,  that  all  these  relations  were, 
in  themselves,  lawful,  and  that  abuses  of  authority,  only,  were  to 
be  condemned. 

But  our  reformers  had  demonstrated,  to  their  own  satisfaction, 
that  American  slaveholding  was  a  heinous  sin  —  a  sin  as  heaven- 
daring  as  the  slave  trade — which  could  not  be  tolerated  by  the 
modern  churches.  How  to  reconcile  their  doctrines  with  the 
action  of  the  Apostles,  presented  a  difficulty  of  no  small  magni- 
tude. Resolute  men,  however,  do  not  stop  at  difficulties ;  it  is 
their  province  to  overcome  them.  With  military  men,  what  can 
not  be  accomplished  by  fair  combat,  is  to  be  carried  by  strategy. 
Surely,  ministers,  in  warring  with  the  Prince  of  Darkness,  may 
profit  by  the  example  —  being  careful,  however,  that  they  are  not 
manning  a  masked  battery  of  the  enemy  of  souls.  Having 
silenced  the  opposition,  by  refusing  free  discussion  in  their  col- 
umns, these  writers  could  utter  any  charges  they  chose  against 
the  system  of  slavery,  or  against  their  own  government  for  con- 
tinuing to  give  it  support. 

But  the  silence  of  the  Apostles  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  seems 
to  have  given  the  editor  quite  as  much  trouble  as  it  did  his  asso- 
ciates. He  had  pronounced  slaveholding  as  equally  criminal  with 
slave  trading.  That  was  surely  to  stamp  the  character  of  the 
master  as  so  blackened  with  crime,  as  to  make  him  a  fit  associate 
only  for  demons ;  and,  hence,  he  must  be  cast  out  of  the  church, 
and  delivered  over  to  Satan.  In  accomplishing  this  work,  the 
task  would  have  been  easy,  but  for  the  want  of  scriptural  precept 
or  example.  The  silence  of  the  Apostles  on  the  subject,  there- 
fore, was  an  exceedingly  vexatious  fact  that  had  to  be  disposed  of 
in  some  plausible  manner.  The  assistant  editors  had  been  unable 
to  demonstrate  the  sinfulness  of  slavery,  in  the  abstract,  from 
either  the  acts  or  the  writings  of  the  Apostles ;  and,  unless  this 


m  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

could  be  done,  the  people  could  not  be  induced  to  abandon  their 
old  theory  —  that  slavery,  like  prevailing  forms  of  despotic  gov- 
ernments, was  not  necessarily  sinful,  but  became  so  only  by 
abuses  of  the  power  possessed.  The  editor  also  lent  his  aid,  to 
give  greater  certainty  to  the  work. 

In  replying  to  strictures  made  upon  views  which  he  had  pre- 
viously expressed,  *  he  said  that  he  had  taught  that  idolatry  was 
"  a  system  incorporated  with  the  civil  institutions  of  the  Romans, 
and  diametrically  opposed  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Gospel ;"  and 
that  slavery  was  "a  system  incorporated  with  the  civil  institutions 
of  the  Romans,  and  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  Gospel  indeed, 
but  yet  not  so  diametrically  opposed  to  the  Gospel  but  that  the 
two  might  coexist  for  a  time :  and  hence  reasoned,  that  though 
the  Apostles  mai^  have  pursued  a  different  course  in  relation  to 
the  one  from  that  pursued  in  relation  to  the  other,  the  church 
may,  notwithstanding,  under  her  present  circumstances  treat  them 
both  as  really  if  not  equally/  deserving  her  censure."  f 

This  is  still  an  admission,  that  Roman  slavery  could  not  have 
been  considered,  by  the  Apostles,  as  sin  per  se,  like  idolatry, 
otherwise  it  must  have  been  denounced  as  equally  sinful  with  idol 
worship  ;  and,  yet,  the  editor,  without  informing  us  how  the  trans- 
formation was  effected,  assures  us  that  slavery  should  now  be 
considered  as  being  really  as  censurable  an  offense  as  idolatry. 
But  how  does  he  reason  himself  into  this  belief?  Simply,  by 
denying  that  the  Apostles  were  enabled  to  decide  a  question  of 
this  kind,  as  they  had  been  in  reference  to  the  subject  of  idolatry. 
In  effect,  he  says,  of  the  Divine  teachings,  that  slavery  in  despotic 
relations  will  be  slurred  over ;  but  in  connection  with  republican 
governments  it  is  condemned.  Look  at  it  now,  and  it  is  wicked ; 
but  look  at  it  in  a  given  former  period,  and  its  immorality  is  too 
doubtful  to  admit  of  attention.  The  Gospel  is  only  a  remedy  for 
a  part  of  human  ills  ;  of  some  it  can  take  no  notice  at  all.  When 
evils  are  complicated  in  civil  relations,  the  sacred  Scriptures  will 
speak  of  them ;  but  in  such  a  way  as  can  only  be  understood  after 
the  lapse  of  ages  and  the  change  of  nations.     Evils  and  immor* 

*  The  Overture  on  Slavery,  addressed  to  the  Churches,  is  here  referred  to, 
which  was  prepared  by  the  editor. 

T  Christian  Intelligencer,  Hamilton,  Ohio,  February,  1829,  page  34; 


ANTI-SLAVERY  DOCTRINES  AND  POLICY.  -87 

alities,  interwoven  in  civil  relations,  they  will  make  a  league 
with ;  but  when  the  civil  relations  are  dissolved,  they  will  attack 
them.  Their  moral  tone  is  clear,  and  their  utterance  decided; 
but  we  must  wait,  in  order  to  find  this  out,  when  the  needed 
changes  take  place.     But  the  editor  continues : 

"  In  the  details  of  their  office  —  in  the  application  of  the  '  law  and 
the  testimony '  to  many  particular  cases,  they  [the  Apostles]  had  only 
that  kind  of  gracious  assistance  which  may  be  ordinarily  expected  by 
the  ministers  of  the  Gospel ;  and  had  to  consult,  deliberate,  and  deter- 
mine, as  we  have  to  do,  according  to  the  wisdom  given  them,  before 
they  acted."  *  "No  man  can  —  an  Apostle  could  not,  do  every  thing 
at  once And  be  it  remembered,  the  church  was  not  com- 
pletely organized  —  or  if  you  will,  the  whole  system  of  doctrines  and 
duties,  was  not  delivered  to  the  Church,  till  the  last  Apostle  had  writ- 
ten his  last  Epistle.  As  these  Epistles  were  scattered  among  the 
churches  to  which  they  were  written,  there  is  not  the  least  reason  to 
believe,  that  any  one  individual,  or  any  one  church,  had  ever  seen  all 
the  inspired  books  of  the  New  Testament,  till  long  after  the  last  Apos- 
tle had  gone  to  be  '  present  with  the  Lord.'  To  suppose,  then,  that 
any  one  of  the  churches  could  have  that  knowledge,  on  any  article  of 
faith  or  duty,  which  lay  ever  so  little  out  of  the  Apostle's  common 
track  of  preaching,  which  we  may  have,  by  comparing  all  the  scrip- 
tures one  with  another,  is  supposing  a  perfection  among  the  Christians 
of  that  day,  which  we  have  no  reason  to  suppose  existed.  The  con- 
clusion, therefore,  almost  forces  itself  on  us,  that  practices  and  omis- 
sions of  duty,  might  have  existed  among  them,  which  ought  not  to  be 
tolerated  in  the  Church  now."  f 

This  is  a  picture  of  the  primitive  church,  which  few  will  be 
willing  to  recognize  as  true  in  fact.  The  Apostles,  before  the 
crucifixion,  had  been  assured  by  the  Saviour,  that  the  Comforter, 
which  is  the  Holy  Ghost,  should  teach  them  in  all  things,  and  bring 
all  things  to  their  remembrance,  whatsoever  he  had  said  unto 
them.  X  And,  again,  he  assured  them,  that  when  He,  the  Spirit 
of  truth,  should  come,  he  would  guide  them  into  all  truth.  §  This 
gave  the  Apostles  the  most  positive  assurance,  that  they  should 

«  Christian  Intelligencer,  Hamilton,  Ohio,  February,  1829,  page  35. 

t  Ibid.,  February,  1829,  page  36. 

t  John's  Gospel,  xiv:  26.  §  John,  xvi:  13. 


WS  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

have  the  Holy  Spirit  to  guide  them  into  all  truth,  and  to  hring  to 
their  remembrance  whatsoever  the  Saviour  had  said  to  them. 
Now,  is  it  possible,  as  the  editor  would  have  us  believe,  that  the 
Saviour  left  his  disciples  to  grope  their  way  in  the  dark,  on  a 
question  affecting  the  personal  rights  of  one-half  the  population 
of  the  Roman  Empire  ?  Is  it  possible  that  the  Holy  Spirit  would 
withhold  all  knowledge  of  the  Divine  will  from  them,  on  so  im- 
portant a  question?  And,  is  it  possible,  that  the  Apostles  would 
be  contented  to  remain  in  uncertainty,  during  all  their  lives,  as  to 
what  duty  required  in  relation  to  sixty  millions'^  of  bondmen, 
without  once  asking  for  Divine  direction  ?  Most  assuredly,  they 
could  not  have  thus  acted,  or  been  thus  ignorant  on  the  subject. 
The  Saviour  had  informed  them^  most  particularly,  that  their 
prayers  should  be  heai'd.  His  language  is  incapable  of  misinter- 
pretation :  "  And  whatsoever  ye  shall  ask  in  my  name,  that  will 
I  do,  that  the  Father  may  be  glorified  in  the  Son.  If  ye  shall  ask 
anything  in  my  name,  I  will  do  it."  f  Now,  according  to  the 
editor,  the  Saviour  could  never  have  instructed  the  Apostles  as  to 
slavery,  the  Holy  Spirit  could  never  have  revealed  to  them  the 
truth  on  the  subject,  nor  did  the  Apostles  ever  ask  for  Divine 
direction  to  guide  them  in  duty  as  to  the  slaves  !  For,  if  any  one 
of  these  things  had  occurred,  the  Apostles  could  not  have  been 
ignorant  on  so  grave  a  question. 

But  the  editor  had  a  theory  to  sustain,  and  an  object  to  ac- 
complish. His  object  could  not  be  effected,  unless  he  could  es- 
tablish his  theory.  He  must  prove  that  slavery  in  the  abstract 
was  sinful  —  that  was  the  task  he  had  undertaken  —  or  the  church 
would  not  cast  out  the  slaveholder.  He,  therefore,  attempts  to 
convince  his  readers,  that  the  Apostles  had  been  silent  on  the 
subject  —  not  because  slavery  was  not  sinful,  but  because  they 

*  Rev.  Albert  Barnes,  in  his  work  on  Slavery,  quotes  and  adopts,  from  the 
Biblical,  Repository^  the  following  statement  in  reference  to  the  number  of  slaves 
in  the  Roman  Empire  in  the  Apostles'  day:  "It  is  unnecessary  to  enter  into 
proof  that  slavery  abounded  in  the  Roman  Empire,  or  that  the  conditions  of 
servitude  were  very  severe  and  oppressive.     This  is  conceded  on  all  hands." 

"Of  course,  according  to  this,  the  number  of  slaves  could  not  have 

been  less  than  sixty  millions  in  the  Roman  Empire,  at  about  the  time  when  the 
Apostles  went  forth  to  preach  the  Gospel." 

t  John,  xiv:   13,  14. 


ANTI-SLAVERY  DOCTRINES  AND  POLICY.  b9 

had  so  much  else  to  do  that  it  had  to  be  overlooked  —  the  Holy 
Spirit  seeing  proper  to  give  them,  individually,  no  special  reve- 
lation on  slavery,  but  leaving  the  whole  question  to  be  determined 
by  the  church,  in  after  years,  from  the  careful  study  of  the  com- 
pleted revelation.  And  there  it  stood,  without  notice,  from  age 
to  age,  until  the  Christian  Intelligencer,  more  than  eighteen  hun- 
dred years  afterwards,  began  to  shed  its  light  upon  the  subject! 

Reader,  can  you  suppose  that  slaveholding  is  sinful,  and  yet, 
that  the  Apostles  never  could  find  five  minutes  to  say  so;  or 
never  had  any  Divine  directions  how  to  deal  with  the  slaveholder ! 
To  say  that  the  Apostles  could  not  do  everything  at  once,  will 
in  no  wise  account  for  the  difference  in  the  clearness  of  the  sa- 
cred Scriptures  on  idolatry  and  slavery.  If  they  could  not  do 
everything  at  once,  in  regard  to  slavery,  neither  could  they  in 
regard  to  idolatry ;  and  the  excuse  that  they  did  not  declare  in 
regard  to  slavery,  because  they  could  not  do  everything  at  once, 
implies  that  their  action  in  regard  to  idolatry  was  not  inspired, 
but  because  it  was  in  their  power  to  attend  to  it  at  once. 

The  editor  continues  : 

"  As  to  the  general  subject  of  slavery,  there  was  a  reason  why  the 
Apostles  might  regard  it  as  lying  out  of  their  way^  which  does  not  exist 
with  us.  If  there  is  any  such  thing  as  a  historical  verity,  the  Chris- 
tians to  whom  they  wrote,  lived  under  a  military  despotism  —  a  gov- 
ernment most  remote  in  its  character  from  a  Kepresentative  Republic. 
The  people  had  no  influence  on  the  making  or  administration  of  the 
laws,  more  than  our  slaves.  But  we,  the  people,  make  our  laws  ;  and 
from  us,  all  our  civil  institutions  take  their  character.  In  the  sins  of 
the  government  under  which  they  lived,  they  had  comparatively  no 
share  :  and  hence  slavery,  an  evil  growing  out  of  their  civil  institu- 
tions, was  a  thing  for  which  they  were  not  accountable,  as  we  are. 
The  Apostles  could  not  direct  '  those  whom  they  reformed  '  to  set  im- 
mediately about  the  '  work  of  reforming  the  social  system.'  They 
could  only  watch  unto  prayer,  and  wait  in  faith  and  hope  till  '  the 
greatness  of  the  Kingdom  '  should  be  on  the  side  of  righteousness. 

"  The  attention  of  the  Apostles  might  not  have  been  particularly 
turned  to  the  subject  for  another  reason.  The  condition  of  a  slave 
was  but  little  different  from  that  of  his  master.  The  great  mass  of  the 
population  were  rude  and  ignorant  —  human  rights  were  not  under- 


W  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

stood  —  were  little  regarded  —  for  any  practical  purpose,  it  was  a 
matter  of  comparatively  small  importance,  whether  an  individual  en- 
joyed his  inalienable  rights  or  not."  * 

Truly,  the  silence  of  the  Apostles,  on  the  question  of  slavery, 
must  have  been  a  great  puzzle  to  the  editor.  This  is  an  addi- 
tional conjecture,  as  to  the  reason  why  they  may  have  passed 
slavery  unnoticed,  as  well  as  failed  to  require  emancipation  as  a 
condition  of  receiving  the  slaveholder  into  the  Church.  Let  us 
examine  it :  the  Roman  government  was  despotic,  the  great  mass 
of  the  population  rude  and  ignorant,  human  rights  not  understood 
nor  regarded,  and,  for  all  practical  purposes,  it  was  a  matter  of 
comparatively  small  importance,  whether  an  individual  enjoyed 
his  inalienable  rights  or  not.  Here  are  the  reasons,  offered  by 
the  editor,  why  the  Apostles  did  not  urge  emancipation.  Can  he 
tell  us,  if  freedom  would  have  been  of  no  importance  to  an  ig- 
norant Roman  slave  in  the  first  century,  of  what  value  it  would 
be  to  a  still  more  degraded  African  slave  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury ?  But  ignorance  and  degradation  were  not  universal  in 
Rome.  Art,  science,  literature,  flourished  in  a  high  degree.  Even 
slaves  were  often  men  of  letters  and  of  science,  though  subjected 
to  the  rigid  rule  of  their  masters.  Surely,  liberty  would  have  been 
of  value  to  them ;  and  yet  the  Apostles  took  no  measures  for 
their  relief.  If,  then,  the  Apostles  attached  so  little  importance 
to  human  rights,  as  compared  with  the  salvation  of  men,  that 
they  gave  no  directions  for  freeing  the  social  system  from  slavery, 
why  should  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel  now  consider  it  necessary 
to  make  that  topic  one  of  leading  interest  in  their  ecclesiastical 
councils  ?  Again  :  if  the  Apostles  found  it  necessary  to  occupy 
themselves  so  constantly  in  preaching  the  Gospel,  that  they  found 
no  time  to  attend  to  civil  affairs,  how  is  it  that  ministers  can  now 
turn  aside  to  dabble  in  politics,  without  being  chargeable  with 
treason  to  their  Divine  Master,  whose  kingdom  is  not  of  this 
world?  And,  again:  if  slaveholding  be  necessarily  sinful,  why 
was  it  not  so  under  despotic  Rome,  as  well  as  under  Republican 
America  ? 

*  Christian  Intelligencer,  Hamilton,  Ohio,  April,  ]82y,  page  109. 


ANTI-SLAVERY  DOCTRINES   AND  POLICY.  91 

We  must  here  repeat  one  of  the  editor's  strongest  propositions  : 

"  The  Africans  tcere  stolen  from  their  country  ;  no  man  will  do  him- 
self any  credit  by  denying  it :  and  that  the  actual  holder  of  property 
which  is  known  to  be  stolen,  is  as  criminal  as  the  thief,  is  both  logic 
and  Imo.'' 

Failing  to  prove  slaveholding  a  sin  per  se,  by  either  Scripture 
precept  or  example,  the  editor,  to  accomplish  his  purpose,  be- 
takes himself  to  logic  and  law.  He  maintains,  that  the  crimi- 
nality of  the  slaveholder  grows  out  of  the  .principle  in  law  which 
makes  the  receiver  of  stolen  property  equally  criminal  with  the 
thief.  This  is  a  novel  mode,  certainly,  of  settling  the  question 
of  the  sinfulness  of  slaveholding.  But  it  is  one  that  the  Apos- 
tles seem  not  to  have  recognized  as  correct,  in  their  intercourse 
with  the  Roman  people.  The  slaves  then  in  the  Empire  numbered 
sixty  millions  of  souls,  and  consisted,  perhaps  universally,  of 
captives  taken  in  war  or  their  descendants.  The  wars  in  which 
the  captives  were  taken,  had  been  waged  for  the  aggrandizement 
of  the  reigning  tyrants,  who,  from  generation  to  generation,  had 
ruthlessly  deluged  the  earth  in  blood,  to  gratify  an  unhallowed 
ambition.  These  were  the  slave  traders  of  old,  from  whom  the 
Roman  masters,  from  reign  to  reign,  had  obtained  their  slaves. 
The  slaveholders  in  the  Apostles'  day,  very  generally,  must  have 
been  the  inheritors  only  of  slaves  who  were  the  descendants  of  the 
original  captives ;  just  as,  in  1829,  the  slaveholders  in  the  United 
States,  very  generally,  were  only  inheritors  of  slaves,  and  had 
no  complicity  with  the  African  slave  traders,  who  had  ceased  their 
vocation  in  1808.  *  Were  the  Roman  masters,  in  the  Apostles' 
day,  equally  criminal  with  the  remorseless  conquerors  who  brought 
their  captives  to  Rome  to  be  sold  into  bondage  ?  The  logic  of 
the  editor  says  they  were  ;  but  the  practice  of  the  Apostles  says 
they  were  not.  The  Apostles  set  an  example  which  the  editor 
and  the  churches  may  well  imitate.  They  recognized  the  gov- 
ernment of  Rome  as  the  ordinance  of  God  for  the  execution  of 
his  purposes  toward  a  world  sunk  in  sin ;  and  they  gladly  recog- 
nized the  Divine  hand  in  the  movements  which  had  brought,  from 

*  Only  about  400,000  slaves  had  been  imported  between  1620  and  1808,  while 
at  the  latter  date,  the  whole  number  of  slaves  was  893,041. 


9^  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth,  the  slaves  who  stood  before 
them.  Instead  of  demanding  emancipation  as  a  condition  of 
preaching  the  Gospel,  the  Great  Salvation  was  everywhere  of- 
fered to  both  masters  and  slaves. 

But  not  only  is  the  editor's  logic  at  fault  here ;  his  theology 
is  equally  as  defective,  and  much  more  pernicious.  The  doc- 
trines taught  by  him  and  his  associates,  if  true,  would  place  the 
church  in  a  deplorable  attitude,  as  it  would  leave  her  no  sure 
foundation  of  faith.  According  to  this  view,  the  example  of  the 
early  Christians  is  not  to  be  our  guide ;  and  the  declarations  of 
the  Apostles  are  to  be  no  rule  of  action  to  us.  They  could  not 
comprehend  the  Divine  mind,  as  revealed  to  them,  with  as  much 
certainty  as  we  can  ourselves,  now  that  we  have  a  full  revelation. 
Here  is  a  masked  battery  of  Satan,  erected  by  the  professed  dis- 
ciples of  Christ,  and  afterwards  used  with  eflfect  by  the  infidel 
wing  of  the  abolition  army.  Look  well  at  this  point.  If  the 
Apostles  did  not  understand  the  Divine  will  as  to  slavery,  what 
assurance  is  there  that  they  comprehended  it  in  relation  to  any 
revealed  duty  ?  Such  doctrines  are  not  in  accordance  with  those 
of  the  Christian  church.  Prophecies  of  future  events,  for  potent 
reasons,  were  not  always  understood  by  their  writers ;  but  moral 
duties  were  of  present  obligation,  and,  when  revealed,  must  have 
been  fully  comprehended  by  the  Apostles.  Any  other  view  is 
infidel  in  its  tendency,  and  could  only  have  been  uttered  by  or- 
thodox men,  under  the  blinding  influence  of  a  fanatical  zeal  for 
a  theory  that  could  not  otherwise  be  sustained.  We  repeat,  if 
the  Apostles  were  not  competent  judges  of  the  morality  or  im- 
morality of  Roman  slavery,  they  cannot  be  safe  guides  on  any 
other  doctrine  or  rule  of  duty  :  so  that,  if  this  be  true,  there  re- 
mains no  certainty  that  any  thing  they  enjoined  is  binding  on  the 
conscience,  but  all  is  left  to  human  reason,  and  nothing  to  the 
word  of  God,  as  interpreted  by  the  Apostles. 

The  force  of  these  general  objections  to  the  grounds  of  the 
Christian  Intelligencer' s  position  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  will  be 
strengthened  by  an  examination  of  the  particulars  of  their  posi- 
tion in  detail.  1.  We  are  told,  that  the  Apostles  might  do,  "  in 
their  circumstances,"  what  we  may  not  do  "  in  our  circumstances;" 
which  amounts  to  nothing  more  than  an  endeavor  to  protect  us 


ANTI-SLAVERY  DOCTRINES  AND  POLICY.  93 

against  the  pernicious  influence  of  their  example,  if  they  failed  to 
condemn  slavery.  The  contrary  of  this  doctrine,  is  that  which  is 
expressly  taught  by  inspiration  :  Phil,  iii :  17 ;  2  Thes.  iii :  9.  In 
these  passages  the  authority  of  apostolic  example  is  directly  en- 
forced. 

2.  In  justification  of  this  position,  and  in  farther  carrying  of  it 
out,  we  are  told,  that  "there  were  inspired  men  who  practiced 
polygamy,"  and  if  it  was  "  no  reflection  upon  these  inspired  men  " 
that  they  did  not  "  purge  out  certain  evils,"  "  neither  is  it  any 
reflection  upon  the  Apostles,"  that  they  did  not,  and  that  they 
permitted  slavery  to  go  uncondemned.  The  Apostles  did  not 
tolerate  "  such  an  evil  without  testifying  against  it :  "  or,  if  they 
did,  it  is  nothing  more  nor  less  than  was  in  correspondence  with 
the  practice  of  even  inspired  men,  some  of  whom  were  polyga- 
raists.  The  Apostle  Peter  spoke  reverently  of  inspired  men,  and 
called  them  "holy  men  of  God;"  [2  Pet.  i:  21,]  but  as  their 
course  did  not  suit  the  editors,  they  account  for  the  fact  by  class- 
ing them  with  polygamists. 

3  But  there  is  still  "  a  step  farther  "  that  may  be  taken.  "If 
the  Apostles  did  not  perceive  that  such  slavery  as  existed  among 
us  is  not  sanctioned  by  the  law  of  God,  it  does  not  follow  that  it 
is  sanctioned  by  that  law."  The  Apostles  did  not  "  understand 
fully  "  what  was  intended  in  their  own  writings.  This  is  indeed 
"  a  step  farther."  Slavery  is  condemned  in  the  Bible,  but  the  in- 
spired penmen  themselves  were  ignorant  of  the  fact.  Their  course 
in  regard  to  the  institution  is  not  to  be  insisted  upon,  for,  such  is 
the  possibility,  they  themselves  might  have  condemned  it  in  their 
own  writings,  and  yet  not  have  known  it.  If  this  is  true,  it  is 
easy,  in  any  given  case,  to  get  the  Apostles  out  of  the  way,  and 
whenever  they  are  troublesome  to  be  wholly  rid  of  them,  on  the 
simple  ground  that  they  did  not  know  their  own  sayings.  In  this 
"  step  farther,"  there  is,  moreover,  an  intimation  that  there  is  a 
directing  Providence,  as  well  as  an  inspired  word,  and  this,  that 
is  apart  from  the  word,  is  so  essential  that  we  "  have  to  study  as 
the  Providence  of  God  directs."  Now  as  the  Apostles  "  had  "  to 
study  just  as  all  other  men,  and  all  men  are  at  liberty  to  judge 
for  themselves  as  to  how  Providence  directs,  it  is  clear  that  this 
Providence  may  direct  them,  in  their  own  estimation,  to  views  in 


&4i  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

the  widest  possible  degree  diifering  from  those  of  the  Apostles,  and 
so  these  ancient  worthies  be  effectually  and  entirely  disposed  of. 

Turning  from  these  views  of  the  Apostles,  we  may  next  direct 
attention  to  the  estimate  placed  upon  the  sacred  writings,  and 
the  notions  entertained  respecting  the  first  Christians.  If  they 
were  not  understood  to  condemn  slavery,  in  the  times  of  the 
Apostles,  it  was  because  they  were  not  all  written  at  the  same 
time,  and  all  put  in  circulation  together.  Those  who  had  them, 
had  them  in  various  portions,  and  not  as  a  connected  whole  — 
"  the  Avhole  system  of  doctrines  and  duties," —  as  we  now  have 
them.  In  the  first  place,  there  had  all  along  been  scriptures 
among  the  Jews,  and  these  were  continually  referred  to,  as  when 
our  Saviour  said  :  "'  search  the  scriptures ; "  [John  v  :  39  ;]  and, 
in  the  second  place,  there  was  no  such  contrariety  in  the  Old  and 
New  Testament  scriptures,  as  that  the  rules  of  morality  and  of 
holy  living,  only,  were  known,  as  some  portions  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament had  been  happily  obtained.  Paul  addressed  Timothy  [2 
Tim.  iii :  15]  saying,  that  "  from  a  child  "  he  had  ''  known  the 
Holy  Scriptures,"  and  they  were  such  scriptures  as  "  were  able 
to  make  "  "  wise,"  and  he  who  had  this  wisdom  would  be  saved. 
"  Long  "  before  "  the  last  Apostle  had  gone  to  be  '  present  with 
the  Lord '  "  the  pen  of  inspiration  had  declared  [2  Tim.  iii :  17] 
that  through  the  then  existing  scriptures,  the  man  of  God  ( a 
beautiful  epithet,)  might  be  "  thoroughly  furnished,"  and  that 
"unto  all  good  works.''  Our  editors  say,  not  quite  "all;"  we 
have  no  reason  to  suppose  that  they  equaled  ourselves.  So  far 
from  being  "  thoroughly  furnished,"  they  were  not  up  to  our 
standard  in  "  any  article  of  faith  or  duty  which  lay  ever  so  little 
out  of  the  Apostle's  cummon  track  of  preaching."  Who  does  not 
Bee  that  this  representing  of  the  primitive  church  as  without  any 
scriptures,  except  to  a  meager  extent,  is  contrary  to  the  repre- 
sentation of  the  Apostles,  who  maintained  that  they  not  only 
possessed  them,  but  that  they  were  "  profitable '"  to  the  ends  for 
which  they  had  been  inspired,  and  urged  home  upon  all  the  ob- 
ligation to  be  '■'■  thoroughly  furnished  "  by  means  of  them  ?  Who 
can  fail  to  observe,  also,  that  this  position  makes  the  commenda- 
tion of  the  Bereans,  [Acts  xvii :  11,]  for  their  study  of  the  Scrip-^ 
tures,  to  convey  the  false  impression,  that  the  Church  had  suit- 


ANTI-SLAVERY  DOCTRINES   AND   POLICY.  9^ 

able  and  sufficient  scriptures  for  their  guidance  and  instruction 
where  they  had  not  ?  Besides  all  which,  it  leaves  the  Apostles 
to  the  task  of  founding  the  Christian  church,  without  the  aid  of 
a  written  literature  that  was  fully  available,  until  after  the  last 
of  their  number  had  gone  to  be  ''  present  with  the  Lord  "  —  a 
position  which  could  not  be  maintained,  as  is  further  evident, 
because  it  is  contrary  to  all  the  analogy  of  God's  providence; 
which,  from  the  beginning,  has  made  a  written  literature  to  be 
indispensably  connected  with  the  establishment  of  the  true  relig- 
ion, and  to  that  end  first  gave  language,  and  then  the  first  rec- 
ords, in  language,  that  were  ever  known  to  the  human  family. 
It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  that  this  theory  of  the  editors  brings 
them  into  direct  conflict  with  the  declaration  of  the  inspired  pen- 
men in  such  passages  as  these :  [2  Peter  i :  9  :]  "  We  have,"  (not 
there  will  be,  after  the  last  of  us  has  gone  to  be  "present  with 
the  Lord  ")  "  also,  a  more  sure  word  of  'prophecy  (or  instruction,) 
to  which  we  do  well  to  take  heed,  as  unto  a  light  that  shineth  in 
a  dark  place."  Again,  [Col.  iii :  16,]  "  Let  the  word  of  Christ 
dwell  in  you  richly,  in  all  wisdom,  teaching,"  &c. 

This  representation  of  the  earlier  Christians,  by  the  editors,  as 
being  without  the  Scriptures,  is  with  a  view  to  establish  two 
points  :  1.  The  clearness  of  the  Scriptures  as  possessed  by  us, 
makes  the  overthrow  of  slavery  to  be  obligatory  upon  us,  while 
it  was  not  upon  them.  2.  It  takes  away  all  the  force  of  the  ex- 
ample of  primitive  and  Apostolic  times,  as  they  were  in  part 
without  the  Scriptures.  "  Practices  and  omissions  of  duty  might 
have  existed  among  them,  which  ought  not  to  be  tolerated  in  the 
church  now."  He  therefore  strenuously  objects  to  "supposing  a 
perfection  among  the  Christians  of  that  day  "  equal  to  what  is 
attained  by  those  of  our  day.  . 

The  plausibility  of  this  position  is  attempted  to  be  sustained 
by  the  farther  suggestion  of  its  reasonableness.  "No  man  can  — 
an  Apostle  could  not  do  everything  at  once."  Again,  "  they 
could  not  do  every  thing  at  once,  although  they  were  inspired 
men."  It  is  unreasonable  to  suppose,  according  to  this  view,  that 
the  primitive  church  could  have  been  framed  so  as  to  aff"ord  a 
suitable  example.  There  was  too  much  to  be  done,  and,  there- 
fore, if  we  find  anything  to  condemn  which  it  did  not  condemn, 


96  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

such  as  slavery,  it  need  be  no  matter  of  surprise.  Having  found 
an  easy  way  to  dispose  of  the  Apostles,  it  was  easy  to  dispose 
of  that  which  was  built  upon  their  "  foundation."  [Eph.  ii :  20.] 

To  what  straits  will  not  men  be  driven  by  a  theory  !  The 
character  of  the  Apostles,  inspired  as  teachers  in  the  primitive 
church,  and  clothed  with  power  of  working  miracles  to  establish 
their  authority  and  to  confirm  their  mission ;  the  fullness,  the 
sufficiency,  the  clearness,  and  the  purity  of  the  inspii-ed  Scriptures 
of  truth,  no  less  remarkable  in  the  manner  of  God's  preserving 
them,  than  in  the  fact  of  his  having  given  them;  the  church  that 
was  established  with  "Jesus  Christ  himself"  as  "the  chief  corner 
stone ; "  all  these  are  assailed  with  surmises,  and  innuendoes,  and 
suppositions,  and  for  what  ?  Why,  that  seventeen  centuries  after 
the  last  of  the  Apostles  had  gone  to  be  "  present  with  the  Lord," 
it  might  be  possible,  through  a  directing  Providence,  to  make 
room  for  new  light  on  the  subject  of  slavery  ! 

One  topic  alluded  to  in  the  Christian  Intelligencer,  yet  unno- 
ticed by  us,  remains  to  be  briefly  handled,  and  we  have  done.  It 
is  in  an  article  from  the  pen  of  an  assistant  editor,  and  will  be  un- 
derstood from  the  title  which  is  at  its  head  :  '■'■TJie  Emancipation 
of  the  Slaves  ijracticahle  —  their  Mental  and  3foral  Culture  im- 
practicable."  *  This  production  was,  substantially,  an  endorse- 
ment of  the  British  theory  —  that  slavery  and  African  evangeli- 
zation are  incompatible.  The  writer,  in  support  of  his  theory, 
quoted  certain  laws,  in  the  slave  States,  which  prohibit  the  educa- 
tion of  slaves,  but  altogether  avoided  any  mention  of  the  success 
that  had  attended  the  missionaries  in  the  West  Indies,  where  slav- 
ery then  prevailed ;  and,  with  equal  care,  neglected  to  notice  the 
results  of  the  labors  of  the  Methodists,  and  others,  among  the 
slaves  in  the  United  States.  He  theorized  entirely,  offering  no 
facts  to  sustain  his  proposition;  or,  rather,  he  avoided  any  notice 
of  existing  facts,  that  would  be  in  opposition  to  his  theory,  f 

The  course  adopted  by  this  writer,  in  his  pertinacious  adher- 
ence to  his  theory,  while  facts  enough  existed  around  him  to  dis- 

*  Christian  Intelligence!",  March,  1829,  page  66. 

t  In  justice  to  the  editor,  it  must  be  said,  that  he  corrects  the  writer  so  far 
as  to  say,  that  very  few  of  the  laws  referred  to  absolutely  prohibit  the  mental 
instruction  of  the  slaves. 


ANTI-SLAVERY  DOCTRnsrES  AND  POLICY.  97 

prove  its  correctness,  reminds  us  of  an  anecdote  told  in  relation 
to  an  eminent  Geologist,  who  had  a  fashion  of  never  yielding  a 
favorite  theory,  however  much  newly  developed  facts  might  make 
against  him. 

In  a  certain  mountain  district,  an  excitement  had  long  pre- 
vailed in  relation  to  the  discovery  of  copper  ores.  Several  very 
valuable  mines  had  been  found  and  opened.  The  Geologist  was 
attracted  to  the  spot,  and,  before  leaving,  received  an  invitation 
to  a  locality  a  few  miles  distant,  where  some  new  excavations, 
in  a  different  class  of  rocks,  had  been  made.  Examining  the  pile 
of  rocks  around  the  mouth  of  the  shaft,  he  at  once  pronounced 
their  labor  as  lost  —  stating,  that  the  slate  rocks  in  which  they 
were  digging,  had  long  been  familiar  to  him,  in  various  sections 
of  the  country,  and  were  uniformly  barren  of  all  metallic  ores. 
The  miners  listened  patiently,  until  he  closed  his  remarks,  and  then 
politely  invited  him  to  descend  the  shaft,  and  see  the  strata  of 
rocks  in  a  side-drift  which  they  had  run  out  from  the  bottom. 
He  readily  complied,  remarking,  that  sections  of  newly  cut  rocks 
were  always  interesting  to  Geologists.  Down  they  went,  lamps 
in  hand,  and,  on  reaching  the  spot,  a  magnificent  vein  of  copper 
ore  met  his  astonished  vision  !     Fact  exploded  theory. 

Reader,  descend  the  shaft  excavated  into  the  strata  of  the  his- 
tory of  negro  instruction,  by  the  preceding  chapters,  and  behold 
the  West  Indies,  at  the  time  the  writer  quoted  prepared  his  argu- 
ment, with  over  90,000  Christian  converts  among  the  slaves,  and 
the  United  States  with  about  120,000  ;  and,  then,  never  again  rely 
upon  any  theory  that  is  based  upon  speculation  instead  of  ascer- 
tained facts. 

The  arguments  on  slavery,  by  which  the  revolution  in  church 
discipline  was  effected,  are  now  before  the  reader.  They  contain 
the  germs  of  nearly  all  the  arguments  afterward  employed  by  the 
abolitionists,  in  their  fiery  assaults  upon  the  system,  and  upon 
those  who  sustained  it.  Even  the  infidel  abolitionist  found  his 
warrant  therein  for  assailing  the  Bible,  and  the  semi-infidel  for 
demanding  "an  anti-slavery  Constitution,  and  anti-slavery  Bible, 
and  an  anti-slavery  God."  *     Garrison,  too,  could  point  to  more 

*  Anson  Bm-lingame. 

7 


98  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

than  one  assertion  in  justification  of  his  declaration,  that  the 
"  United  States  Constitution  is  a  covenant  with  death  and  an 
agreement  with  hell."  * 

Such  was  the  office  performed  by  the  writers  in  the  Christian 
Intelligencer,  for  the  Church  and  for  the  country,  f 

The  progress  of  ecclesiastical  legislation,  from  the  terms  of  the 
old  platform  to  the  new,  may  be  seen  by  reference  to  the  chapters 
on  that  subject.  The  churches,  generally,  which  had  pronounced 
slavery  a  moral  evil,  to  be  speedily  remedied,  were  no<^  able  at 
once  to  carry  out  the  new  rule  proposed,  in  its  literal  meaning, 
because  of  the  opposition  of  conservative  men.  Exceptions  to  the 
rule  were  made,  in  some  cases,  in  relation  to  those  of  their  mem- 
bers who  resided  in  States  disallowing  emancipation.  One  denom- 
ination proposed  that  a  moral  emancipation  might  be  substituted 
for  a  legal  manumission  —  the  master  still  holding  l|is  legal  title 
to  the  slave,  not  as  property,  but  as  guardian  —  thus  freeing  the 
slaveholder  from  all  guilt  by  this  fictitious  change  of  relation.  % 
But  this  rule,  in  the  view  of  anti-slavery  men,  would  be  liable  to 
great  abuses,  as  under  it  every  slaveholder  might  take  refuge, 
and  the  abolition  of  slavery  never  be  effected.     The  broader  doc- 

*  Garrison's  Liberator. 

t  Note. — It  may  be  doubted,  that  preaching  from  the  pulpit  on  the  subject  of 
slavery,  was  authorized  and  required  by  any  ecclesiastical  legislation  *i  the 
subject;  but  such  doubts  must  yield  to  the  facts  in  the  case.  The  editor,  and 
associate  editors,  of  the  Christian  Intelliffencer,  belonged  to  the  First  Presbytery 
of  Ohio,  in  connection  with  tlie  Associate  Reformed  Synod  of  the  West.  They 
drew  up  the  Reports,  and  managed  the  Slavery  Question,  it  is  understood,  when 
it  was  under  consideration  in  that  Synod.  At  the  meeting  of  this  Presbytery, 
in  Septembei',  1833,  the  subject  of  the  action  of  the  Synod  was  brought  for- 
ward, considered,  reported  on,  and  the  following  resolution,  among  others,  was 
adopted,  as  the  principles  which  should  thereafter  regulate  the  Presbytery  and 
the  churches  under  its  care: 

"  Resolved  1 .  Ministers  should  not  fail,  by  the  pulpit,  and,  so  far  as  practica- 
ble, by  the  press,  to  show,  in  a  faithful  and  temperate  manner,  from  the  Word 
of  God,  the  iniquity  and  ruinous  consequences  of  this  sin.  The  truth  on  this 
subject  is  always  important,  but  it  derives  very  great  present  importance  from 
the  prevalence  of  slavery  in  our  country,  and  from  the  interest  which  the 
subject  excites  in  the  public  mind.' — Christian  Intelligencer,  Hamilton,  Ohio, 
July,  1834. 

J  See  Chapter  VII. 


VIEWS  OP  CONSERVATIVE  MEN.  99 

trine  of  the  CJirisfian  Intelligencer,  and  its  disciples,  the  abolition- 
ists, that  slaveholding  is  malum  in  se  —  in  itself  a  sin  —  under  all 
circumstances,  was,  therefore,  urged  upon  public  attention  with 
gi-eat  zeal,  and  no  small  amount  of  success.  A  practical  applica- 
tion of  this  doctrine,  by  a  few  of  the  religious  denominations, 
soon  resulted  in  the  withdrawal  of  their  ministry,  as  heretofore 
stated,  from  the  whole  of  the  slave  States  —  thus  leaving  both 
master  and  slave  in  total  destitution  of  the  ordinances  of  religion.* 

Section  III. — How  the  Abolitionists  were  met  by  argu- 
ments AGAINST  their  BiBLE   THEORIES. 

We  have  said,  that,  in  the  outset  of  the  abolition  movement, 
the  conservative  element  predominated  in  some  of  the  churches, 
so  as  to  hold  in  check  the  fanatical  spirit  every  where  manifesting 
itself.  This  was  so  fully  the  case,  in  the  Protestant  Episcopal 
Church,  that  the  subject  of  slavery  was  never  agitated  in  its 
councils,  so  as  to  lead  to  legislation  on  the  subject.  The  same 
thing  is  true  of  the  Christian  Church,  (otherwise  called  Camp- 
bellites.) 

The  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  as  well  as  the  General 
Assembly  Presbyterians,  both  had  a  long  struggle  on  this  ques- 
tion. The  discussions  in  the  former  body,  in  attempting  to  keep 
the  Church  from  taking  ultra  ground,  were  very  ably  conducted ; 
and  the  Church  was  saved  from  the  evils  of  abolitionism  for  many 
years.  In  this  controversy,  their  ablest  men  were  engaged;  and 
the  conclusions  at  which  they  arrived,  were  very  different,  indeed, 
from  those  of  the  writers  in  the  Christian  Intelligencer.  Rev. 
Dr.  Bangs,  in  1834,  thus  wrote: 

"  At  the  time  he  (Christ)  made  his  appearance  in  our  world,  slavery 
existed  all  over  the  Roman  Empire,  not  excepting  even  the  highly 
favored  land  of  Judea,  to  such  an  extent  that  it  has  been  estimated 

*  A  striking  example  of  this  kind  is  recorded  by  the  British  Friend,  of  1854, 
as  having  occurred  in  Virginia.  The  agitation  of  the  subject  of  slavery  began 
among  the  Society  of  Friends,  at  an  early  day,  in  the  district  to  which  it 
refers.  "There  were,  at  the  time,"  says  the  Friend,  "seven  meetings  of  Friends 
in  that  part  of  Virginia,  but  they  have  all  long  since  been  deserted,  and  the 
country  literally  desolated." 


100  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

that  about  one-half  of  the  population  of  that  vast  empire  were  in  a 

state   of  civil   bondage When   Jesus  Christ  sent  out  his 

Apostles  to  preach,  did  he  give  them  a  command  to  denounce  those 
masters  because  they  held  slaves?  and  to  tell  them  that  unless  they 
let  those  oppressed  go  free,  they  could  not  repent  and  enter  the  king- 
dom of  heaven  ?  Nothing  of  this.  We  do  not  recollect  a  single  in- 
stance  of  his  having  uttered  a  word  on  this  subject."  * 

Bishops  Emery  and  Hedding,  in  an  address  of  September, 
1835,  say,  that  "within  the  Roman  Empire,  slaves  were  both 
more  numerous,  and  their  legalized  condition  woi*se,  than  the 
legalized  condition  of  the  same  class  in  any  portion  of  our  own 
country." 

Rev.  Dr.  Fisk,  and  others,  in  the  "  Counter  Appeal,"  say,  that 
"  Christianity  spread  in  a  land  where  slavery  existed  as  cruel  and 
licentious  as  ever  existed  in  this  country."  And  in  referring  to 
Ephesians  vi :  5-9,  they  assert,  that  "  it  places  it  beyond  debate 
or  a  doubt,  that  the  Apostle  did  permit  slaveholders  in  the  Chris- 
tian Church."  And,  again,  in  commenting  on  Colossians  iii:  22, 
they  say : 

"  We  say,  then,  that  this  text  proves  to  a  demonstration,  that,  in  the 
primitive  Christian  Church  at  Colosse,  under  the  Apostolic  eye,  and 
with  the  Apostolic  sanction,  the  relation  of  master  and  slave  was  per- 
mitted to  subsist.  The  slave  is  addressed  as  continuing  a  slave,  the 
master  as  permanently  a  master ;  the  former  is  exhorted  to  obedience, 
the  latter  to  justice  and  equity  in  the  exercise  of  his  authority.  Who 
can  assert,  in  the  face  of  this  text,  that  no  slave-master  is  '  truly 
awakened,'  nor  can  be  endured  in  a  Christian  Church  ?  " 

Rev.  Dr.  Bond,  thus  wrote : 

"  Slaveholding  itself  is  no  where  in  terms  forbidden  in  Scripture, 
though  the  practice  was  general  in  the  time  of  our  Lord  and  his 
Apostles ;  yet  there  is  no  express  prohibition  to  Christians  to  hold 
slaves,  though  there  are  express  exhortations  to  slaves  to  obey  their 
masters,  and  to  make  this  a  matter  of  conscience."  f 


*  Christian  Advocate  and  Journal,  December  5,  1834. 

t  As  quoted  by  Rev.  Dr.  Elliott,  in  his  "Great  Secession,"  page  260. 


VIEWS  OF  CONSERVATIVE  MEN.  101 

Professor  Stuart,  of  Andover,  having  been  addressed  on  the 
subject  by  Rev.  Dr.  FiSK,  who  asked  for  historical  information, 
thus  wrote : 

"  Every  one  knows,  who  is  acquainted  with  Greek  and  Latin  antiqui- 
ties, that  slavery  among  heathen  nations  has  ever  been  more  unqualified, 
and  at  looser  ends,  than  among  Christian  nations.  Slaves  were  prop- 
erty in  Greece  and  Rome.  That  decides  all  question  about  their 
relation.  Their  treatment  depended,  as  it  does  now,  on  the  temper  of 
their  masters.  The  power  of  the  master  over  the  slave  was,  for  a  long 
time,  that  of  life  and  death.  Horrible  cruelties,  at  length,  mitigated 
it.     In  the  A*postles'   day,  it  was,   at  least,  as   great  as  among  us." 

"1  Tim.  vi :  2,  expresses  the  sentiment  that  slaves  who  are 

Christians,  and  have  Christian  masters,  are  not,  on  that  account,  and 
because  as  Christians  they  are  brethren,  to  foi-ego  the  reverence  due  to 
them  as  masters.  That  is,  the  relation  of  master  and  slave  is  not,  as  a 
matter  of  course,  abrogated  between  all  Christians.  Nay,  servants 
should,  in  such  case,  a  fortiori^  do  their  duty  cheerfully.  This  senti- 
ment lies  on  the  very  face  of  the  verse."      "The  precepts  of 

the  New  Testament  respecting  the  demeanor  of  slaves,  and  of  their 
masters,  beyond  all  question  recognize  the  existence  of  slavery.  The 
masters  ai-e  believing  masters,  so  that  a  precept  to  them  how  they  are 
to  behave  as  masters,  recognizes  that  the  relation  may  still  exist,  salva 
fide  et  salva  ecclesia  —  without  violating  the  Christian  faith  of  the 
Church.  Otherwise  Paul  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  cut  the  bond 
asunder  at  once.  He  could  not  lawfully  and  properly  temporize  with 
a  malum  in  se  —  that  is,  itself  a  sin.  If  any  one  doubts,  let  him  take 
the  case  of  Paul's  sending  Onesimus  [a  slave^  back  to  Philemon  [/t/s 
viaster,']  with  apology  for  his  running  away,  and  sending  him  back  to 
be  his  servant  for  life.  The  relation  did  exist,  may  exist.  The  abuse 
of  it  is  the  essential,  fundamental  wrong."  * 

Rev.  Dr.  Clarke,  (Comment.  1  Tim.  vi :  1,)  says : 

"The  word  Sovxoi  ('servants,')  here  means  slaves  converted  to  the 
Christian  faith  ;  and  the  ^vyoa,  or  yoke,  is  the  state  of  slavery'' 

®  These  quotations,  as  well  as  the  others  in  reference  to  the  Methodist  Epis- 
copal Church,  are  taken  from  the  pamphlet  of  Rev.  Nathan  Scarlet,  of  tho 
Kansas  Conference. 


102  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

Again,  he  says,  (Tit.  ii :  9)  : 

"  The  Apostle  refers  to  those  who  were  slaves,  the  property  of  their 
masters." 

Again,  (Col.  iv  :  1,)  he  says  : 

"  The  condition  of  slaves  among  the  Greeks  and  Romans  was 
Wretched  in  the  extreme  ;  they  could  appeal  to  no  law ;  and  they 
could  neither  expect  justice  nor  equity." 

Again,  (Comment.  1  Tim.  vi :  3) : 

"  With  political  questions,  or  questions  relative  to  private  rights,  our 
Lord  scarcely  ever  meddled  ;  he  taught  all  men  to  love  one  another  ;  to 
respect  each  other's  rights  ;  to  submit  to  each  other  ;  to  show  all 
fidelity  ;  to  be  obedient,  humble,  and  meek  ;  and  to  know  that  his 
kingdom  was  not  of  this  world." 

Again,  (Comment.  1  Cor.  vii :  24)  : 

"  It  is  very  likely  that  some  of  the  slaves  at  Corinth,  who  had  been 
converted  to  Christianity,  had  been  led  to  think  that  their  Christian 
privileges  absolved  them  from  the  necessity  of  continuing  slaves,  or,  at 
least,  brought  them  on  a  level  with  their  Christian  masters.  A  spirit 
of  this  kind  might  have  soon  led  to  confusion  and  insubordination,  and 
brought  scandals  into  the  Church.  It  was,  therefore,  a  very  proper 
subject  for  the  Apostle  to  interfere  in;  and  to  his  authority  the  per- 
sons concerned  would  doubtless  respectfully  bow." 

Again,  (on  1  Cor.  vii :  —  end  of  the  chapter) : 

"  The  conversion  which  the  Scripture  requires,  though  it  makes  a 
most  essential  change  in  our  souls  in  reference  to  God,  and  in  our  works 
in  reference  both  to  God  and  man,  makes  none  in  our  civil  state,  even 
if  a  man  is  called,  i.  e.,  converted,  in  a  state  of  slavery,  he  does  not 
gain  his  manumission  in  consequence  of  his  conversion  ;  he  stands  in 
the  same  relation  both  to  the  state  and  to  his  fellows  that  he  stood  in 
before ;  and  is  not  to  assume  any  civil  rights  or  privileges  in  conse- 
quence of  the  conversion  of  his  soul  to  God.  The  Apostle  decides 
the  matter  in  this  chapter,  and  orders  that  every  man  should  abide  in 
the  calling  wherein  he  is  called." 


VIEWS  OF  CONSERVATIVE  MEN.  103 

Again,  (on  Phil.  —  end  of  the  chapter,)  he  says : 

"  Christianity  makes  no  change  in  men's  civil  affairs ;  even  a  slave 
did  not  become  a  freeman  by  Christian  baptism." 

And,  again,  in  remarking  on  another  passage,  he  says : 

"  The  Apostle,  therefore,  informs  the  proprietors  of  these  slaves 
that  they  should  act  toward  them  both  according  to  justice  and  equity  ; 
for  God,  their  Master,  required  this  of  them,  and  would  at  last  call 
them  to  account  for  their  conduct  in  this  respect." 

Rev.  Dr.  Fisk,  in  the  "  Counter  Appeal,"  says : 

"  '  Servants,  be  obedient  to  them  that  are  your  masters  according  to 
the  flesh,  with  fear  and  trembling,  in  singleness  of  heart  as  unto  Christ; 
not  with  eye-service  as  men-pleasers,  but  as  servants  of  Christ  doing 
the  will  of  Grod  from  the  heart ;  with  good-will  doing  service,  as  to 
the  Lord,  and  not  to  men  ;  knowing  that  whatsoever  good  thing  any 
man  doeth,  the  same  shall  he  receive  of  the  Lord,  whether  he  be  bond 
or  free.  And,  ye  masters,  do  the  same  thing  unto  them,  forbearing 
threatening  ;  knowing  that  your  Master  also  is  in  heaven  ;  neither  is 
there  respect  to  persons  with  him.'  On  this  text  we  remark  :  1.  It 
places  beyond  debate  or  doubt,  that  tlie  Apostle  did  permit  slaveholders 
in  the  Christ Um  Church.  There  were  already  such  in  the  Church  of 
Ephesus,  or  he  would  not  have  addressed  them  by  the  term  master,  as 
a  legitimate  and  continuous  title ;  without  one  word  of  emancipation, 
he  directly  enjoins  upon  them  the  mild  exercise  of  that  authority, 
'  forbearing  threatening.'  2.  He  exhibits  the  difference  between  slave- 
holding  in  the  hands  of  a  Christian  master,  and  a  tyrannical  and  heathen 
master.  While  the  former  might  exercise  the  proper  duties  of  the 
station,  the  latter  would,  no  doubt,  be  guilty  of  all  the  cruelties  and 
abominations  of  which  Greek  and  Roman  slavery  was  preeminently 
full.  Yet  the  enormity  of  its  abuses  did  not,  in  his  opinion,  require 
the  immediate  abolition  of  the  relation  itself.  3.  The  New  Testament, 
here  and  elsewhere,  enjoins  obedience  upon  the  slave  as  an  obligation 
due  to  a  present  rightful  authority.  They  are  to  be  '  obedient,'  not 
deceitfully,  but  with  'singleness  of  heart,'  and  'to  please  them  in  all 
things,  not  answering  again,  not  purloining,  but  showing  all  good 
fidelity.' — Titus  ii :  9.  It  is  perfectly  ludicrous  to  pretend  that  this 
injunction  is  parallel  with  the  command  to  be  passive  under  inflictions 
for  righteousness'  sake.     It  is  perfectly  irrelevant  for  our  brethren  to 


J04  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

challenge  any  man  in  the  world  to  show  how,  by  our  rules  of  Inter- 
pretation, the  command  to  pray  for  persecutors  does  not  justify  per- 
secution. To  say  nothing  of  the  fact  that  we  find  no  persecutors 
holding  an  acknowledged  standing  in  the  primitive  Christian  Church ; 
that  we  find  no  injunctions  to  persecutors  to  discharge  their  duties 
with  moderation,  'forbearing  threatening;'  that  we  find  no  successive 
addresses  to  Christians  persecuted,  and  Christian  persecutors,  mutually 
to  perform  toward  each  other  the  correlative  duties  of  those  respective 
characters.  '  We  challenge  any  man  in  the  world  to  show,'  if  the  case 
of  the  slave  and  the  persecuted  Christian  be  parallel,  how  the  former 
is  not  justified  in  'gainsaying,'  in  refuting,  in  'answering  again,'  and 
in  fleeing  from  one  city  to  another.  What  command  obliged  the  per- 
secuted Christian  to  please  his  persecutor  'in  all  things,'  with  'single- 
ness of  heart,'  and  'with  all  good  fidelity?'  These  are  exhortations 
that  sound  like  injunctions  to  perform  duties  of  at  least  a  present 
rightful  relation.  If  that  relation  be  invariably  sinful,  how,  indeed, 
can  any  slave  be  justified  in  perpetuating  the  oppressive  system  upon 
others  by  submission  to  it  himself?  How  could  the  Apostle  be  justi- 
fied in  thus  obliging  them  to  aid  in  that  oppression  by  even  forbidding 
a  breach  of  'fidelity?'  and  how  are  abolitionists  justified  —  who  repel 
the  charge  of  preaching  insubordination  or  escape — -in  conniving,  by 
their  silence,  at  the  slave's  ignorance  of  his  rights,  and  thus  combin- 
ing with  their  oppressors  in  perpetuating  the  yoke  ?  " 

Rev.  Dr.  Elliott,  in  his  "  Great  Secession,"  page  818,  says : 

"And  those  few  churches  in  recent  times,  which  have  made  or  at- 
tempted to  make  absolute  non-slaveholding  a  term  of  membership, 
have  done  little  or  nothing  religiously  to  benefit  slave  or  master ;  or 
they  have  shut  themselves  out  entirely  from  the  field  of  labor.  The 
reason  is,  they  have  adopted  a  mere  arbitrary  theory  in  the  place  of 
the  Grospel  panacea,  of  enlightenment,  regeneration,  and  sanctification, 
and  therefore  could  not  succeed.  This  is  history,  and  can  not  be  met 
except  by  dogmatism  and  self-sufiiciency,  and  with  some  mixture  of 
fanaticism  and  narrow  sectarianism." 

The  Board  of  Bishops,  in  their  address,  in  1840,  say : 

"  We  are  fully  persuaded  that,  as  a  body  of  Christian  ministers,  we 
shall  accomplish  the  greatest  good  by  directing  our  individual  and 
united  efforts,  in  the  spirit  of  the  first  teachers  of  Christianity,  to 


VIEWS  OF  CONSERVATIVE  MEN.  105 

bring  both  master  and  servant  under  the  sanctifying  influence  of  the 
principles  of  that  Gospel  which  teaches  the  duties  of  every  relation, 
and  enforces  the  faithful  discharge  of  them  by  the  strongest  conceiva- 
ble motives.  Do  we  aim  at  the  amelioration  of  the  condition  of  the 
slave  ?  How  can  we  so  effectually  accomplish  this  in  our  calling  as 
ministers  of  the  Gospel  of  Christ,  as  by  employing  our  whole  influence 
to  bring  both  him  and  his  master  to  a  saving  knowledge  of  the  grace 
of  God,  and  to  a  practical  observance  of  those  relative  duties  so  clear- 
ly prescribed  in  the  writings  of  the  inspired  Apostles.  Permit  us  to 
add,  that,  although  we  enter  not  into  the  political  contentions  of  the 
day,  neither  interfere  with  civil  legislation,  nor  with  the  administra- 
tion of  the  laws,  we  can  not  but  feel  a  deep  interest  in  whatever  affects 
the  peace,  prosperity,  and  happiness  of  our  beloved  country.  The 
Union  of  these  States,  the  perpetuity  of  the  bonds  of  our  National 
Confederation,  the  reciprocal  confidence  of  the  different  members  of 
the  great  civil  compact  —  in  a  word,  the  loell-heing  of  the  community 
of  which  we  are  members,  should  never  cease  to  lay  near  our  hearts, 
and  for  which  we  should  offer  up  our  sincere  and  most  ardent  prayers 
to  the  Almighty  Ruler  of  the  Universe.  But  can  we,  as  ministers  of 
the  Gospel,  and  servants  of  a  Master  '  whose  kingdom  is  not  of  this 
world,'  promote  these  important  objects  in  any  way  so  truly  and  per- 
manently, as  by  pursuing  the  course  just  pointed  out?  Can  we,  at 
this  eventful  crisis,  render  a  better  service  to  our  country  than  by 
laying  aside  all  interference  witli  relations  authorized  and  established 
hy  the  civil  laws,  and  applying  ourselves  wholly  and  faithfully  to  what 
specially  appertains  to  our  '  high  and  holy  calling ; '  to  teach  and 
enforce  the  moral  obligations  of  the  Gospel,  in  application  to  all  the 
duties  growing  out  of  the  different  relations  in  society." 

It  is  not  necessary  to  trace  these  discussions  any  farther.  The 
controversy  extended  itself  to  all  the  religious  denominations,  but, 
as  before  stated,  a  few  of  them  managed  to  prevent  its  introduc- 
tion into  their  legislative  councils.  The  debates  were  often  of  the 
most  exciting  character,  and  the  press,  availing  itself  of  its  rights 
in  a  free  country,  gave  an  interest  to  their  columns  by  reportinof 
the  speeches.  The  reproach  which  this  was  calculated  to  bring 
upon  a  fanatical  ministry  soon  became  obvious,  and,  in  certain 
quarters,  the  offending  editors  were  rebuked  with  severity.  We 
find  the  following  in  the  Christian  Intelligeneer,  for  February, 
1836: 


106  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

"  Religious  Papers.  —  We  are,  moreover,  of  opinion  that,  however 
valuable  and  popular  the  New  York  Observer  may  be,  it  does  more 
mischief  than  all  our  religious  newspapers  put  together ;  and  the 
editors  are  acquiring  popularity  at  a  fearful  expense  to  our  church 
and  the  reputation  of  her  ministry.  To  attend  our  judicatories 
in  times  of  excitement,  and  publish  all  the  angry  words  and  half- 
inch  speeches,  which  good  men  utter,  may  gratify  a  morbid  cu- 
riosity ;  but  exposes  our  church  and  her  ministry,  in  the  very  worst 
attitude  in  which  they  can  be  placed  before  the  public  eye.  Their 
virtue  and  devoted  and  active  piety  are  thrown  in  the  shade,  and 
the  moment  of  excitement  is  seized  to  draw  their  likeness  and  place 
it  in  bold  relief  before  a  censorious  and  scoffing  world."  —  Pitts- 
burgh Christian  Herald.'^ 

Upon  this  the  editor  of  the  Intelligencer  thus  remarks : 

"  This  is  a  great  truth.  Mr.  Baird  deserves  the  thanks  of  the 
Christian  community  for  daring  to  utter  it,  Such  is  the  desire  of 
many  editors  of  '  religious  papers '  to  swell  their  subscription  list, 
that  they  will  gratify  this  '  morbid  curiosity, '\and  furnish  '  views  '  to 
suit  all  kinds  of  readers  at  all  hazards;  and,  unless  it  is  checked, 
the  time  must  soon  come,  when  no  church  will  be  permitted  to  keep 
its  business  in  its  own  hands.  Not  a  measure  will  be  taken  up,  or 
even  mentioned  in  an  ecclesiastical  judicatory,  but  it  will  be  reported 
in  the  newspapers,  and  placed  before  the  public  mind  in  some  false 
attitude  —  the  prejudices  of  some  will  be  excited,  and  the  passions 
of  others  inflamed,  so  as  entirely  to  preclude  the  possibility  of  cool 
and  rational  reflection." 

This  shrinking  from  the  scrutiny  of  the  public  press,  comes 
with  an  ill-grace  from  parties  who  were  clamorous  for  free  dis- 
cussion :  and,  the  more  especially  is  it  so,  when  the  whole  of  the 
church  enactments  on  slavery  were  put  to  vote,  and  carried, 
under  the  highest  state  of  excitement.  But,  with  them,  free  dis- 
cussion must  have  been  like  submission  to  church  authority  by 
William  Tennent,  and  his  fellow  Protesters,  in  1741,  when  re- 

*  The  complaint  of  the  editor  of  the  Herald  may  have  had  reference  to  the 
trial  of  Rev.  Lyman  Beecher.  D.  D.,  for  heresy,  which  had  taken  place  some 
time  before  the  date  of  the  above  remarks,  and  which  had  been  reported  for 
the  New  York  Observer^  but  it  will  apply  with  equal  force  to  the  slavery 
controversy,  then  rife  in  the  churches. 


VIEWS  OF  CONSERVATIVE  MEN.  107 

quired  to  submit  to  the  decisions  of  the  Presbyterian  Synod.  In 
effect  they  asserted:  "If  we  were  the  majority,  it  would  be  bind- 
ing on  you  to  obey  the  rules ;  but,  seeing  you  sightless  and 
Christless  ones  are  in  the  majority,  the  rules  are  null,  and,  like 
yourselves,  fit  only  to  be  despised,"  * 

It  would  be  easy  to  make  a  volume  of  extracts,  from  abolition 
documents  and  speeches,  of  the  period  between  1830  and  1840, 
showing  the  vehement  spirit  animating  those  who  conducted  the 
crusade  against  slavery,  and  the  fanatical  spirit  by  which  they 
were  animated;  but  we  shall  allow  Rev.  Dr.  Channing  to  draw 
their  portrait.     In  1836,  in  one  of  his  works,  he  says : 

"  The  abolitionists  have  done  wrong,  I  believe ;  nor  is  their  wrong 
to  be  winked  at  because  done  fanatically  or  with  good  intentions ;  for 
how  much  mischief  may  be  wrought  with  good  designs  !  They  have 
fallen  into  the  common  error  of  enthusiasts,  that  of  exaggerating 
their  object,  of  feeling  as  if  no  evil  existed  but  that  which  they  op- 
posed, and  as  if  no  guilt  could  be  compared  with  that  of  countenanc- 
ing and  upholding  it.  The  tone  of  their  newspapers,  so  far  as  I  have 
seen  them,  has  often  been  fierce  and  abusive.  They  have  sent  forth 
orators,  some  of  them  transported  with  fiery  zeal,  to  sound  the  alarm 
against  slavery  through  the  land,  to  gather  tog^her  young  and  old, 
pupils  from  schools,  females  hardly  arrived  at  the  years  of  discretion, 
the  ignorant,  the  excitable,  the  impetuous,  and  to  organize  these  into 
associations  for  the  battle  against  oppression.  Very  unhappily  they 
preached  their  doctrine  to  the  colored  people,  and  collected  them  into 
societies.  To  this  mixed  and  excitable  multitude,  minute  heart- 
rending descriptions  of  slavery  were  given  in  piercing  tones  of  pas- 
sion ;  and  slaveholders  were  held  up  as  monsters  of  cruelty  and  crime. 
The  abolitionist,  indeed,  proposed  to  convert  slaveholders ;  and  for 
this  end  he  approached  them  with  vituperation  and  exhausted  on 
them  the  vocabulary  of  abuse.     And  he  has  reaped  as  he  sowed." 

The  tendencies  of  the  abolition  movement,  did  not  escape  the 
attention  of  discerning  men.  It  was  foreseen,  and  predicted,  that 
its  ultimate  results  would  be  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  as  a 
necessary  consequence  of  the  alienation  of  feeling  which  it  en- 
gendered between  the  North  and  the  South.     Two  or  three  years 

•  Webstei-'s  History  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  in  America,  p.  164. 


1^  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

after  Dr.  Channing  uttered  his  views  of  a.bolition,  the  Princeton 
Revieiv  made  this  prophetic  declaration : 

"  The  opinion  that  slaveholding  is  itself  a  crime  must  operate  to 
produce  the  disunion  of  the  States  and  the  division  of  all  ecclesias- 
tical societies  in  the  country.  Just  so  far  as  this  opinion  operates 
it  will  lead  those  who  entertain  it  to  submit  to  any  sacrifices  to  carry 
it  out,  and  give  it  efiect.  We  shall  become  two  nations  in  feeling, 
which  must  soon  render  us  two  nations  in  fact." 

To  check  the  tendencies  to  this  result,  many  of  the  most  pious 
and  intelligent  men  in  the  church,  as  well  as  in  the  state,  set 
their  faces,  as  steel,  against  the  abolition  movement.  The  same 
year  that  Dr.  Channing  expressed  his  opinion  of  the  abolitionists, 
the  General  Conference  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  hold- 
ing its  session  in  Cincinnati,  passed  a  series  of  resolutions  in 
reprobation  of  abolitionism,  by  an  overwhelming  majority.  * 

But  we  must  leave  this  part  of  our  field  of  discussion,  to  pre- 
sent a  class  of  facts  which  are  indispensable  to  a  proper  under- 
standing of  the  question  of  the  best  mode  of  promoting  African 
Evangelization.  We  shall,  however,  resume  the  discussion,  in 
another  chapter,  of  the  abolition  movements,  in  their  connection 
with  the  ecclesiastical  legislation  at  the  North,  so  as  to  show  that 
they  were  the  natural  outgrowth  of  that  legislation. 

Section  IV. — Inquiries  into  the  difference  in  the  degrees 
OF  success  attending  the  attempts  to  Evangelize  the  African 
Race  throughout  the  World. 

Among  an  unthinking  people,  writers  and  orators  may  frame 
acceptable  theories,  based  only  on  the  speculations  of  their  own 
imaginations  ;  but  he  who  would  secure  attention  from  an  intel- 
ligent public,  must  found  his  theories  upon  facts.  In  no  field  of 
investigation  is  an  appeal  to  facts  so  imperiously  demanded,  at 
this  moment,  as  in  that  of  the  slavery  question.  False  theories 
on  the  subject  have  done  their  fatal  work  upon  our  country.  A 
writer  has  recently  observed,  that  *'  It  is  in  the  arena  of  politics 

*  See  Chapter  VIII.,  session  of  1836. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   109 

that  every  moral  and  theological  short-coming  reaches  maturity, 
and  meets  its  final  penalty."  This  has  been  strikingly  true  in 
reference  to  the  United  States.  The  pulpit  began  the  crusade 
against  slavery,  and  the  press  brought  it  to  maturity  upon  the 
arena  of  party  politics  :  the  nation  is  now  meeting  the  penalty.  * 

But  I  am  met  with  the  assertion,  that  certain  evils  are  so  in- 
imical to  tli«  interests  of  humanity,  that  an  exemption  from  them 
is  cheaply  purchased  by  war.  This  may  all  be  true  ;  but,  then, 
if  the  evils  complained  of  cannot  be  remedied  by  war,  a  terrible 
responsibility  rests  upon  those  who  provoke  it.  How  is  it  in 
the  present  case?  The  evil  complained  of,  is  the  degradation 
of  the  negro,  under  slavery,  in  the  Southern  States.  His  moral 
elevation,  it  is  contended,  can  be  efi"ected  only  by  emancipation, 
as  a  means  of  making  him  accessible  to  the  Gospel.  This  has 
been  the  burden  of  the  cry  of  the  abolitionists  from  the  begin- 
ning. It  is  well,  therefore,  to  ascertain  whether  the  moral  ele- 
vation of  the  negro  will  necessarily  follow  emancipation.  This 
cannot  be  determined  by  theorizing  about  the  natural  equality 
of  men,  but  only  by  an  examination  of  the  facts  connected  with 
the  history  of  the  African  race.  And  if  it  should  appear,  under 
all  the  varied  circumstances  in  which  the  Providence  of  God  has 
placed  the  colored  man,  that  his  condition  in  the  United  States, 
under  slavery,  has  been  the  most  favorable  to  his  evangelization, 
then  there  can  be  no  longer  any  reason  for  Christian  men  to 
wage  war  upon  the  system,  so  as  to  endanger  the  peace  of  the 
country. 

In  prosecuting  this  inquiry,  attention  is  asked  to  the  principal 


*  Near  the  close  of  1838,  in  the  midst  of  the  abolition  excitement,  the  Ver- 
mont Chronicle,  in  commenting  upon  Guizot's  History  of  Civilization,  and  ap- 
plying some  of  the  teachings  of  history  to  the  condition  of  slavery  in  the  Uni- 
ted States,  made  the  following  sensible  remark: 

"  Whatever  of  religious  influence  there  is,  therefore,  among  slaveholders  and 
slaves,  ought  to  be  fervently  rejoiced  in,  and  sedulously  cherished.  To  de- 
nounce all  religious  effort  in  slaveholding  countries,  is  not  only  unchristian 
and  injurious  conduct  toward  the  population  of  those  countries,  but  treason 
against  religion  itself.  The  history  of  the  progress  of  liberty,  under  any  other 
than  religious  auspices,  is  not  such,  surely,  as  to  encourage  Christian  men  in 
relying  on  any  other  than  Christian  principles  for  "  breaking  every  yoke." 


110  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

facts  connected  with  the  various  Christian  missions  among  the 
Africans  throughout  the  world,  whether  in  bondage  or  in  freedom: 

1.   The  obstacles  to  African  Evangelization  in  South  Africa. 

In  this  investigation,  we  must  avail  ourselves  of  former  labors,* 
to  some  extent ;  and  before  commencing  the  missionary  history 
of  South  Africa,  a  brief  reference  must  be  had  to  its  civil  history  : 

The  Dutch  took  possession  of  the  Cape  in  1650,  and  this  occupancy 
was  followed  by  an  extensive  emigration  of  that  people  to  Cape  Town 
and  its  vicinity.  The  encroachments  of  the  emigrants  upon  the  Hot- 
tentots, soon  gave  rise  to  wars,  which  resulted  in  the  enslavement  of 
this  feeble  race.  The  English  captured  Cape  Town  in  1795,  ceded 
it  back  in  1801,  retook  it  in  1808,  and  still  hold  it  in  possession. 

The  climate  of  South  Africa  being  favorable  to  the  health  of  Eu- 
ropeans, an  English  emigration  to  the  Cape  commenced  soon  after  it 
became  a  British  province.  This  led  to  further  encroachments  upon 
the  native  tribes,  and  to  much  disafiectiou  upon  the  part  of  the 
Dutch,  who  were  designated  by  the  term  Boers,  f  They  remained  in 
the  Colony,  however,  until  1834,  when  the  emancipation  act  of  the 
British  Parliament,  set  the  Hottentots  free.  This  so  enraged  the 
Boers,  that  they  emigrated  in  large  bodies  beyond  the  limits  of  Cape 
Colony.  In  seeking  new  homes,  they  came  in  contact  with  the  Zulus, 
as  already  stated,  and  aided  in  the  subjugation  of  that  powerful  peo- 
ple. Driven  by  the  English  from  the  Zulu  country,  the  Boers  passed 
on  to  the  north-west,  far  into  the  interior,  where  we  shall  soon  hear 
from  them  again. 

The  English,  in  extending  their  settlements  to  the  north-east  of 
Cape  Town,  soon  came  into  collision  with  the  Caffres;  who,  being  a 
powerful  and  warlike  race,  made  a  vigorous  resistance  to  their  ad- 
vances. The  CaiFres  stole  the  cattle  of  the  whites,  and  the  whites 
retaliated  on  the  Caffres.  These  depredations  often  resulted  in  wars, 
each  of  which  gave  the  English  government  a  pretext  to  add  a  portion 
of  the  Caffre  territory  to  its  own.  As  war  followed  on  war,  the  Caffres 
improved  in  the  art,  acquired  something  of  the  skill  of  their  enemies, 
and  learned  the  use  of  European  weapons.  Thus  every  Caffre  war 
became  more  formidable,  requiring  more  troops,  costing  more  money, 
and,  of  course,  demanding  more  territory.     In  consequence  of  these 

*  See  "  Ethiopia,"  for  full  particulars,     t  The  German  term  for  farmers. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.       Ill 

various  annexations  from  the  Caffres,  Zulus,  and  others,  the  English 
possessions  in  South  Africa  now  cover  a  space  of  282,000  square 
miles ;  105,000  of  which  have  been  added  since  1847. 

The  Missionary  History  of  South  Africa,  though  of  great  interest, 
must  also  be  very  brief. 

A  Moravian  mission,  begun  in  1736,  among  the  Hottentots,  was 
broken  up  at  the  end  of  six  years,  by  the  Dutch  authorities,  and  its 
renewal  prevented  for  49  years.  Having  been  resumed  in  1792,  it 
was  again  interrupted  in  1795,  but  soon  afterward  restored  under 
British  authority.  Here,  the  hostility  of  the  Dutch  government  to 
Christian  Missions  excluded  the  Grospel  from  South  Africa  during  a 
period  of  half  a  century. 

A  mission  to  the  Caffres,  begun  in  1799,  by  Dr.  Vanderkemp,  was 
abandoned  in  a  year,  on  account  of  the  jealousies  of  that  people  to- 
ward the  whites,  and  their  plots  to  take  his  life.  The  other  missions, 
of  various  denominations,  begun  ftom  time  to  time,  in  South  Africa, 
have  also  been  interrupted  and  retarded  by  the  wars  of  the  natives 
with  each  other,  and  more  especially  with  the  whites. 

The  pecuniary  loss  to  the  English,  by  the  war  of  1835,  was 
$1,200,000  ;  and  by  that  of  1846-7,  ^3,425,000.  This,  however, 
was  a  matter  of  little  importance,  compared  with  the  moral  bearings 
of  these  conflicts.  The  missions  suffered  more  or  less  in  all  the  wars, 
either  by  interruptions  of  their  labors,  or  in  having  their  people 
pressed  into  the  army.  In  that  of  1846-7,  the  London  Society  had 
its  four  stations  in  the  Caffre  country  entirely  ruined,  and  its  mis- 
sionaries and  people  were  compelled  to  seek  refuge  in  the  Colony. 

But  the  most  disaslft-ous  of  all  these  conflicts,  and  that  which  has 
cast  the  deepest  gloom  over  the  South  African  Missions,  was  the 
Caffre  war  of  1851-2-3.  These  missions,  with  the  exception  of  that 
to  the  Zulus,  were  under  the  care  of  ten  missionary  societies,  all  of 
which  were  European.  They  had  recovered  from  the  shocks  of  the 
former  wars,  and  were  in  an  encouraging  state,  when,  in  December, 
1850,  the  Caffre  war  broke  out.  In  consequence  of  that  war,  many 
of  the  missions  were  reduced  to  a  most  deplorable  condition  ;  afford- 
ing a  sad  commentary  on  the  doctrine  that  the  white  and  black  races, 
in  the  present  moral  condition  of  the  world,  can  dwell  together  in 
harmony. 

The  missions  of  the  Scotch  Free  Church  were  in  the  very  seat  of 
war,  the  buildings  of  two  of  them  destroyed,  and  the  missionaries 
forced  to  flee  for  their  lives ;  while  the  third  was  only  saved  by  being 
fortified. 


112  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

The  Berlin  Missionary  Society  had  its  missionaries  driven  from  two 
of  its  stations,  during  the  progress  of  the  war. 

The  Mission  of  the  United  Presbyterian  Synod  of  Scotland,  which 
consisted  of  three  stations,  was  all  involved  in  ruin.  The  war  laid 
waste  the  mission  stations,  scattered  the  missionaries  and  converts, 
suspended  entirely  the  work  of  instruction,  and  did  an  amount  of 
evil  which  can.  scarcely  be  exaggerated.  The  Report  for  1853  de- 
clared that  the  mission  could  not  be  resumed  on  its  old  basis,  as  the 
Caffres  around  their  stations  were  to  be  driven  away  ;  and  though 
the  native  converts,  numbering  100,  might  be  collected  at  one  of  the 
stations,  it  was  deemed  better  that  a  delegation  visit  South  Africa, 
and  report  to  the  Board  a  plan  of  future  operations. 

The  London  Missionary  Society  also  suffered  greatly,  and  some  of 
their  missionaries  were  stript  of  every  thing  they  possessed.  The 
Report  for  1853,  says :  "  This  deadly  conflict  has  at  length  termi- 
nated, and  terminated,  as  might  have  been  foreseen,  by  the  triumph 
of  British  arms.  The  principal  Caffre  chiefs,  with  their  people,  have 
been  driven  out  of  their  country ;  and  their  lands  have  been  allotted 
to  British  soldiers  and  colonists.  And  on  the  widely  extended  fron- 
tier, there  will  be  established  military  posts,  from  which  the  troops 
and  the  settlers  are  to  guard  the  colony  against  the  return  of  the 
exiled  natives." 

Such,  indeed,  was  the  hostility  of  the  whites  toward  the  mission- 
aries themselves,  at  one  of  the  Churches  in  the  white  settlements, 
that  bullets  were  not  unfrequently  dropped  into  the  collection  plates.* 

Both  Moravian  and  Wesleyan  Missions  have  been  destroyed.  In 
one  instance,  250  Hottentots  perished  by  the  hands  of  English  sol- 
diers, in  the  same  Church  where  they  had  listened  to  the  word  of 
God  from  the  Moravian  missionaries ;  not  because  they  were  enemies, 
but  in  an  attempt  to  disarm  a  peaceful  population.  Such  were  the 
cruelties  incident  to  this  war  ! 

The  Paris  Missionary  Society  had  thirteen  stations  in  South  Africa, 
Its  Report,  for  1853,  complained  of  the  interruptions  and  injuries 
which  its  missions  had  suffered,  in  consequence  of  the  military  com- 
motions which  had  prevailed  in  the  fields  occupied  by  its  mission- 
aries. In  alluding  to  the  obstacles  to  the  Gospel  which  every  where 
existed,  Dr.  Grandpierre,  the  Director  of  the  Society,  said :  "  But 
how  are  these  obstacles  multiplied,  when  the  missionary  is  obliged 
to  encounter,  in  the  lives  of  nominal  Christians,  that  which  gives  the 

•  Missionary  Mag.  and  Chron.,  Oct.,  1853. 


MISSIONS   UNDER  FREEDOM  AND   SLAVERY    CONTRASTED.       113 

lie  to  his  teachings.  Irritated  by  the  measures  which  are  employed 
against  them,  may  not  the  aborigines  rightfully  say  to  the  whites, 
with  more  truth  than  ever,  '  You  call  yourself  the  children  of  the 
God  of  peace  ;  and  yet  you  make  war  upon  us.  You  teach  justice ; 
but  you  are  guilty  of  injustice.  You  preach  the  love  of  God;  and 
you  take  away  our  liberty  and  our  property.'  " 

One  of  the  Scotch  Societies,  near  the  close  of  the  Caffre  war,  when 
summing  up  the  effects  it  had  produced,  draws  this  melancholy  pic- 
ture : 

''  All  missionary  operations  have  been  suspended  ;  the  converts  are 
either  scattered  or  compelled,  by  their  hostile  countrymen,  to  take 
part  in  the  revolt;  the  missionaries  have  been  obliged  to  leave  the 
scenes  of  their  benevolent  labors;  hostile  feelings  have  been  excited 
between  the  black  and  white  races,  which  it  will  require  a  long  pe- 
riod to  soothe  down  ;  and  the  prospects  of  evangelizing  Caffreland  have 
been  rendered  dark  and  distant." 

We  turn  now  to  another  class  of  missions,  and,  for  the  brief 
synopsis  presented,  are  indebted  to  the  Missionary  Magazine,  the 
organ  of  the  American  Baptist  Missionary  Union,  which 
copies  from  the  London  Missionary  Chronicle  —  the  paragraphs 
descriptive  of  the  Bushmen  being  from  the  London  Quarterly 
Review. 

The  first  mission,  of  the  London  Missionary  Society,  in  South 
Africa,  was  begun  in  1799,  among  the  Bushmen.  The  station 
selected  was  400  miles  from  Cape  Town,  on  the  Zak  River.  This 
station  was  abandoned  in  1805,  owing  to  the  quarrels  of  the 
native  tribes,  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  the  means  of  subsistence, 
&c.  The  next  effort  among  the  Bushmen  was  made  in  1814,  at 
Thornberg,  and  two  years  afterward,  a  removal  effected  to  a  point 
nearer  the  Great  Orange  River,  which  they  called  Hepzibah.  In 
this  place  some  success  followed  their  efforts ;  but,  through  the 
influence  of  the  Boers,  the  British  authorities  peremptorily  or- 
dered the  missionaries  within  the  colony,  on  the  plea  that  "  these 
institutions  were  detrimental  to  the  colony."  Though  the  Society 
has  never  since  been  able  to  form  a  mission  to  the  Bushmen, 
nevertheless,  in  connection  with  the  Griquas,  the  Hottentots  at 
Kat  River,  and  among  the  Namaquas  and  the  Bechuanas,  out 
stations  have  been  formed  for  Bushmen,  among  whom  some  deeply 
8 


114  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

affecting  instances  of  spiritual  good  have  been  witnessed.  *  The 
following  account  of  the  Bushmen  will  interest  the  reader.  It  is 
from  a  late  number  of  the  London  Quarterly  Review : 

"On  the  banks  and  in  the  valleys  of  the  Snowberg  or  Snowy 
Mountains,  which  form  the  northern  boundary  of  the  Cape,  human- 
ity is  found  in  the  very  lowest  state  of  degradation  in  which  it  has 
ever  been  exhibited.  The  Bosjesmans,  or  Bushmen,  two  or  three 
specimens  of  which  race  were  brought  to  this  country  a  few  years  ago, 
present  an  exaggeration  even  of  the  hideous  form  which  character- 
izes the  Hottentot.  Hunger,  and  cold,  and  nakedness,  and  every 
description  of  privation  and  distress,  have  so  dwarfed  their  forms  and 
depraved  their  minds,  that  they  present  a  spectacle  painful  to  look 
upon.  The  stature  of  these  pigmy  inhabitants  of  the  desert  rarely 
exceeds  four  feet,  or  four  feet  two  inches.  Thieves  by  profession, 
cruel  and  treacherous,  without  a  fixed  habitation,  without  society, 
without  any  sort  of  common  interest  or  government,  and  living  only 
from  day  to  day,  and  from  hand  to  mouth,  they  were  objects  of 
loathing  to  neighboring  tribes,  even  before  Europeans  had  approached 
their  country.  The  more  civilized  of  the  Hottentots  and  Caffres 
waged  a  deadly  war  against  them ;  and  the  sight  of  one  of  these 
diminutive  savages  is  said  to  rouse  the  passions  of  that  race  to  an 
unaccountable  fury.  Many  years  since,  a  Caffre  saw  in  the  Grovern- 
ment  House  at  Cape  Town,  among  the  other  domestics,  a  Bushman 
eleven  years  of  age.  With  the  impulse  of  a  beast  of  prey  he  darted 
upon  him,  and  transfixed  him  with  his  aggesai. 

"  The  little  intelligence  which  the  Bushmen  possess  is  displayed 
chiefly  in  robbery  and  the  chase.  Rivaling  the  antelope  in  fleetness 
and  the  monkey  in  agility,  they  accompany  their  wild,  half-famished, 
savage  dogs  until  they  come  within  bowshot  of  their  game,  or  run 
down  the  objects  of  their  pursuit.  Arrayed  generally  with  a  bow,  a 
quiver  full  of  arrows,  a  hat  and  a  belt,  leather  sandals,  a  sheep's 
fleece,  a  gourd,  or  the  shell  of  an  ostrich's  egg,  to  carry  water,  these 
puny  creatures  wander  over  their  parched  and  desolate  plains,  sup- 
ported by  a  food  which,  unless  when  occasionally  varied  by  the  lux- 
uries of  the  chase,  consists  entirely  of  roots,  berries,  ant-eggs,  grass- 
hoppers, mice,  toads,  lizards,  and  snakes.  They  smear  the  arrows 
which  they  use  for  hunting,  and  in  war,  with  a  poison  which,  extracted 
from  a  bulb,  and  mingled  with  a  venom  drawn  from  the  jaws  of  the 

*  Missionary  Magazine,  Jan.,  1861 — copied  from  London  Miss.  ChroB. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   115 

yellow  serpent,  forms  a  compound  of  the  most  noxious  character,  for 
no  creature  was  ever  pierced  by  a  dart  prepared  with  this  deadly*virus, 
and  lived.  They  have  another  poison  more  fearful  in  its  effects, 
which  is  extracted  from  a  caterpillar.  The  agony  produced  by  it, 
Dr.  Livingstone  says,  is  so  intense,  that  the  person  wounded  cuts  him- 
self with  knives,  and  flies  from  human  habitation  a  raving  maniac. 
The  effect  upon  the  lion  is  equally  terrible.  He  is  heard  moaning  in 
distress,  becomes  furious,  and  bites  trees  and  the  ground  in  his  rage. 
"  They  are  said  to  be  totally  void  of  natural  affection  ;  '  and  there 
are  instances,'  adds  a  missionary,  (Mr.  Kieherer)  who  lived  for  some 
time  in  the  neighborhood,  '  of  parents  throwing  their  tender  offspring 
to  the  hungry  lion  who  stood  roaring  before  their  cavern,  refusing  to 
depart  until  some  peace-offering  was  made  to  him.  They  shun  the 
face  of  strangers,  concealing  themselves  amongst  the  rocks  and  bushes, 
and  even  throwing  themselves  over  precipices  rather  than  fall  into  the 
hands  of  their  enemies.  But  they  have  been  known,  when  escape 
has  been  cut  off,  to  fight  with  the  most  determined  resolution.  Re- 
ligion they  have  none.  They  regard  the  thunder  as  the  voice  of  an 
angry  demon,  and  they  reply  to  it  with  curses  and  imprecations. 
Their  language  is  inarticulate  to  all  but  themselves  ;  and  there  appears 
to  be  vSearcely  even  a  possibility  of  either  civilizing  or  converting  them. 
In  the  north-east  of  Natal,  where  the  Bushmen  appear  in  their  lowest 
type,  they  reside  in  holes  of  the  earth  scraped  out  with  their  nails,  or 
rather  with  their  claws.  '  They  will  not  receive  kindness,'  says  a  close 
observer  of  their  character  ;  '  or  if  they  do,  they  only  make  a  return 
of  treachery,  robbery,  and  murder.  No  presents  of  cattle  or  corn,  no 
inducements  to  locate  and  settle,  can  prevail  upon  them  to  relinquish 
their  wild  life,  or  to  make  any  approach  toward  civilization.'  The 
only  satisfactory  thought  connected  with  them  is  the  belief  of  their 
gradual  extinction.  They  exist,  in  the  meantime,  an  awful  proof  of 
the  degradation  to  which  humanity,  in  its  gradual  deterioration,  can  fall, 
and  an  instance  of  physical  and  moral  degeneracy  probably  unparal- 
leled in  the  world." 

How  are  the  principles  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  to 
be  applied  to  this  people?  Suppose  they  were  in  the  United 
States,  would  the  abolitionist  claim  for  the  Bushmen  a  political 
equality  with  the  intelligent  white  man?* 

*  The  Lowest  Type  of  Hdmanity. — The  following  extract  is  from  an  Article 
on  "Barbarism  and  Civilization,  in  the  Atlantic  Mojithly,   1861: 


116  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

Intimately  connected  -witli  the  mission  to  the  Bushmen,  ■was 
that  to  the  Namaquas  and  Corannas,  living  north  and  west  of 
Cape  Colony,  and  chiefly  beyond  the  Orange  River.  It  was,  like 
that  to  the  Bushmen,  attended  with  great  privation  and  extreme 
peril,  and,  by  the  Divine  favor,  with  instances  of  marvelous  suc- 
cess. "  It  is  difficult  to  imagine  the  arid,  desolate,  barren,  rocky 
surface,  which  this  part  of  Africa  presents.  The  migratory  tribes 
that  removed  from  fountain  to  fountain  to  find  grass  for  their 
cattle  were  as  ignorant  and  spiritually  necessitous  as  the  Bush- 
men." In  1805  they  set  out  for  the  mission,  and  in  1807  bap- 
tized their  first  converts.  In  1810  the  missionaries  fled  to  the 
colony  to  escape  from  the  sword  of  Africaner,  a  noted  robber 
chief,  who  destroyed  the  mission,  reducing  the  buildings  to  ashes 
after  having  secured  the  plunder.  In  1812  the  mission  was  re- 
newed at  a  point  south  of  the  Orange  River.  Africaner,  having 
had  the  missionaries  commended  to  his  care,  welcomed  one  of 
them  to  his  village,  and  afterwards  became,  himself,  a  truly  con- 
verted man.  In  1818  Mr.  Moff"att  reached  Africaner's  kraal,  and, 
under  his  instructions,  the  former  man  of  blood  became  a  preacher 
of  righteousness.  He  died  in  1823,  cheered  to  his  latest  hours 
by  the  hopes  of  the  Gospel  of  Christ.  In  1830  the  Gospels, 
which  had  been  translated  into  the  Namaqua  tongue,  were  printed 
and  welcomed  by  the  people.  * 

The  mission  among  the  Griquas  was  commenced  in  1801. 
"  This  people  were  numerous,  at  this  time,  and  comparatively  rich 
in  cattle,  more  intelligent,  and  by  the  possession  of  fire-arms, 

"On the  island  of  Borneo  there  has  been  found  a  certain  race  of  wild  crea- 
tures, of  which  kindred  varieties  have  been  discovei'ed  in  the  Philippine 
Islands,  in  Terra  del  Fuego,  and  in  South  Africa.  They  walk,  usually,  almost 
erect,  on  two  legs,  and,  in  that  attitude,  measure  about  four  feet  in  hight;  they 
are  dark,  wrinkled,  and  hairy;  they  construct  no  habitations,  form  no  families, 
scarcely  associate  together;  sleep  in  caves  or  trees;  feed  on  snakes  and  vermin, 
on  ant-eggs,  on  mice,  and  on  each  other;  they  cannot  be  tamed  nor  forced  to 
any  labor;  and  are  hunted  and  shot  among  the  trees  like  the  great  gorillas,  of 
which  they  are  a  stunted  copy.  When  they  are  captured  alive,  one  finds  to  his 
surprise  that  their  uncouth  jabbering  sounds  like  articulate  language;  they 
turn  up  a  human  face  to  gaze  at  their  captor,  and  females  show  instincts  of 
modesty;  and,  in  fine,  these  wretched  beings  are  men.' 

*  Missionary  Magazine,  January,  1861;  taken  from  London  Missionary 
Chroniole, 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.       117 

more  powerful  than  the  tribes  among  them ;  but  in  morals  and 
social  condition,  little,  if  at  all,  superior  to  the  Bushmen.  They 
were  indolent  and  improvident,  wandering  from  place  to  place,  as 
they  found  pasturage  for  their  herds.  The  missionaries  followed 
their  movements,  and  endured  all  the  discomfort  and  privation  of 
such  a  mode  of  life,  in  order  to  induce  them  to  receive  their  mes- 
sage." Finally,  a  part  of  the  Griquas  were  induced  to  settle 
down  to  agriculture,  under  the  care  of  one  of  the  missionaries, 
while  the  other  missionary  accompanied  those  who  went  with  the 
cattle.  This  was  the  commencement  of  a  settled  habitation  among 
them.  The  headstrong  perverseness  of  the  people,  the  want  of 
suitable  and  sufficient  food,  the  exposure  to  attacks  from  bands 
of  marauding  Caffres,  and  long  continued  and  alarming  illness, 
greatly  depressed  the  missionaries  during  the  earlier  years  of 
their  labors;  but  they  kept  their  great  object  —  the  salvation 
of  the  souls  of  the  people  —  steadily  in  view ;  and,  after  six  years' 
labor,  administered  baptism  to  twelve  individuals,  and,  before  the 
close  of  the  year,  a  church  of  converted  natives  was  organized, 
and  the  ordinance  of  the  Lord's  Supper  celebrated.  A  few  years 
later  the  mission  was  disturbed  by  an  order  from  the  government, 
at  Cape  Town,  demanding  twenty  men  to  serve  in  the  Cape  regi- 
ment, and  the  appointment,  subsequently,  of  an  agent  to  reside  at 
the  town.  Suspecting  that  the  missionary  had  favored  this  meas- 
ure, the  people  lost  confidence  in  him ;  and  a  portion  of  them, 
rather  than  submit  to  the  imposition,  withdrew  from  the  settle- 
ment to  a  mountainous  part  of  the  country,  where  they  determined 
to  resist  any  attempt  of  the  government  to  enslave  them,  and  to 
oppose  that  portion  of  their  own  people  who  were  even  favorable 
to  the  presence  of  a  government  agent  among  them.  These  evils 
were  increased  by  other  incidents,  and  for  the  space  of  fifteen 
years  after  the  peace  of  the  settlement  had  been  destroyed  by  the 
demand  of  the  govei-nment  for  men,  the  mission  suffered  a  series 
of  fearful  calamities.  The  missionary  never  recovered  the  con- 
fidence of  the  people,  but,  broken  in  spirit,  retired  in  1820.  The 
seceding  party,  maddened  and  reckless,  committed  fearful  ravages 
and  murders  among  the  defenceless  tribes,  attacked  and  burned 
part  of  Griqua  Town  itself,  and  were  only  induced  to  retire  by  the 
persuasions  of  the  missionary,  who  went  to  their  intrenchments, 


lis  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

prayed  with  them,  and  exhorted  them  to  desist.  The  Church  was 
reduced  from  200  to  less  than  30,  and  the  mission  brought  to  the 
verge  of  ruin.  In  1830,  the  mission  began  to  revive,  and  the 
other  stations  which  had  been  commenced  in  the  meantime,  began 
to  bear  fruits,  so  that,  in  1840,  the  congregations  at  the  several 
stations  averaged  between  3,000  and  4,000 ;  the  communicants 
were  630,  and  900  were  taught  in  the  schools.  Causes  altogether 
beyond  the  control  of  the  missionaries  or  people,  had,  however, 
been  some  time  in  operation,  which  threatened  ultimately  to  drive 
both  from  the  country.  The  Boers  removed,  in  1845  and  1846, 
in  large  numbers  and  settled  among  the  Griquas  and  neighbor- 
ing tribes.  They  soon  made  war  upon  the  Griquas,  and  when  the 
British  government  interfered  in  1848,  they  rose  in  rebellion,  but 
were  defeated.  By  the  treaty  which  followed,  the  country  was 
surrendered  to  the  Boers  in  1854,  and  the  Griquas  left  in  their 
power.  Additions  have  been  every  year  made  to  the  communi- 
cants, which  amount  to  400  ;  but  the  evils  and  disturbances  created 
by  the  conflict  between  the  Boers  and  the  natives,  and  their  politi- 
cal difficulties,  are  forcing  them  —  after  the  people  have  occupied 
the  country  for  the  best  part  of  a  century,  and  the  Society  has 
labored  among  them  for  sixty  years  —  to  seek  in  some  distant 
region  another,  and,  as  they  hope,  a  more  peaceful  home.  Though 
the  district  connected  with  Griqua  Town  has  been  exempt  from 
disturbance  by  the  Boers,  the  people  have  been  impoverished  and 
dispersed  by  severe  drouths,  sometimes  continued  through  six  or 
seven  successive  years.  Among  those  who  remain,  religious  ob- 
servances are  maintained,  at  the  several  stations,  where  from  1,200 
to  2,000  assemble  for  worship  every  Lord's  day.  An  attempt 
was  making,  at  a  point  thirty  miles  distant,  to  irrigate  the  lands 
with  waters  from  the  Vaal  river,  and  on  the  success  of  this  effort 
the  continuance  of  the  mission  in  its  present  locality  seems  to 
depend.  Lekatlong,  another  mission,  has  been  itself  but  slightly 
troubled,  though  assaults  in  other  stations  have  increased  the 
numbers,  amounting  to  13,000,  now  depending  on  its  efforts,  of 
whom  690  are  united  in  Christian  fellowship.  * 

We  turn  next  to  the  mission  among  the  Bechuanas.    This  tribe 

*  Missionary  MaQ;azine,  April,  ISfil,  copied  from  London  Miss.  Chronicle. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   119 

lives  in  the  country  east  of  the  Namaquas  and  north  of  the  Gri- 
quas.  It  may  be  said  to  be  composed  of  numerous  tribes  all 
bearing  the  name  of  Bechuanas.  In  1813,  the  proposition  was 
made  to  the  chief  to  receive  Christian  teachers.  "  Send  them, 
and  I  Tvill  be  a  father  to  them,"  was  the  reply.  In  1817,  the 
missionary  removed  from  the  station  first  occupied,  with  the  peo- 
ple, to  the  Kuruman,  where,  in  1821,  he  was  joined  by  Rev.  Mr. 
MoFFATT,  the  well-known  historian  of  South  African  Missions. 
In  1823,  a  horde  of  40,000  fierce  Mantatees,  who  had  desolated 
every  country  over  which  they  had  passed,  approached  the  Kuru- 
man, but  were  arrested  through  the  vigilance  of  Mr.  Moffatt, 
who  secured  the  aid  of  the  Griquas ;  and  the  mission  station,  as 
well  as  the  adjacent  portions  of  the  colony,  were  saved  from 
ruin.  After  twelve  years'  severe  and  patient  toil,  the  missionaries 
welcomed  to  their  Christian  brotherhood,  their  first  convert.  He 
was  soon  afterward  followed  by  six  others;  a  Christian  church 
was  then  organized,  and  the  first  communion  celebrated  in  the 
same  year,  1829.  The  Psalms  and  the  New  Testament  were 
translated  into  the  language  of  the  natives,  and  brought  to  the 
mission  in  1843.  The  work  was  then  prosecuted  with  great  vigor 
and  success.  At  the  principal  station,  civilization  and  social  im- 
provement advanced  rapidly,  the  schools  received  a  new  impetus, 
and  the  church  numbered  400  communicants.  In  1851,  the  station 
at  Mamusa  was  broken  up  by  a  conflict  between  the  natives  and 
the  Boers,  who  had  taken  possession  of  the  country  beyond  the 
Vaal  river.  A  treaty  with  the  British  secured  the  country  to  the 
Boers  and  left  the  natives  exposed  to  their  tyranny,  without  the 
means  of  defence,  as  the  British  were  bound  not  to  sell  the 
natives  any  arms  or  ammunition.  The  Boers  soon  manifested 
their  intentions  toward  the  natives  and  the  missions  ;  Mabotsa 
and  Matebe  were  broken  up,  and  the  people  dispersed;  Kolo- 
beng  was  attacked  and  burned,  numbers  of  the  people  killed,  and 
Dr.  Livingstone's  house  plundered  of  its  contents,  while  two  other 
missionaries  were  required  to  leave  the  country  in  fourteen  days, 
and  Mr.  Moifatt  and  the  Kuruman  threatened.  But  the  Governor 
of  the  Cape  interfered,  and  that  mission  is  yet  safe.  The  labors 
of  Dr.  Livingstone,  as  an  explorer,  opened  up  new  fields  for  mis- 
sions, and  the  Christians  of  Britain  are  supplying  them  with  mis- 


120  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

sionaries  as  rapidly  as  possible.  "  Thus  while  the  Society  has 
abundant  reason  to  acknowledge  the  Divine  goodness  in  the  work 
which  the  devoted  brethren,  who  have  labored  during  the  last 
sixty  years  in  Southern  Africa,  have  been  enabled  to  accomplish,  it 
is  deeply  impressed  with  the  urgent  necessity  for  increased  effort 
and  more  constant  prayer  in  relation  to  the  extended  and  im- 
portant fields  to  which  Divine  Providence  now  invites  its  labors."  * 
Again,  we  must  turn  to  former  labors  for  the  principal  facts  in 
relation  to  the  only  remaining  mission  which  we  shall  notice  — 
that  to  the  Zulus  of  South  Africa :  f 

The  Mission  of  the  American  Board  to  the  Zulus,  in  South  Africa, 
was  begun  in  1835.  One  station  was  commenced  among  the  maritime 
Zulus,  under  king  Dingaan,  who  resided  ou  the  east  side  of  the  Cape, 
some  seventy  miles  from  Port  Natal ;  and  the  other  among  the  interior 
Zulus,  under  king  Mosilikatsi.  X  This  station  was  broken  up  in  1837, 
by  a  war  between  the  Zulus  and  the  Boers,  who  were  then  emigrating 
from  the  Cape.  The  missionaries  were  forced  to  leave,  and  join  their 
brethren  at  Natal ;  but,  in  doing  this,  they  were  compelled  to  perform 
a  journey  of  1,300  miles,  in  a  circuitous  route,  1,000  of  which  was  in 
ox  wagons,  through  the  wilderness,  while  they  were  greatly  enfeebled 
by  disease,  and  disheartened  by  the  death  of  the  wife  of  one  of  their 
party. 

The  missionaries  to  the  maritime  Zulus,  when  their  brethren  from 
the  interior  joined  them,  had  succeeded  in  establishing  one  station 
among  king  Dingaan's  people,  and  another  at  Port  Natal,  where  a 
mixed  population,  from  various  tribes,  had  collected  among  the  Dutch 
Boers,  then  settling  in  and  around  that  place.  In  1838  a  war  occurred 
between  Dingaan  and  the  Boers,  which  broke  up  the  inissions  and 
compelled  the  missionaries  to  seek  refuge  on  board  some  vessels,  prov- 
identially at  Natal,  in  which  some  of  them  sailed  to  the  United  States, 
and  others  to  the  Cape. 

Peace  being  made  in  1839,  a  part  of  the  missionaries  returned  to 
Natal  and  resumed  their  labors.  But  a  revolt  of  one-half  the  Zulus 
in  1840,  under  Umpandi,  led  to  another  war,  in  which  the  new  chief 
and  the  Boers  succeeded  in  overthrowing  Dingaan.  His  death  by  the 
hand  of  an  old  enemy,  into  whose  territory  he  fled,  left  the  Zulus 

*  Missionary  Magazine,  June,  1801,  from  London  Miss.  Chronicle. 
t  See  "  Ethiopia,"  for  full  particulars, 
t  See  MoflFatt's  South  African  Missions. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED,       121 

under  the  rule  of  Umpandi.  This  chief  allowed  the  mission  in  his 
territory  to  be  renewed  in  1841.  But,  in  1842,  a  war  broke  out 
between  the  Boers,  at  Natal,  and  the  British ;  who,  to  prevent  the 
Boers  from  organizing  an  independent  government,  had  taken  posses- 
sion of  that  place.  In  this  contest,  the  Boers  were  forced  to  submit 
to  British  authority,  and  British  law  was  extended  to  the  population 
around  Natal.  This  led  to  large  desertions  of  the  Zulus  to  Natal,  to 
escape  from  the  cruelties  of  Umpandi ;  and  he,  becoming  jealous  of 
the  missionary,  attacked  the  mission  and  butchered  three  of  the  prin- 
cipal families  engaged  in  its  support.  Thus,  a  second  time,  was  this 
mission  broken  up  and  the  mission  family  forced  to  retreat  to  Natal. 

Here,  then,  at  the  opening  of  1843,  nearly  eight  years  after  the 
missionaries  reached  Africa,  they  had  not  a  single  station  in  the  Zulu 
country,  to  which  they  had  been  sent;  and  they  were  directed,  by  the 
Board,  to  abandon  the  field.  From  this  they  were  prevented,  by  the 
timely  remonstrances  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Philip,  of  the  English  mission 
at  the  Cape. 

A  crisis,  however,  had  now  arisen,  by  which  the  conflicting  elements 
hitherto  obstructing  the  Gospel,  were  rendered  powerless  or  reduced 
to  order,  by  the  strong  arm  of  Great  Britain.  The  fierce  Boers  had 
destroyed  the  power  of  both  Mosilikatsi  and  Dingaan,  and  taught  the 
Zulu  people  that  they  could  safely  leave  the  standard  of  their  chiefs ; 
while  the  Boers,  in  turn,  had  been  subjected  to  British  authority, 
along  with  the  Zulus  whom  they  had  designed  to  enslave.  The  basis 
of  a  colony,  under  the  protection  of  British  law,  was  thus  laid  at 
Natal,  which  afforded  security  to  the  missionaries,  and  enabled  them 
to  establish  themselves  on  a  permanent  basis.  An  attempt  was  also 
made  to  renew  the  mission  in  the  Zulu  territory,  but  Umpandi  refused 
his  assent,  and  the  strength  of  the  mission  was  concentrated  within 
the  Natal  Colony. 

Owing  to  the  continued  cruelties  of  Umpandi,  the  desertions  of  his 
people  to  Natal  increased,  until  the  Colony  included  a  native  popula- 
tion, mostly  Zulus,  of  nearly  100,000. 

No  serious  interruptions  have  occurred,  since  the  British  occupied 
Natal ;  and  opportunities  have  been  afforded  for  studying  the  Zulu 
character,  and  the  remaining  obstacles  to  missionary  success  among 
that  people.  Time  has  shown,  that  the  tyranny  of  the  chiefs,  and  the 
wars  of  the  tribes  with  each  other,  or  with  the  whites,  are  not  the 
most  obstinate  difficulties  to  be  overcome. 

From  the  Report  of  the  Board  for  1850,  we  learn,  that  though  there 
were  then,  in  this  field,  12  missionaries,  14  assistants,  6  native  helpers, 


122  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

18  places  of  preaching,  and  8  schools ;  there  were  but  78  church 
members  and  185  pupils.  The  report  attributes  the  slow  progress 
made,  to  the  extreme  moral  degradation  of  the  population  ;  and,  in 
mentioning  particulars,  names  polygamy  as  the  most  prominent.  As 
among  the  native  Africans  generally,  so  is  it  here,  superstition  and 
sensuality  are  the  great  barriers  to  the  progress  of  the  Gospel. 

But  these  diflBculties  do  not  deter  the  American  Board  from  perse- 
vering in  their  great  work  of  converting  Africa.  The  men  composing 
the  Board  know,  full  well,  that  the  evils  existing  in  all  mission  fields 
can  only  be  removed  by  God's  appointed  means,  the  Gospel ;  and, 
that  to  withdraw  it  from  Africa,  would  be  to  render  its  evils  perpetual. 
Hence,  as  obstacles  rise,  they  multiply  their  agencies  for  good ;  and, 
in  view  of  the  consistent  conduct  and  piety  of  the  native  converts,  the 
Report  of  1850,  recommends  the  establishment  of  a  Theological 
school  for  training  a  native  ministry  for  that  field.  The  Reports  for 
1851  and  1852  are  more  encouraging,  and  show  an  increase  of  86 
church  members,  16  children  baptized,  and  15  Christian  marriages 
solemnized.  The  Report  for  1853  is  less  encouraging.  The  whole 
number  of  church  members  is  now  141,  of  whom  only  8  were  received 
during  the  year.  Family  schools  are  sustained  at  all  the  stations ; 
hut  none  of  the  heathen  send  their  children.  Three  day-schools  are 
taught  by  native  converts,  in  which  the  children  of  those  residing  at 
the  stations,  where  they  are  located,  receive  instruction.  One  girls' 
school,  consisting  of  about  20  pujiils,  is  taught  by  Mrs.  Adams.  * 
The  Christian  Zulus  are  advancing  in  civilization  and  in  material 
prosperity ;  but  the  heathen  population  are  manifesting  more  and 
more  of  stupid  indifiFerence  or  bitter  hostility  to  the  Gospel.  This  is 
more  particularly  indicated  in  their  refusal  to  send  their  children  to 
school. 

The  passage  of  this  mission  from  the  class  beyond  the  protectiou 
of  the  Colonies,  to  that  of  those  deriving  security  from  them,  released 
it  from  the  annoyances  occasioned  by  native  wars,  and  left  it  to  con- 
tend with  the  obstacles,  only,  which  are  inherent  in  heathenish  bar- 
barism. It  had,  consequently,  begun  to  progress  encouragingly.  But 
a  new  element  of  disturbance  has  recently  been  introduced,  which 
threatens  to  be  no  less  hurtful  than  the  old  causes  of  interruption 
and  insecurity.  We  refer  to  the  immigration  of  the  English  into  the 
Natal  Colony,  and  their  eflforts  to  dispossess  the  Zulus  of  their  lands. 

Before  taking  any  further  notice  of  this  threatening  evil,  we  must 

*  Missionary  Herald,  for  December,  1853,  and  January,  1854. 


1 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   123 
I 

call  particular  attention  to  another  point,  the  importance  of  which  has, 

perhaps,  been  too  much  overlooked.     In  January,  1853,  the  Rev.  Mr. 

Tyler  thus  wrote : 

"I  have  many  thoughts,  of  late,  concerning  the  great  obstacle 
which  lies  in  the  way  of  elevating  the  Zulus.  It  seems  to  me  that  it 
is  their  deep  ignorance.     We  find  it  exceedingly  difl&cult  to  throw  even 

one  ray  of  light  into  minds  so  darkened  and  perverted  by  sin 

Of  the  great  mass  who  attend  our  services  on  the  Sabbath,  but  few, 
probably,  have  any  clear  knowledge  of  the  plan  of  salvation  through 
faith  in  Christ.  Especially  is  this  true  of  the  female  sex,  whose  con- 
ditition,  both  temporal  and  spiritual,  seems  almost  beyond  the  reach 
of  improvement." 

Mr.  Tyler  proceeds  to  show,  that  the  Zulus,  in  their  religious  helief, 
their  worship,  and  their  blind  submission  to  the  loitch-doctors,  evince 
the  most  deep,  gross,  and  stupid  ignorance  imaginable ;  but  he  pre- 
sents nothing  as  belonging  to  that  people,  which  is  not  common  to 
the  African  tribes  generally.  Without,  at  present,  remarking  on  the 
relation  which  the  ignorance  of  harharism  bears  to  the  progress  of  mis- 
sions, we  shall  recur  to  the  effects  of  the  immigration  of  the  whites 
into  the  Colony  of  Natal. 

When  the  Zulus  deserted  their  king  and  took  refuge  at  Natal,  there 
were  but  few  whites  present  to  be  affected  by  the  movement,  and  allot- 
ments of  lands  were  readily  obtained  for  them.  Soon  afterward,  how- 
ever, an  emigration  from  Grreat  Britain  began  to  fill  up  the  country. 
The  main  object  of  the  whites  was  agriculture,  and  the  best  unoccu- 
pied lands  were  soon  appropriated.  The  new  immigrants  then  com- 
menced settling  on  the  possessions  of  the  Zulus.  The  designs  of  the 
whites  soon  manifested  itself  so  openly,  that  the  missionaries  have 
been  obliged  to  interpose  for  the  protection  of  the  natives.  Accord- 
ingly, a  committee  of  their  number  was  deputed  to  wait  upon  the 
Lieutenant-Grovernor,  to  learn  his  intentions  on  the  subject.  The  report 
of  the  interview,  as  made  to  the  American  Board,  read  as  follows : 

"  He  plainly  gave  us  to  understand,  that  instead  of  collecting  the 
natives  in  bodies,  as  has  hitherto  been  the  policy,  it  was  his  purpose 
to  disperse  them  among  the  colonists,  and  the  colonists  among  them. 
The  natural  result  will  be,  to  deteriorate  our  fields  of  labor,  by  dimin- 
ishing the  native  population,  and  by  introducing  a  foreign  element, 
which,  as  all  m.issionary  experience  proves,  conflicts  with  christianizing 
interests.     Nor  did  he  assure  us  that  even  our  stations  would  not  be 


124  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

infringed  by  foreign  settlers ;  but  our  buildings  and  their  bare  sites, 
he  encouraged  us  to  expect,  would  at  all  events  remain  to  us  undis- 
turbed. But  lest  this  statement  convey  an  impression  which  is  too 
discouraging,  we  would  say,  that  many  of  our  fields  embrace  tracts  of 
country  so  broken,  as  not  to  be  eligible  as  farms  for  the  immigrants ; 
and,  hence,  no  motive  would  exist  for  dispossessing  the  native  occu- 
pants, unless  it  would  be  to  transfer  them  to  the  more  immediate 
vicinity  of  the  white  population,  in  order  to  facilitate  their  obtaining 
servants ;  which  at  present  is  so  difficult  as  to  be  considered  one  of 
the  crying  evils  of  the  Colony,  So  deep  is  the  feeling  on  this  subject, 
that  many  and  strenuous  are  those  who  advocate  a  resort  to  some 
system  of  actual  imprisonment.  This  seems  a  strange  doctrine  to  be 
held  by  the  sons  of  Britain  !  " 

Then,  after  expressing  an  opinion  that  the  obstacles  in  the  way  of 
this  measure  may  prevent  its  execution  for  some  years  to  come,  the 
report  concludes : 

"  Yet  it  is  more  than  probable,  that  some  of  our  stations  will  ex- 
perience the  disadvantages  of  the  too  great  proximity  of  white  settlers. 
The  evils  of  such  a  proximity  are  aggravated  by  the  prejudices  which 
exist  against  missionaries  and  their  operations.  And  perhaps  we 
should  say,  that,  as  American  missionaries,  we  are  regarded  with  still 
greater  jealousy.  We  fear  it  will  require  years  to  live  down  these 
prejudices.  Public  opinion  is  more  or  less  fashioned  by  the  influence 
of  unprincipled  speculators,  alike  ignorant  of  missionaries,  their 
labors,  or  the  native  people.  Such  men,  greedy  of  the  soil  of  the 
original  proprietors,  are  naturally  jealous  and  envious  of  those  who, 
they  suppose,  would  befriend  the  natives  in  maintaining  their  rights. 
If  we  speak  at  all,  of  course  wc  must  say  what  we  think  to  be  justice 
and  truth.  If  we  remain  silent,  as  we  have  hitherto  done,  we  are 
misrepresented,  and  our  motives  are  impugned.  So  that  whichever 
course  we  take,  we  can  not  expect  to  act  in  perfect  harmony  with  all 
the  interests  of  all  the  men  who,  within  the  last  few  years,  have  come 
to  the  Colony."* 

Passing  on  to  1861,  we  find  the  annual  report  of  the  Board 
stating  the  strength  of  this  mission  thus :  stations  12,  out-stations 
6,  missionaries  14,  female  assistant-missionaries  14,  native  helpers 
2,  members  283. 

*  Missionary  Herald.  February.  1858. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   125 

The  government  now  takes  an  interest  in  the  mission,  and  has 
given  titles  to  the  land  upon  which  the  buildings  of  the  several 
stations  are  situated.  The  report  says,  in  relation  to  the  success 
of  the  mission : 

"  To  the  ten  churches  established  by  our  brethren  among  the  Zulus, 
there  have  been  received,  in  all,  283  members,  who,  for  the  most  part, 
have  exhibited  a  consistent  Christian  deportment,  certainly  to  as  great 
extent  as  could  have  been  expected,  when  we  take  into  view  their 
former  lives  and  the  circumstances  in  which  they  are  placed.  It  is 
not  surprising  that  there  have  been  cases  of  defection.  Twenty-six 
were  added  to  the  churches  during  the  last  year." 

This  closes  what  is  necessary  to  understand  the  condition  of 
the  South  African  missions,  and  the  relation  they  sustain  to  the 
missions  elsewhere  established  for  the  benefit  of  the  African  race. 
These  missions,  in  1858,  stood  as  follows,  as  estimated  in  the 
Encyclopaedia  of  Missions.  Ten  Missionary  Societies  occupied 
the  field,  and  their  number  of  converts,  as  far  as  reported,  was 
14,258  —  three  of  the  smaller  societies  not  reporting  any  members. 

The  missionaries  among  the  American  slaves  have  rested  upon 
downy  pillows,  as  compared  with  the  hardships  endured  by  those 
of  South  Africa. 

2.   The  obstacles  to  African  Evangelization  in  West  Africa. 

The  missions  at  Sierra  Leone  have  been  noticed  in  Chapter  I., 
and  the  reader  Avill  take  note  of  the  facts  in  this  connection.  No 
progress  whatever  was  made  so  long  as  the  slave  trade  prevailed ; 
but  from  the  date  of  its  suppression  the  work  began  to  prosper. 
The  Episcopal  mission,  established  in  Sierra  Leone,  in  1808,  has 
been  continued  without  interruption,  except  what  necessarily 
arose  from  the  great  mortality  among  the  missionaries.  A  col- 
lege and  several  schools  were  established  at  an  early  day,  in 
which  orphan  and  destitute  children  were  boarded  and  instructed. 
Besides  teaching  the  schools,  the  missionaries  preached  to  the 
adults,  a  few  of  whom  embraced  the  Gospel ;  but  no  very  en- 
couraging progress  was  made  for  many  years.  In  1817,  how- 
ever, the  labors  expended  began  to  unfold  their  effects,  and  the 
mission  to  make  encouraging  advances;  so  that,  by  1832.  it  had 


126 


PULPIT  POLITICS. 


638  commnnicants  and  294  candidates  in  its  cliurclies,  684  Sab- 
bath-scool  scholars,  and  1,388  pupils  in  its  day-schools. 

Thus,  in  forty-five  years  after  the  founding  of  Sierra  Leone, 
and  twenty-four  after  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade,  was  the 
basis  of  this  mission  broadly  and  securely  laid.  Since  that  period 
it  has  been  extended  eastward  to  Badagry,  Abbeokuta,  and  Lagos. 
In  connection  with  all  these  missions,  but  chiefly  in  Sierra  Leone, 
the  Episcopal  Church,  in  1850,  had  54  seminaries  and  schools, 
6,600  pupils,  2,183  communicants,  and  7,500  attendants  on  public 
worship.  Of  the  teachers  in  the  schools  at  Sierra  Leone,  it  is 
worthy  of  remark,  that  only  jive  were  Europeans,  while  fifty-six 
were  native  Africans. 

The  mission  of  the  English  Wesleyans,  in  1831  —  tiventy 
years  after  its  commencement  —  included  2  missionaries,  294 
church  members,  and  about  160  pupils  in  its  schools.  This  mis- 
sion, like  the  Episcopal,  progressed  slowly  at  first;  but  as  it 
collected  the  elements  of  progress  within  its  bosom,  it,  also,  began 
to  expand,  and  is  now  advancing  prosperously.  Its  stations  have 
been  extended  westward  to  the  Gambia,  and  eastward  to  various 
points,  including  Cape  Coast  Castle,  Badagry,  Abbeokuta,  and 
Kumasi.  In  connection  with  these  missions,  the  Wesleyan  Meth- 
odists, in  1850,  had  44  chapels,  13  out-stations,  42  day-schools, 
97  teachers,  4,500  pupils,  including  those  in  the  Sabbath-schools, 
6,000  communicants,  on  trial  560,  and  14,600  attendants  on  pub- 
lic worship. 

The  missions  of  both  these  Societies,  established  to  the  east- 
ward of  Sierra  Leone,  have  encountered  many  difficulties  from  the 
wars  of  the  natives,  provoked,  mainly,  by  the  influence  of  the 
slave  traders. 

The  strength  of  these  missions,  in  1860,  stood  as  follows :  * 


DENOMINATIONS. 

MISSIONARIES. 

TEACHERS. 

SCHOLARS. 

MEMBERS. 

Episcopal  Church 

Methodist  Church 

Total 

120 
20 

200 
160 

6,000 

6,000 

3,000 

18,000 

140 

360 

11,000 

21,000 

The  missions  connected  with  Liberia  are  also  of  great  interest 


*  Scotch  Record,  as  quoted  by  the  ^Missionary  Magazine. 


»      MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.        127 

in  connection  with  the  subject  under  consideration.  Details  of 
their  history,  at  length,  need  not  be  given,  as  the  results  of  the 
establishment  of  the  colony  are  familiar  to  all. 

The  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  in  the  United  States 
has  one  of  its  principal  missions  in  Liberia.  The  nucleus  of  this 
mission  consisted  of  several  members,  and  one  or  two  local 
preachers,  of  the  Methodist  Church,  who  went  out,  in  1820,  with 
the  first  emigrants.  In  March,  1833,  Rev.  Melville  B.  Cox,  the 
first  ordained  missionary,  landed  in  Monrovia.  In  1853,  this 
mission  embraced  1,301  members,  of  whom  116  were  natives,  and 
there  were  115  probationers.  The  mission  had  15  Sunday-schools, 
with  839  pupils,  of  whom  50  were  natives ;  and  20  week-day- 
schools,  with  513  scholars.  There  were  also  7  schools  among  the 
natives,  with  127  pupils. 

According  to  the  Report  for  1861,  this  mission  embraces  1,392 
Americo-Liberian  members,  89  probationers,  72  native  members, 
600  scholars  in  week-day-schools,  and  930  in  Sabbath-schools. 

On  contrasting  these  results,  with  those  of  a  few  years  back,  it 
would  appear  that  the  progress  of  this  mission,  among  the  natives, 
has  not  been  very  encouraging.  There  have  been  adequate  causes 
for  this  —  causes  which  the  Christian  world,  and  especially  the 
American  abolitionist,  should  calmly  consider.  Their  nature  may 
be  inferred  from  what  has  been  reported  on  the  subject  by  Bishop 
Scott,  who  made  an  official  visit  to  Liberia  —  leaving  at  the  close 
of  1852,  and  returning  in  April,  1853,  having  spent  seventy 
days  in  the  Colony.  He  represents  the  spiritual  condition  of 
the  mission,  as  generally  healthy  and  prosperous ;  and  the  work 
as  going  steadily  onward.  In  relation  to  the  civil  and  social  con- 
dition of  the  Colony,  the  Bishop  bears  the  following  testimony : 

"The  government  of  the  Republic  of  Liberia,  which  is  formed  on 
the  model  of  our  own,  and  is  wholly  in  the  hands  of  colored  men, 
seems  to  be  exceedingly  well  administered.  I  never  saw  so  orderly  a 
people.  I  saw  but  one  intoxicated  colonist  while  in  the  country,  and 
I  heard  not  one  profane  word.  The  Sabbath  is  kept  with  singular 
strictness,  and  the  churches  crowded  with  attentive  and  orderly  wor- 
shipers." 

But,  as  regards  the  missions  among  the  natives,  the  Bishop  says, 


128  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

very  little  indeed  has  been  done  —  mucli  less  than  the  friends  of  the 
mission  seem  to  have  good  reason  to  expect  —  much  less  than  he  him- 
self expected.  The  result  of  his  inquiries  is  by  no  means  flattering, 
and  he  felt,  and  feared  that  the  Board  would  feel,  disappointed. 
These  results,  however,  he  says,  are  not  due  to  any  want  of  faithful- 
ness on  the  part  of  the  missionaries ;  as  other  denominations  have 
not  been  more  successful  —  perhaps  not  quite  so  much  so  —  but  are 
the  result  of  the  peculiar  condition  of  the  native  population. 

Tbe  first  difficulty,  says  the  Bishop,  which  meets  the  missionary, 
on  going  to  this  people  is  an  unknown  tongue ;  a  tongue,  too,  which 
varies  so  much,  as  he  passes  from  one  tribe  to  another,  within  the 
space  of  only  a  few  miles,  that  it  often  amounts  to  a  different  language. 
The  nature  of  this  obstacle  will  be  so  easily  comprehended,  that  the 
details  given  by  the  Bishop,  need  not  be  quoted.     He  thus  proceeds : 

"But  now  another  difficulty  assails  him  —  one  which  his  knowledge 
of  men  in  other  parts  of  the  world  had  given  him  no  reason  to  antici- 
pate. Though  he  may  in  some  way  get  over  the  difficulty  presented 
in  a  rude  foreign  tongue,  yet  he  now  finds,  to  his  utter  surprise,  that 
he  can  not  gain  access  to  this  people  unless  he  dash  them,  (that  is, 
make  them  presents,)  and  only  as  he  dashes  them.  When,  where,  or 
how  this  wretched  custom  arose  I  can  not  tell,  but  it  is  found  to  pre- 
vail over  most  parts  of  Africa,  and,  so  far  as  I  know,  no  where  else. 
But  what  shall  our  missionary  now  do?  Will  he  dash  them?  Will 
he  dash  them  'much  plenty?'  Then  they  will  hear  him  —  they  will 
flock  around  him  —  nay,  he  may  do  with  them  almost  as  he  wists, 
and  a  nation  may  be  born  in  a  day.  But  let  him  not  be  deceived,  for 
all  is  not  gold,  here  especially,  that  glitters.  So  soon  as  he  withholds 
his  dashes,  ten  to  one  they  are  all  as  they  were.  But  is  he  poor  and 
can  not  dash  them?  —  or  able,  but  on  principle  will  not?  Then,  as  a 
general  fact,  he  may  go  home.  They  will  not  hear  him  at  all,  nor 
treat  him  with  the  least  respect.  Indeed,  they  will  probably  say, 
'He  no  good  man,'  —  and  it  will  be  well  for  him  if  they  do  not  get 
up  a  palaver  against  him  and  expel  him  from  their  coasts.  This 
dashing  is  a  most  mischievous  custom  —  dreadfully  in  the  wa}"^  of  mis- 
sionary labor,  and  I  know  not  how  it  is  to  be  controlled.  I  am  sick 
of  the  very  sound  of  the  word.     The  Lord  help  poor  Africa  ! 

"  But  the  difficulties  multiply.  Now  a  hydra-headed  monster  gapes 
upon  our  missionary,  of  most  frightful  aspect,  and  as  tenacious  of  life 
as  that  fabled  monster  of  the  ancient  poets.  It  is  polygamy.  He 
finds  to  his  grief  and  surprise,  that  every  man  has  as  many  wives  as 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.      129 

he  can  find  money  to  buy.  He  must  give  them  all  up  but  one,  if  he 
would  be  a  Christian.  But  will  he  give  them  up  ?  Not  easily.  He 
will  give  up  almost  any  thing  before  he  will  give  up  his  wives.  They 
are  his  slaves,  in  fact;  they  constitute  his  wealth.  And  then  it  is 
difficult,  not  to  say  impossible,  to  persuade  him  that  it  is  not  somehow 
morally  wrong  to  put  them  away.  'Me  send  woman  away?  —  where 
she  go  to?  —  what  she  do?'  This  I  consider  the  hugest  difficulty 
with  which  Christianity  has  to  contend  in  the  conversion  of  this  peo- 
ple, and  makes  mie  think  that  she  must  look  mainly  to  the  rising 
generation. 

"But  here,  too,  a  difficulty  arises.  The  female  children  are  con- 
tracted away  —  are  sold,  in  fact  —  by  their  parents  while  they  are  yet 
very  young,  often  while  they  are  infants  ;  and  if  the  missionary  would 
procure  them  for  his  schools,  he  must  pay  the  dower  —  some  fifteen 
or  twenty  dollars. 

"  But  our  missionary  finds  that  the  whole  social  and  domestic  organ- 
ization of  these  people  is  opposed  to  the  pure,  chaste,  and  comely 
spirit  of  the  Grospel,  and  that,  to  succeed  in  this  holy  work,  it  must 
not  only  be  changed,  but  revolutionized  —  upturned  from  the  very 
foundation.  Is  there  no  difficulty  here?  Are  habits  and  customs,  so 
long  established  and  so  deeply  rooted,  to  be  given  up  without  a 
struggle  ?  The  native  people,  both  men  and  women,  go  almost  stark 
naked,  and  they  love  to  go  so  —  and  are  not  abashed  in  the  presence 
of  people  better  dressed ;  they  eat  with  their  hands,  and  dip,  and 
pull,  and  tear,  with  as  little  ceremony  and  as  little  decency  as  monk- 
eys, and  they  love  to  eat  so ;  they  sleep  on  the  bare  ground,  or  on 
mats  spread  on  the  ground,  and  they  love  to  sleep  so ;  the  men  hunt 
or  fish,  or  lounge  about  their  huts,  and  smoke  their  pipes,  and  chat, 
and  sleep,  while  their  wives,  alias  their  slaves,  tend  and  cut  and  house 
their  rice — -cut  and  carry  home  their  wood  —  make  their  fires,  fetch 
their  water,  get  out  their  rice,  and  prepare  their  'chop'  —  and  all, 
even  the  women,  love  to  have  it  so.  And  to  all  the  remonstrances  of 
the  missionary,  they  oppose  this  simple  and  all-settling  reply  :  '  This 
be  countryman's  fash.'  They  seem  incapable  of  conceiving  that  your 
fash  is  better  than  theirs,  or  that  theirs  is  at  all  defective.  Your  fash, 
they  will  admit,  may  be  better  for  you,  but  theirs  is  better  for  them. 
So  the  natives  of  Cape  Palmas  have  lived,  in  the  very  midst  of  the 
colonists,  for  some  twenty  years,  and  they  are  the  same  people  still, 
with  almost  no  visible  change." 

The  Bishop  next  notices  their  superstitions  and  idolatries,  and  the 


130  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

evils  connected  with  their  belief  in  witchcraft ;  and  says,  that  though, 
by  the  influence  of  the  colony  and  missions,  their  confidence  is,  in 
some  places,  being  shaken  in  some  of  them ;  they  generally  even  yet 
think  you  a  fool,  and  pity  you,  if  you  venture  to  hint  that  there  is 
nothing  in  them.  But  we  must  not  quote  him  farther  than  to  include 
his  closing  remarks  : 

"  But  what !  Do  you  then  think  that  there  is  no  hope  for  these 
heathen,  or  that  we  should  give  up  all  hopes  directed  to  that  end? 
Not  I,  indeed.  Very  far  from  it.  I  would  rather  reiterate  the  noble 
saying  of  the  sainted  Cox :  '  Though  a  thousand  fall  even,  in  this  at- 
tempt, yet  let  not  Africa  be  given  up.'  I  mention  these  things  to 
show,  that  there  are  solid  reasons  why  our  brethren  in  Africa  have 
accomplished  so  little ;  and  also  to  show,  that  the  Churches  at  home 
must,  in  this  work  particularly,  exercise  the  patience  of  faith  and  the 
labor  of  love.  We  must  still  pound  the  rock,  even  though  it  is  hard, 
and  our  mallets  be  but  of  wood.     It  will  break  one  day."* 

The  other  missions,  established  in  Liberia,  are  under  the  con- 
trol of  the  following  denominations :  American  Protestant  Epis- 
copal Church,  The  Presbyterian  Board  of  Missions,  (0.  S.,) 

*  It  will  be  proper,  here,  to  add  some  testimony  from  another  source,  in  ref- 
erence to  the  terrible  moral  degradation  of  the  inhabitants  of  Africa,  where 
civilized  men  have  not  yet  extended  their  sway.  Within  the  jurisdiction  of 
Sierra  Leone  and  Liberia,  the  cruelties  of  African  superstitions  can  no  longer 
be  practiced  with  impunity.  This  result,  alone,  will  amply  repay  the  toil  and 
treasure  expended  upon  these  colonies. 

The  New  York  Observer,  of  September  6,  1861,  has  the  following  article: 

"  Heathendom  at  the  Present  Hour. — Du  Chaillu,  in  his  new  and  popular 
book  on  Africa,  as  well  as  in  his  lectures,  has  brought  prominently  before  the 
Christian  public  the  horrible  etfects  of  a  belief  in  witchcraft  among  the  tribes 
in  the  interior  of  Africa.  Other  writers  have  testified  to  the  same  state  of 
things,  and  we  refer  to  a  recent  letter  written  by  a  missionary  of  the  United 
Presbyterian  Church  of  Scotland,  for  the  purpose  of  citing  a  few  facts  to  ex- 
hibit the  condition  of  society  at  the  present  moment  within  sixty  days'  travel 
of  our  church  doors: 

" '  His  death  was  the  occasion  of  a  painful  display  of  the  evil  passions  that 
are  nurtured  by  the  superstitions  of  heathenism.  All  Africans  believe  that 
certain  persons  know  how  to  make  charms  that  are  potent  to  destroy  human  life. 
It  was  alleged  that  an  uncle  of  the  deceased,  named  Egbo  Eyo,  had  thus  destroyed 
his  nephew.  There  was  also  a  feud  between  this  man  and  the  slaves  of  his 
brother,  old  King  Eyo;  he  regarded  them  with  scorn,  and  they  cherished 
toward  him  a  tierce  hatred. 

"'The  bodv  was  buried  on  the  dav  after  the  decease,  in  the  manner  usual 


missions  under  freedom  and  slavery  contrasted.     131 

The  Foreign  Missionary  Board  of  the  Southern  Baptist 
Convention,  and  The  American  Baptist  Missionary  Union. 
In  addition  to  these  missions  in  Liberia,  there  are  others,  among 
the  native  Africans,  in  Western  Africa,  which  deserve  a  notice. 
These  are  the  missions  of  the  American  Board,  on  the  Gaboon, 
and  the  mission  of  the  American  Missionary  Association,  at 
Mendi,  with  a  few  others. 

among  the  Efik  people.  Many  valuables,  and  a  large  amount,  of  goods,  were 
put  into  the  grave,  along  with  certain  parts  of  a  cow,  slaughtered  for  the  pur- 
pose. On  that  day,  the  news  having  spread,  many  of  the  slaves  gathered  into 
the  town.  Egbo  Eyo,  along  with  the  other  freemen  of  the  town,  busied  him- 
self in  the  funeral  ceremony .  It  would  appear  that  the  slaves  began  to  regard 
him  with  an  evil  eye,  either  from  having  heard  the  report  already  mentioned 
or  under  the  iniluence  of  the  hatred  which  they  bore  to  him,  or  both;  and 
early  next  morning  they  made  an  attack  on  his  place,  fired  into  it,  and  shot 
one  of  his  women.  Seeing  escape  hopeless,  the  poor  man  surrendered;  and  the 
infuriated  mob  dragged  him  to  the  market-place,  slashing  him  with  their  cut- 
lasses, and  beating  him  with  sticks  and  the  butt  end  of  their  guns.  The  poor 
man  was  no  craven;  he  behaved  with  the  greatest  courage;  coolly  and  sharply 
answered  the  taunts  of  the  armed  mob;  and  neither  tried  to  flee  nor  stooped 
to  beg.  The  probability  is  that  they  would  have  killed  him  outright  at  once, 
but  for  the  interference  of  the  Europeans  who  happened  to  be  at  Creek  Town 
that  morning.  The  missionary  at  that  place  being  on  a  sick  bed,  and  unable 
to  be  on  the  scene,  the  teacher,  Mr.  Timson,  exerted  himself  on  the  poor  man's 
behalf,  which  his  knowledge  of  the  language  enabled  him  the  better  to  do. 
But  their  united  efforts  could  not  save  the  victim — the  people  were  determined 
that  he  should  die;  but  they  agreed  to  talk  over  the  matter,  in  regular  Efik 
form,  with  the  freemen  of  the  town,  and  with  a  deputation  who  came  from 
Duke  Town.  The  greater  part  of  the  day  was  spent  in  this  palaver;  but  noth- 
ing that  was  said  produced  the  slighest  eff'ect  on  the  minds  of  the  people. 
There  was  no  power  in  the  country  to  take  the  man  out  of  their  hands;  and, 
at  length,  after  he  had  lain  in  his  blood  in  the  sand  all  day,  they  hung  him  on 
a  tree,  he  himself  helping  to  put  the  rope  round  his  neck. 

'' '  The  same  evening  they  hung  a  slave,  who  was  believed  to  have  made  the 
charm  for  Egbo  Eyo,  by  means  of  which  King  Eyo  had  died.  One  of  his  women 
also  was  dragged  out  by  a  band  of  women,  and,  after  being  severely  beaten, 
was  mercilessly  hung.  Some  days  afterward,  a  slave  of  Egbo  Eyo's,  who  was 
accused  of  having  been  art  and  part  with  his  master,  was  caught  and  hung. 

'• '  But  a  more  painful  illustration  of  heathen  wickedness  remains  to  be  told. 
Between  two  of  the  daughters  of  old  King  Eyo,  by  difi'erent  mothers,  an  old 
and  growing  hatred  existed.  One  of  these.  Ansa,  who  was  a  sister  of  the  late 
King  by  the  same  mother,  came  forward  to  accuse  her  half  sister,  Inyang,  of 
having  killed  their  brother  by  a  secret  power  called  ifot,  and  also  of  having 
by  the  same  means  destroyed  the  reason  of  a  younger  brother,  who  appears  to 
be  in  a  state  of  hopeless  idiocy.     She  alleged  that  this  had  been  revealed  by 


132 


PULPIT  POLITICS. 


The  present  condition  of  all  these  missions  —  and,  also,  of  the 
English  missions  at  Sierra  Leone,  and  their  out-stations  —  appears 
from  the  following  statistics,  which  we  find  in  the  3Iissionary 
Magazine,  June,  1861,  which  copies  them  from  the  Scotch  Record: 


RELIGIOUS  DENOMINATIONS. 

missionae's. 

TEACBEBS. 

MEMBESS. 

SCHOLARS. 

Wesleyan  Methodist,  {English) 

Church  Mission,  {English) 

«    20 

t  120 

23 

23 

25 

13 

6 

3 

17 

15 

160 
200 

22 
20 

27 
15 

18,000 

3,000 
1,400 
700 
150 
369 
130 
40 

t  307 

5,000 

6,000 
850 
500 
200 
550 
300 
400 

150 

Methodist  E}Mscopal,  {American)... 
Baptist  Mission,  {American) 

Presbyterian  Mission,  {American). 

Episcopal  Mission,  {American) 

English  Baptist  Mission 

Basle  Societv,  {Lutheran) 

American  Missionary  Association, 

Scotch  Presbyterian,  (  United  Seces- 
sion)  

Total 

265 

444 

24,096 

13,950 

several  abudiong  whom  she  had  consulted;  and  she  demanded  that  Inyang  Eyo 
should  be  tried  by  the  ordeal  of  the  esere.  The  esere  is  a  bean  of  a  very  poison- 
ous nature;  and  it  is  believed  that  if  a  person  who  has  i/ot  eat  this  bean  he  is 
sure  to  die,  while  if  he  have  it  not  he  will  certainlj'  vomit  all  up.  Inyang  de- 
fended herself,  admitting  that  she  had  had  many  a  quarrel  with  their  deceased 
brother  about  their  father's  property,  but  declaring  that  they  had  been  recon- 
ciled, and  denying  that  she  had  ever  done  anything  against  the  life  of  their 
brother.  She  refused  to  take  the  esere  by  herself,  but  if  her  accuser  were  made 
to  take  it  along  with  her,  she  would  consent.  But  the  malice  of  the  other  was 
not  to  he  thus  baulked.  She  distributed  new  muskets  among  some  of  the  peo- 
ple, pledging  them  to  shoot  Inyang,  if  she  did  not  die  by  the  esere.  At  length 
the  poor  woman  gave  in,  was  conveyed  into  one  of  the  yards  of  her  father's 
place,  took  the  ordeal,  and  died.' 

"  The  people  among  whom  such  atrocities  are  perpetrated  to-day,  are  accessi- 
ble to  the  arts  and  appliances  of  civilized  life,  and  if  there  was  any  power  in 
education  or  trade,  to  rescue  them  from  the  degradation  and  misery  of  such  a 
state  of  society  as  is  here  disclosed,  it  would  be  the  dictate  of  common  human- 
ity to  attempt  to  save  them.  But  Christians  believe  there  is  power  in  the 
Gospel  to  transform  such  superstitious  and  ci'uel  beings,  into  kind,  humane, 
and  happy  people.  The  Gospel  has  done  it  for  others,  and  may  do  the  same 
for  them.  Yet  there  is  not  enough  practical  Christianity  in  the  whole  world  to 
enlighten  the  interior  of  Africa  with  the  knowledge  of  salvation,  and  it  is 
probable  that  the  present  generation,  if  not  the  next,  will  pass  away  before  any- 
thing effectual  will  be  done  to  dispel  the  darkness  of  those  habitations  of  cruelty." 

*  In  addition,  there  are  75  local  preachers. 

t  This  includes  native  assistants,  many  of  whom  are  ordained 

X  These  figures  are  from  the  American  Christian  Record,  1860. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   133 

The  obstacles  to  missionary  success  in  Africa,  referred  to  by 
Bishop  Scott,  are  not  the  only  ones  operating  in  that  field.  The 
unhealthiness  of  the  climate  has  been  very  fatal  to  the  health 
and  lives  of  the  white  missionaries.  The  extent  of  this  mortality 
may  be  inferred  from  the  fact,  that — 

Of  the  white  missionaries  who  entered  the  field  in  Liberia,  during 
the  first  thirty  years  of  its  existence,  but  two  or  three  remained  at 
the  close  of  that  period-^all  the  others  having  died  or  been  dis- 
abled by  the  loss  of  health.  Take,  as  an  example,  the  Episcopal 
Mission.  Twenty  white  laborers,  male  and  female,  entered  that  mis- 
sion, up  to  1849,  of  whom  only  the  Rev.  Mr.  Payne  and  his  wife, 
and  Dr.  Perkins,  remained.  All  the  others  had  fallen  at  their  posts 
or  been  forced  to  retreat.  Take  that  of  the  Presbyterian  Board 
also  :  Of  nineteen  white  missionaries,  male  and  female,  sent  out,  up 
to  May,  1851,  nine  had  died,  seven  returned,  and  three  remained ; 
while  of  fourteen  colored  missionaries,  male  and  female,  employed, 
but  four  have  died,  and  one  returned  on  account  of  ill  health.  Take 
the  Methodists  likewise :  Of  the  thirteen  white  missionaries  sent 
out,  six  had  died,  six  returned,  and  one  remained,  ia  1848 ;  while  of 
^irty-one  colored  missionaries  employed  by  this  church,  only  seven 
had  died  natural  deaths,  and  fourteen  remained  in  active  service. 
The  extent  of  this  mortality  among  the  white  missionaries  will  be 
comprehended,  when  it  is  stated,  that  their  average  period  of  life, 
up  to  nearly  the  last-named  date,  has  been  only  two  years.  The 
mission  work  in  Liberia,  therefore,  has  necessarily  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  colored  men  ;  and,  thus,  the  Providence  of  God  has  afforded 
to  that  race  an  opportunity  to  display  their  powers,  and  to  show  to 
the  world  what,  under  favorable  circumstances,  they  are  capable  of 
achieving.* 

A  more  striking  illustration  of  the  dangerous  character  of 
these  mission  fields,  to  white  missionaries,  will  be  afforded  by 
giving  the  details  of  one  of  them — the  Baptists'.  This  mission 
was  begun,  in  1822,  under  the  care  of  Lot  Carey  and  Collin 
Teage.  On  the  death  of  Mr.  Carey,  the  mission  had  to  be  sup- 
plied from  the  United  States ;  and  the  following  are  the  results  : 

In   December,    1830,  Rev.  B.  Skinner,  a  white  man,  with  his  wife 
*  See  "  Ethiopia." 


134  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

and  two  children,  reached  Monrovia,  to  take  charge  of  the  mission. 
They  were  all  seized  with  the  African  fever,  soon  after  landing,  and 
Mrs.  Skinner  and  the  children  died.  Mr.  S.  so  far  recovered  as  to 
embark  for  home,  in  July  following,  but  died  the  twentieth  day  of 
the  p^assage. 

In  1834,  Dr.  Skinner,  the  father  of  the  missionary,  went  out  as  a 
physician,  and  was  afterward  appointed  governor  of  the  colony. 
Soon  after  his  arrival,  he  recommended  the  Baptist  Board  to  establish 
their  mission,  for  the  benefit  of  the  natives,  among  the  Bassa  tribe. 

In  1835,  two  other  white  men,  Rev.  Gr.  W.  Crocker  and  Rev.  Mr. 
Mylne,  were  sent  out  to  the  Bassas.  Mrs.  Mylne,  who  had  accom- 
panied her  husband,  died  in  a  month,  and  Mr.  M.,  after  laboring 
nearly  three  years,  was  forced,  by  ill  health,  to  return  to  the  United 
States.  Mr.  Crocker  continued  his  labors,  and  was  married,  in  1840, 
to  Miss  Warren,  who  had  gone  out  as  a  teacher.  She  died  soon 
afterward,  and  the  declining  health  of  Mr.  Crocker  compelled  him  to 
leave  for  the  United  States. 

In  1838,  two  years  before  Mr.  Crocker  left,  he  had  been  joined  by 
Rev.  Ivory  Clarke  and  wife,  whites,  who  continued  to  occupy  the 
station,  and  labored  with  great  success  for  several  years. 

In  December,  1840,  Messrs.  Constantine  and  Fielding,  with  their 
wives,  all  whites,  reached  the  Bassa  mission.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  F.  both 
died  in  six  weeks ;  and  Mr.  and  Mrs.  C.  were  so  much  debilitated 
by  the  fever  that  they  were  compelled  to  return  home  in  1842. 

In  1844,  the  health  of  Mr.  Crocker  had  become  so  far  restored, 
that  he  resolved  to  return  to  Africa ;  and,  having  been  united  in 
marriage  to  Miss  Chadbourne,  he  sailed  for  Liberia,  but  died  two 
days  after  landing.  "•  Thus  fell,  in  the  midst  of  high  raised  hopes, 
and  at  an  unexpected  moment,  a  missionary  of  no  common  zeal  and 
devotion  to  the  cause."* 

On  the  death  of  Mr.  Crocker,  his  widow  attached  herself  to  the 
mission,  and  labored  for  its  advancement  for  two  years ;  when  the 
wreck  of  her  constitution,  under  the  influence  of  the  climate,  com- 
pelled her  to  abandon  the  work,  in  1846,  and  return  home. 

In  1848,  Mr.  Clarke  and  his  wife  found  their  constitutions  so  com- 
pletely shattered,  and  their  strength  so  nearly  exhausted,  that  they 
left  the  mission  to  return  to  the  United  States.  But  he  had  tarried 
at  his  post  too  long ;  death  overtook  him  on  the  passage,  and  the 
sea  supplied  him  a  grave. 

*  Gammel's  History  of  the  American  Baptist  Missions. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.       135 

Thus,  after  thirteen  years'  labor,  and  the  sacrifice  of  a  noble  band 
of  martyrs  to  the  cause  of  African  redemption,  was  the  Bassa  mis- 
sion left  without  a  head,  except  so  far  as  it  could  be  supplied  by  the 
native  converts.  Among  them,  there  was  one  preacher  and  four 
teachers,  who  kept  up  the  organization  of  the  little  church,  and 
continued  the  schools. 

It  was  not  until  1852,  that  the  Board  had  any  offers  of  mission- 
aries for  Bassa,  to  supply  the  place  of  those  who  had  fallen  or 
retreated.  In  that  year,  however.  Rev.  J.  S.  Goodman  and  Rev.  W, 
B.  Shermer,  and  their  wives,  offered  themselves  to  the  Board,  and 
were  accepted.  They  set  sail  November  27,  1852,  and  were  accom- 
panied by  Mrs.  Crocker,  who  longed  to  return  to  the  mission  and 
devote  her  life  to  the  service  of  her  Lord  and  Master. 

This  Mission  family  was  permitted  to  reach  its  field  of  labor  in 
safety ;  but  recent  information  brings  the  painful  intelligence  of  the 
death  of  Mrs.  Crocker  and  Mrs.  Shermer ;  and  that  Mr.  Shermer 
himself,  had  also  been  very  ill,  and  had  left  Africa  to  return  home  by 
way  of  England.  In  writing  from  London,  under  date  of  January 
13,  1854,  he  says  :  "  That  during  the  past  twelve  months,  six  mis- 
sionaries of  different  denominations  have  died,  and  eight  have  been 
and  are  obliged  to  return  to  America ;  all  of  whom  had  gone  to 
Africa  within  the  last  year.  This  is  indeed  a  fearful  mortality  among 
African  missionaries.  Yet  God  has  a  people  there,  and  if  the  white 
man  can  not  live  to  evangelize  them,  he  can  and  will  raise  up  other 
agencies.  Educated  colored  men,  in  all  probability,  must  and  will  be 
the  only  instrumentality  employed  in  the  conversion  of  Africa."  * 

The  Episcopal  Mission  in  Liberia  has  its  principal  seat  at 
Cape  Palmas.  Rev.  Mr.  Payne,  long  at  its  head,  was  appointed 
a  Missionary  Bishop  for  Africa,  in  1850. 

In  speaking  of  the  necessity  of  extended  effort  in  the  Republic 
of  Liberia,  the  Bishop  makes  this  important  statement :  "  It  is  now 
very  generally  admitted,  that  Africa  must  be  evangelized  chiefly  by 
her  own  children.  It  should  be  our  object  to  prepare  them,  so  far 
as  we  may,  for  their  great  work.  And  since  colonists  afford  the 
most  advanced  materiel  for  raising  up  the  needed  instruments,  it 
becomes  us,  in  wise  co-operation  with  Providence,  to  direct  our 
efforts  in  the  most  judicious  manner  to  them.     To  do  this,  the  most 

*  Baptist  Missionary  Magazine,  March,  1851. 


136  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

important  points  should  be  occupied,  to  become  in  due  time  radiating 
centers  of  Christian  influence  to  Colonists  and  Natives."  * 

The  missionaries  and  teachers  in  Liberia  are  nearly  all  colored  men, 
and  citizens  of  the  Republic,  who  yield  a  cordial  support  to  its  laws, 
and  enjoy  ample  protection  under  its  government.  These  missionaries 
have  the  control  of  the  schools  and  churches ;  and,  consequently,  they 
possess  the  entire  direction  of  the  intellectual,  moral,  and  religious 
training  of  the  youth,  Liberia,  therefore,  may  be  denominated  a 
Missionary  Republic.  And  such  is  the  influence  the  colony  has  ex- 
erted over  the  natives,  that  their  heathenish  customs  and  superstitions 
are  fast  disappearing  before  the  advancing  Christian  civilization.  In 
the  county  of  Messurado,  including  the  seat  of  government,  there  no 
longer  exists  a  single  temple  of  heathen  worship,  f 

The  Gaboon  Mission  is  under  the  care  of  the  American  Board 
of  Commissioners  for  Foreign  Missions^  Its  statistics  are  not 
included  in  the  preceding  table,  but  will  be  found  in  the  tabular 
statement  of  the  converts  in  the  missions  of  the  Board.  Its  first 
missionaries  landed  in  Africa  in  1834,  and  commenced  their  labors 
under  the  protection  of  the  Colony  at  Cape  Palmas.  Believing 
they  could  succeed  better  in  an  independent  position,  they  re- 
moved, in  1842,  to  the  mouth  of  the  Gaboon  river,  1,200  miles 
eastward  from  Liberia.  They  took  with  them  a  few  converts  from 
Cape  Palmas.  The  missionaries  have  labored  devotedly,  but  have 
suffered  many  interruptions,  both  from  sickness,  and  the  inter- 
ference of  the  slave  traders.  The  coolie  traffic,  also,  conducted 
by  the  French,  has  likewise  presented  obstacles  to  success.  In 
speaking  of  the  obstacles  in  general,  one  of  the  missionaries,  a 
few  years  since,  remarked,  that  here,  as  elsewhere,  the  habit  of 
taking  many  wives,  or  rather  concubines,  operates  as  a  great 
hindrance  to  the  Gospel ;  and  that,  "  demoralizing  as  this  state 
of  things  is,  the  people  are,  nevertheless,  firmly  attached  to  it, 
and  will  continue  to  be  so,  until  they  are  inspired  with  better  and 
purer  feelings  by  the  Holy  Ghost."  This  mission,  in  1850,  con- 
sisted of  one  church  of  22  members ;  but  the  report  for  1859, 
instead  of  showing  any  increase,  states  that  there  was  a  reduc- 

*  Report  of  Bishop  Payne,  June  6,  1853. 

t  Officer  of  U.  8.  Navy,  in  Mr.  Gurley'a  Report,  1853. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   137 

tion  of  the  membership  to  12.  The  annual  report  of  the  Board, 
for  that  year,  1859,  thus  speaks  of  the  discouraging  prospects  of 
this  mission : 

"  The  Gaboon  mission  is  attended  with  more  difl&culty.  The  climate 
is  unhealthy ;  the  tribes  of  people  reached  by  the  mission  are  small,  scat- 
tered, and  changing  in  their  locality,  and  often  warring  on  each  other. 
After  a  series  of  exhausting  labors,  continued  for  many  years,  during 
which  about  half  of  our  missionary  force,  on  an  average,  have  been 
obliged  to  be  absent  from  the  field,  for  the  recruiting  of  health,  but 
one  church,  now  consisting  of  twelve  members,  is  reported.  Our 
work  is  one  of  faith  ;  we  wo\ild  wait  the  returns  of  harvest ;  still,  in  a 
range  of  labors  so  extended  and  varied  as  those  of  this  Board,  that 
particular  localities  and  missions  should  be  surrendered  for  others  of 
less  discouragement,  and  greater  prospect  of  success,  is  a  matter  to  be 
expected.  Some  change  respecting  the  Gaboon  mission  seems  to  be 
demanded.  The  committee  have  grave  doubts  respecting  the  wisdom 
of  continuing  it  as  at  present  constituted,  and  while  they  are  not 
ready  to  recommend  its  abrupt  termination,  they  highly  appreciate  a 
suggestion  in  the  Prudential  Committee's  Report,  that  efforts  be  made 
to  obtain  native  preachers  and  helpers  from  Sierra  Leone  and  other 
places,  and  train  them  for  the  work." 

The  Report  for  1861,  contains  the  suggestion,  from  one  of  the 
missionaries  who  had  investigated  the  subject,  that  the  discourage- 
ments at  the  Gaboon  are  not  peculiar  to  that  place ;  and  that  no 
change  of  locality  would  give  a  more  hopeful  field.  It  is  also 
stated  that  a  more  decided  religious  interest  had  prevailed  during 
the  last  year  than  for  a  long  period  before.  The  members,  as 
given  in  the  "  Memorial  Volume,"  number  15. 

The  Mendi  Mission  is  one  of  peculiar  interest,  and  will  be 
referred  to  in  connection  with  the  West  India  Missions.  The 
results  of  this  mission,  as  well  as  that  at  the  Gaboon,  serve  a  good 
purpose,  as  illustrating  the  mistaken  views  of  the  abolitionists,  in 
their  estimate  of  the  character  of  the  African  race  in  its  barbar- 
ous state. 

3.   The  obstacles  to  African  Evangelization  in  Brazil. 

The  blacks  transported  from  Africa  to  Brazil  have  been  sub- 
jected to  influences  as  unfavorable  to  moral  improvement  as  those 


138  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

taken  to  any  other  country.  Unfortunately  for  Brazil,  its  early 
settlers  from  Europe  failed  to  secure  to  themselves  any  decree  of 
liberty  of  conscience  in  the  exercise  of  their  religious  principles; 
but,  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  times,  the  most  rigid  and 
extreme  measures  were  adopted  to  preserve  unity  of  faith.  Two 
ministers  and  fourteen  students,  sent  out  to  Brazil  by  the  Prot- 
estant Church  of  Geneva,  were  prevented,  by  the  sanguinary 
fanaticism  of  the  adherents  of  the  established  religion,  from  in- 
troducing a  Bible  Christianity.  The  leading  men  of  the  party  of 
Huguenots,  who  fled  to  Brazil  in  1555  from  persecution  in  France, 
were  thrown  into  prison;  and,  after. eight  years'  confinement, 
John  Boles,  the  most  prominent  of  the  prisoners,  was  martyred, 
at  Rio  de  Janeiro,  "  for  the  sake  of  terrifying  his  countrymen,  if 
any  of  them  should  be  lurking  in  those  parts."  The  Methodist 
Episcopal  Church  of  the  United  States,  a  few  years  since,  at- 
tempted to  enter  Brazil  as  a  missionary  field,  but  the  efi'ort, 
proving  unsuccessful,  was  abandoned. 

Without  the  Bible  as  a  moral  instructor  of  youth,  and  without 
the  presence  of  the  advocates  of  religious  liberty,  as  rivals  to 
stimulate  and  liberalize  the  state  religion,  it  is  not  a  matter  of 
wonder  that  the  Brazilians  should  have  sunk  in  the  scale  of  moral 
being.  The  population  of  Brazil,  in  1850,  included  but  1,500,000 
whites,  while  there  were  3,000,000  slaves,  and  2,500,000  Indians 
and  free  negroes.  The  rising  generations  of  whites,  coming  more 
or  less  under  the  influence  of  the  native  heathenism,  could  not 
attain  as  high  a  standard  of  intelligence  and  morals  as  those 
which  had  preceded  them.  It  was  to  be  expected,  therefore,  that 
the  costly  church  edifices,  erected  by  the  pious  zeal  and  profuse 
liberality  of  the  early  Portuguese  emigrants,  should  often  be  per- 
verted from  the  use  to  which  they  were  originally  consecrated; 
and,  as  is  asserted  in  Kidder's  Brazil,  that  the  preaching  of  the 
Gospel  should  not  be  known  among  the  weekly  services  of  the 
church ;  and,  also,  as  declared  by  Southey,  that  its  practices 
should  be  those  of  polytheism  and  idolatry.  Such  were  the  evil 
tendencies  of  the  religious  system  of  Brazil,  that,  in  1843,  the 
minister  of  justice  and  ecclesiastical  aifairs,  addressed  the  Im- 
perial Legislature  on  the  subject,  and  called  for  reform.  Among 
many  other  things  he  said : 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   139 

*'  The  state  of  retrogression   into  which  the  clergy  are  falling  is 

notorious It  may  be  observed,  that  the  numerical  ratio 

of  those  priests  who  die,  or  become  incompetent  through  age  and  in- 
firmity, is  two  to  one  of  those  who  receive  ordination 

This  is  not  the  place  to  investigate  the  causes  of  such  a  state  of  things, 
but  certain  it  is,  that  no  persons  of  standing  devote  their  sons  to  the 

priesthood In  the  province  of  Para,  there  are  parishes 

which,  for  twelve  years  and  upward,  have  had  no  pastor.  The  dis- 
trict of  the  river  Negro,  containing  some  fourteen  settlements,  has 
but  one  priest;  while  that  of  the  river  Solemoens  is  in  similar  cir- 
cumstances. In  the  three  comarcas  of  Belem,  and  Upper  and  Lower 
Amazon,  there  are  thirty-six  vacant  parishes.  In  Maranham,  twenty- 
five  churches  have,  at  different  times,  been  advertised  as  open  for 
applications,  without  securing  the  offer  of  a  single  candidate.  The 
Bishop  of  St.  Paulo  affirms  the  same  thing  respecting  vacant  churches 
in  his  diocese,  and  it  is  no  uncommon  experience  elsewhere.  In  the 
diocese  of  Cuyaba,  not  a  single  church  is  provided  with  a  settled 
curate,  and  those  priests  who  officiate  as  stated  supplies,  treat  the 
Bishop's  efforts  to  instruct  and  improve  them  with  great  indifference. 
In  the  Bishopric  of  Rio  de  Janeiro,  most  of  the  churches  are  supplied 
with  pastors,  but  a  great  number  of  them  only  temporarily.  This 
diocese  embraces  four  provinces,  but  during  nine  years  past  not  more 
than  five  or  six  priests  have  been  ordained  per  year." 

Among  this  general  dearth  of  religious  instruction  among  the 
Brazilians,  it  will  of  course  be  expected  that  the  moral  training 
of  the  poor  slave  has  been  totally  neglected,  and  that  he  yet 
remains  in  all  the  darkness  and  degradation  of  barbarism.  An 
American  in  Brazil,  writing  to  the  Boston  Advocate,  from  Rio,  in 
1849,  says : 

"  Every  one,  on  his  first  landing  at  Rio,  will  be  forced  to  the  con- 
clusion that  all  classes  indiscriminately  mingle  together  ;  all  appearing 
on  terms  of  the  utmost  equality.  If  there  be  any  distinction,  it  is 
perceptible  only  between  freedom  and  slavery.  There  are  many  blacks 
here  quite  wealthy  and  respectable,  who  amalgamate  with  the  white 
families,  and  are  received  on  a  footing  of  perfect  equality.  The 
mechanical  arts  are  at  least  half  a  century  behind  those  of  our  own. 
The  churches,  some  fifty  in  number,  are  falling  to  decay,  which  gives 
to  the  city  a  look  of  dilapidation  ;  few  are  still  observant  of  its  cere- 
monies ;  but  little  or  no  attention  is  paid  to  the  Sabbath.     The  stores 


140  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

do  business,  and  the  workshops  are  open,  the  same  as  on  other  days. 
A  few  may  be  seen  going  to  worship  on  the  Sabbath,  but  a  greater 
number  resort  to  billiard  tables  in  the  afternoon,  and  to  theaters  at 
night.  The  slave  population  is  estimated  at  three  times  the  number 
of  that  of  the  whites.  They  are  allowed  to  go  almost  naked,  the 
upper  part  of  the  body  of  both  male  and  female  entirely  so." 

4.  The  Obstacles  to  African  Evangelization  in  Cuba. 

In  relation  to  Cuba,  the  tale  is  soon  told.  According  to  M'Queen, 
its  slave  population,  some  years  ago,  was  four  hundred  and  twenty-five 
thousand,  of  whom  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  were  females,  and 
two  hundred  and  seventy-five  thousand  were  males.  This  dispropor- 
tion of  the  sexes  will  sufficiently  indicate  the  social  evils  growing  out 
of  such  a  condition  of  things.  Since  that  period,  the  slave  trade  has 
received  a  great  stimulus,  by  the  opening  of  the  English  markets  to 
slave-grown  sugar  ;  and  the  continued  importation  of  slaves  into  Cuba, 
gives  her  at  present  six  hundred  thousand.  She  has  also  one  hundred 
thousand  free  colored  persons,  and  six  hundred  and  ten  thousand 
whites. 

A  report  read  before  the  London  Anti-Slavery  Society,  1843,  rep- 
resents the  plantation  slaves  of  Cuba  as  never  receiving  the  least 
moral  or  religious  instruction.  "  Most  of  them  are  baptized,  because 
the  curate's  certificate  of  baptism  serves  as  a  title  deed  in  the  civil 
courts  of  the  island.  They  live,  in  general,  in  a  state  of  concubinage. 
They  have  not  the  most  distant  idea  of  Christianity.  The  annual 
decrease  by  deaths  over  births  is,  among  the  plantation  slaves,  from 
ten  to  twelve  per  cent.,  and  among  the  others  from  four  to  six  pei 
cent.  The  births  exceed  the  deaths  among  the  free  colored  popula- 
tion, from  five  to  six  per  cent."  * 

5.  The  Obstacles  to  African  Evangelization  in  Hayti. 

Hayti  has  not  been  passed  unnoticed  by  the  Christian  world 
As  early  as  1816,  the  English  Wesleyans  commenced  a  mission 
in  the  Island,  but  in  1819  the  missionary  had  to  leave  on  account 
of  persecution  from  the  adherents  of  the  prevailing  religion. 
Religious  freedom  was  not  allowed.  The  missionaries  found 
ignorance  and  immorality  predominant  at  this  period,  and,  in 
one  or  more  instances,  had  sufficient  evidence  afforded  to  prove 

*  See  "Ethiopia"  for  full  particulars. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.       141 

that  idolatry  was  practiced  in  the  island.  In  the  outset,  Presi- 
dent Boyer  manifested  the  greatest  readiness  to  encourage  and 
promote  the  plans  of  the  missionaries ;  and,  on  their  departure, 
not  only  expressed  himself  as  highly  satisfied  with  their  con- 
duct, but  transmitted  a  donation  of  £500  to  the  Society.  After 
the  missionaries  took  their  leave,  the  small  congregation  they 
had  gathered  could  only  meet  by  stealth ;  and,  on  one  occasion, 
a  number  of  them  were  seized  by  the  police,  and  carried  to 
prison.  On  trial,  they  were  prohibited,  in  the  name  of  the 
President,  from  meeting  together;  still,  however,  a  few  remained 
faithful,  and  in  1834,  another  missionary  arrived,  followed  after- 
wards by  others,  so  that,  in  1853,  the  mission  had  429  converts 
in  its  connection.  In  1860,  the  Society  report,  that  the  new 
government  look  with  favor  on  the  mission,  and  is  as  liberal  as 
they  can  desire.  The  attendance  on  preaching  is  encouraging. 
In  1835,  the  American  Baptist  Missionary  Society  made  an 
attempt  to  establish  a  mission  in  the  island,  which  at  first  prom- 
ised success,  but  was  abandoned  in  1837. 

"  About  twenty  years  ago,  a  society  of  Wesleyan  Methodists  estab- 
lished a  mission  in  the  town  of  Porto  Plata.  The  Church  still  lives, 
and  is,  by  foreigners,  comparatively  well  attended;  but  they  have 
not  converted  a  single  Catholic,  by  preaching,  from  that  day  to  this. 
The  reason  is,  the  Catholics  will  not  go  to  hear  them.  Yet,  for  the 
benefits  of  an  education,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  children  were 
sent  regularly  to  school,  and  there,  by  the  '  infidel '  teaching  of  the 
Wesleyans,  they  soon  learned  to  distrust  the  ceremonies  of  the 
mother  Church.  Unfortunately,  about  two  years  since,  this  school 
was  discontinued,  and,  having  succeeded  in  weaning  the  people  from 
positive  Catholicism,  without  yet  embracing  the  Protestant  religion, 
it  seems  to  have  left  them  with  a  general  belief  in  every  thing,  which 
is,  as  I  take  it,  the  nearest  point  to  a  belief  in  nothing."* 

Of  this  mission,  the  Wesleyan  Missionary  Society,  in  1860, 
thus  speaks  :  "  The  missions  in  St.  Domingo  have  not  recovered 
from  the  confusion  and  difficulty  created  by  political  changes." 

Between  1820  and  1829,  a  brisk  emigration  from  the  United 

*  Summer  on  the  Caribbeean,  by  Mr.  Harris,  an  intelligent  colored  man, 
and  Emigration  Agent. 


142  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

States  to  Hayti  was  conducted,  transferring  8,000  free  colored 
persons  to  that  island,  the  expenses  of  6,000  of  whom  were 
paid  by  the  Haytien  government.*  This  emigration  scheme  was 
undertaken  by  those  who  distrusted  the  Colonization  Society; 
but  failing  to  send  missionaries  and  teachers  along  with  the 
emigrants,  they  never  were  able  to  reap  any  fruits  from  their 
sowing.  This  incident  in  the  history  of  the  black  man  affords 
another  lesson  of  instruction :  standing  alone,  the  uneducated 
negro  was  as  helpless  in  Hayti  in  1830,  as  he  was  in  London  in 
1787. 

The  social  and  moral  condition  of  the  island,  at  the  time  Boyer 
was  overthrown,  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact,  that  a  leader  of 
the  revolution  entered  into  correspondence  with  Christian  men 
in  the  United  States,  in  relation  to  the  introduction  of  mis- 
sionaries.    One  of  the  letters  from  the  Haytien,  dated  in  1843, 


"  You  have  exactly  hit  on  the  essential  points  in  recommending 
the  establishment  of  individual  families  by  marriages,  to  serve  as  a 
basis  of  the  great  social  family,  the  establishment  of  institutions  for 
the  diffusion  of  moral  and  religious  instruction,"  etc. 

In  1849,  one  of  the  editors  of  the  Christian  Refiector  visited 
the  island,  and  in  reporting  on  its  condition,  socially  and  mor- 
ally, he  said : 

"  The  Sabbath  is  the  great  business  day  of  the  week  to  the  middle 
and  lower  classes,  while  the  rich  employ  it  as  a  holiday.  It  is  the 
day  especially  devoted  to  military  parade  and  marketing.  The  pub- 
lic squares  are  crowded  with  buyers  and  sellers,  and  all  the  shops 
are  thronged  with  customers  as  on  no  other  day  of  the  week.  The 
marriage  relation  is,  for  the  most  part,  sustained  without  a  marriage 
contract,  and  divorce  and  polygamy  are  too  common  to  excite  atten- 
tion. The  faithful  husband  of  a  wife  is  a  character  so  rare  as  to  be  a 
marked  exception  to  the  general  rule In  a  word,  the  insti- 
tutions of  tlie  Sabbath  and  of  marriage  are  alike  prostrate.  Both 
have  a  name;  but  the  Divine  object  of  neither  is  secured,  with  a  vast 
majority  of  the  population.     As  a  legitimate   consequence,  profane- 

*  Life  of  Benjamlu  Lundy. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVEEY  CONTRASTED.   143 

ness,  intemperance,  and  vulgarity  extensively  eharacterize  all  classes 
of  society." 

In  1860,  Mr.  Harris,  before  quoted,  in  speaking  of  the  Haytien 
end  of  the  island,  and  the  policy  of  President  Geffard,  says : 

"  Under  Protestant  influences,  also,  several  large  schools,  in  which 
hundreds  of  young  girls  and  boys  are  being  educated,  promise  in  due 
time  to  present  to  the  world  a  virtuous  female  offspring  of  these 
heroic  revolutionists,  adorned  by  all  the  graces  attending  the  use  of 
both  the  French  and  English  languages,  and  a  body  of  youths  skilled 
at  once  in  commerce,  and  in  the  sciences  of  government,  the  sword, 
the  anvil,  and  the  plow." 

In  speaking  of  an  emigrant  settlement  of  colored  Americans, 
not  far  from  Porto  Plata,  the  same  writer  remarks : 

"  How  happy  will  be  the  effect  of  such  an  enterprise  on  a  non- 
progressive people,  you  have  probably  anticipated  from  what  I  have 
previously  observed ;  "  and,  then,  as  an  evidence  of  the  indolence  of 
the  population,  he  elsewhere  adds,  "  there  is  but  one  saw-mill  on  the 
Spanish  end  of  the  island,  near  St.  Domingo  city,  and  that  not  now 
in  operation." 

These  facts  indicate,  very  clearly,  that  African  Evangelization 
has  made  but  little  progress  in  Hayti.  Now  that  Spain  has  taken 
possession  of  the  Spanish  part  of  the  island,  it  remains  doubtful 
whether  Protestant  missions  will  be  tolerated  therein ;  and  should 
France  reclaim  the  other  portion,  the  whole  island  may  become 
closed  to  the  Protestant  missionary. 

6.  The  Obstacles  to  African  Evangelization  in  the  British  West 
India  Islands. 

While  it  was  believed  that  the  Christianization  of  the  blacks 
was  impracticable  under  slavery,  there  were  good  reasons  why 
British  Christians  should  use  all  lawful  means  to  have  that  hin- 
drance to  the  Gospel  removed.  This  was  a  moral  duty  which 
the  British  subject,  as  a  Christian,  could  not  overlook.  Under 
this  view  of  the  question,  emancipation  became  a  necessity.  But 
the  view  was  founded  in,  a  misconception.     Time  has  shown,  that 


144  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

it  was  not  the  condition  of  servitude  which  hindered  the  Gospel 
among  the  blacks  in  the  West  Indies.  Indeed,  as  in  the  case  of 
the  Wesleyan  mission  in  Jamaica,  emancipation  was  not  every- 
where followed  by  a  corresJ)onding  efficiency  in  the  mission  work ; 
but,  on  the  contrary,  in  a  few  years  grievous  backslidings  occurred, 
and  the  population  became  less  inclined  than  before  to  yield  them- 
selves to  religious  control.* 

The  rise  of  the  mission  work  in  these  islands,  and  its  progress 
during  the  period  of  slavery,  is  noticed  quite  fully  in  Chapter  I. 
Some  references  are  made  to  the  results  down  to  the  present 
date  ;  but  the  main  facts  occurring  since  emancipation  were  left 
to  be  used  in  this  contrast.     To  that  task  we  now  proceed. 

More  information  has  come  into  our  possession,  relative  to  mis- 
sionary operations  in  the  West  Indies,  from  American  than  from 
British  sources.  The  American  testimony  is  all  from  anti-slavery 
authorities,  and  may,  therefore,  be  considered  as  reliable  in  refer- 
ence to  the  questions  it  is  brought  to  sustain.  The  details  are 
more  extensive  than  we  could  wish,  but  they  better  represent  the 
facts  than  if  more  condensed.  In  adopting  this  plan,  we  are  able 
to  employ  the  language  of  the  Associations  quoted,  and  can  thus 
avoid  the  charge  of  not  being  sufficiently  full  in  the  particulars. 

First,  we  shall  notice  the  mission  of  the  Associate  Synod  in 
Trinidad.  This  mission  is  the  more  interesting,  because  it  was 
attempted  by  the  Church  which  first  pronounced  slaveholding  a 
sin.  This  term,  si?i,  was  used  as  early  as  1808,  in  reference  to 
slaveholding,  by  one  of  the  Presbyteries  which  constituted  this 
Synod.f 

The  Associate  Synod,  at  its  meeting  in  Philadelphia,  1843, 
appointed  missionaries  to  Trinidad,  who  soon  after  set  sail  for 
that  island.  The  incipient  steps  towards  estabUshing  this  mis- 
sion had  been  taken  in  1841.  They  chose  Savanne  Grande  as 
the  place  of  their  operations,  where  they  erected  a  church  and  a 
dwelling-house,  and  the  mission  was  for  some  time  in  successful 
operation.  The  death  of  one  of  the  missionaries,  the  year  fol- 
lowing, required  the  appointment  of  another  to  supply  his  place. 
He,  however,  remained  but  a  short  time  in  the  field,  having  felt 

*See  Chapter  I.  t  See  Chapter  VII. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   145 

it  to  be  his  duty  to  return.  The  other  missionary  returned  with 
him,  leaving  the  mission  vacant;  but  he  was  reappointed,  and 
resumed  his  labors.  In  1847,  a  gentleman  and  his  wife  were 
added  to  the  mission,  as  teachers.  In  1848,  the  missionary  again 
presented  himself  before  the  Synod,  a  vote  approving  his  labors 
was  passed,  and  he  once  more  returned  to  his  work.  The  Synod 
had  resolved  to  increase  the  mission,  but  the  mission  board  were 
unsuccessful  in  obtaining  the  services  of  another  missionary.  In 
the  mean  time,  the  teachers  returned,  leaving  the  devoted  mission- 
ary alone  upon  the  field,  who,  in  consequence  of  ill-health,  ob- 
tained leave  to  return,  after  the  expiration  of  six  months.  No 
missionaries  being  obtained  to  succeed  him,  he  left  the  field,  com- 
mitting his  charge  to  the  care  of  a  Scotch  missionary,  residing 
seven  miles  distant.  It  was  not  until  June,  1851,  that  another 
missionary  set  sail  for  Trinidad,  accompanied  by  his  wife,  and  a 
female  assistant,  as  a  teacher ;  but  he  returned  in  the  same  year, 
leaving  the  mission,  as  before,  under  the  care  of  the  Scotch  mis- 
sionary. In  1853,  the  Synod  placed  the  mission  under  the  care 
of  this  Scotch  brother,  who  labored  in  it  until  sometime  the  next 
year,  when  he  came  to  the  United  States,  after  placing  the  mission 
under  the  oversight  of  another  Scotch  missionary,  who  could  only 
render  it  occasional  services.  The  mission  being  thus  left  entirely 
destitute,  with  the  exception  of  the  little  attention  the  Scotch 
missionary  could  render,  the  Synod,  in  1855,  transferred  the  mis- 
sion to  the  Free  Church  of  Scotland,  with  a  donation  of  four 
hundred  dollars,  annexing,  as  a  condition,  that  it  might  be  resumed 
again,  by  Synod,  at  any  future  time.  It  was  not,  however,  until 
November,  1856,  that  a  missionary  could  be  obtained;  when  one 
was  sent  out,  but  who,  after  laboring  with  encouragement  until 
near  the  close  of  the  last  year,  was  compelled,  from  failure  of 
health,  to  leave  his  field  of  labor.  * 

"  This  mission  has  been  an  exceedingly  expensive  one  to  the  Asso- 
ciate Synod.  It  has  met  with  many  reverses,  and  experienced  severe 
trials,  but  it  is  believed  to  have  exerted  a  most  happy  influence,  and 
has  not  been  without  special  tokens  of  the  Divine  favor."  f 

*  The  facts,  in  this  last  case,  are  taken  from  the  Christian  Instructor,  May 
15,  1861. 
t  This  statement  with  the  exception  referred  to  in  the  last  footnote,  is  con- 

10 


146  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

It  was  the  privilege  of  the  author  to  listen  to  the  explanations 
of  some  of  the  missionaries  who  returned  from  Trinidad.  The 
greatest  obstacle  to  success,  which  they  had  to  encounter,  was  the 
unsettled  state  of  the  population.  Emancipation  left  the  people 
without  fixed  homes,  or  any  certainty  of  constant  employment  in 
the  same  situation.  The  hearers  of  a  sermon  on  one  Sabbath, 
were  often  out  of  the  reach  of  the  preacher  on  the  next.  Con- 
gregations of  listeners  could  be  readily  gathered,  but  could  not 
be  retained  together.  The  low  wages  offered  for  labor,  by  the 
planters,  had  little  fascination  for  the  new-born  freeman,  who 
rioted  in  his  liberty  to  run  where  he  listed.  What  was  true  of 
the  efforts  to  sustain  congregations,  was  true,  also,  of  the  attempt 
to  establish  schools.  But  this  unstable  condition  of  things,  seems 
likely  to  terminate  in  a  few  years.  The  necessities  of  existence 
inevitably  force  population  into  positions  where  bread  can  be 
made  most  secure.  Where  the  soil,  and  not  the  chase,  yields  the 
means  of  subsistence,  people  must  find  fixed  homes  as  soon  as 
they  become  crowded.  This  has  long  been  true  as  to  Barbadoes 
and  Antigua.*  The  large  influx  of  coolies,  imported  into  Trini- 
dad, to  supply  the  deficiency  of  labor  resulting  from  emancipation, 
is  fast  tending  to  concentrate  the  colored  people  of  that  island 
also,  by  lessening  their  chances  to  squat  at  will  over  the  island. 
Thus  far  the  mission  of  the  Associate  Church,  in  Trinidad,  has 
accomplished  but  little,  except  to  prove  the  error  of  that  Church 
as  to  the  advantages  of  emancipation  in  promoting  the  conversion 
of  the  negroes 

It  was  most  fortunate  that  this  denomination  undertook  a  mis- 
sion in  the  West  Indies.  Its  ministry  and  people  are  of  the  best 
in  the  Christian  Church.  Their  family  discipline  is  rigid,  and 
religious  instruction  made  imperative.  At  an  early  day,  the 
Synod  took  decided  action  against  slavery,  and,  ultimately,  dis- 
engaged itself  from  all  connection  with  slaveholders.  In  com- 
mon with  the  prevailing  American  sentiment,  its  people  placed  a 
high  estimate   upon  human   freedom ;    and,  falling  in  with   the 

densed  from  the  Church  Memorial,  1858,  a  volume  published  under  the  patron- 
age of  the  United  Presbyterian  Church,  into  which  the  Associate  Synod  is  now 
merged. 

*  See  Chapter  V.,  for  full  particulars. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY    CONTRASTED.      147 

Britisli  theories  —  or  importing  them,  rather,  as  the  ministers 
were  mostly  from  Scotland  and  Ireland  —  they  considered  slavery 
as  antagonistic  to  the  progress  of  the  Gospel.  Having  placed 
themselves,  by  their  ecclesiastical  legislation,  in  a  position  which 
rendered  it  impossible  for  them  any  longer  to  approach  the  colored 
man  in  slavery,  they  resolved  to  reach  him  where  he  reveled  in 
freedom.  But  the  Trinidad  mission  brought  them  into  contact 
with  the  negro,  as  a  barbarian.  Wrenched  by  force  from  the 
midst  of  African  barbarism,  he  had  made  but  little  advancement 
under  British  slavery,  except  to  learn  the  English  language.  One 
generation  had  succeeded  another,  without  the  lights  of  civiliza- 
tion having  penetrated  their  darkened  understandings.  The  mis- 
sionaries, therefore,  found  the  barbarism  of  the  population  a  much 
more  stubborn  element  to  subdue  than  had  been  anticipated.  It 
was  the  first  foreign  mission  that  this  Church  had  attempted ;  and, 
consequently,  its  missionaries  had  but  little  experience  in  relation 
to  the  difficulties  connected  with  attempts  to  control  the  wills  of 
savage  men.  The  mission  was  projected  only  three  years  after 
the  emancipation  of  the  slaves,  and  the  work  was  begun  exactly 
at  the  moment  when  the  Jamaica  missionaries  found  the  popula- 
tion most  difficult  to  control. 

This  mission  has  done  but  little  toward  African  evangelization. 
It  is  at  present,  (October,  1861,)  destitute  of  a  missionary. 

The  American  Missionary  Association  have  a  mission  in 
Jamaica.  The  mission  is  occupied  mainly  with  labor  in  behalf 
of  the  emancipated  colored  people  of  that  island.  It  was  com- 
menced by  five  Congregational  ministers,  who  sailed  from  New 
York  in  the  fall  of  1839  —  the  year  following  the  final  emancipa- 
tion of  the  blacks.  They  went  to  Jamaica  with  the  expectation 
of  receiving  a  moderate  support  from  the  emancipated  people 
themselves ;  but  in  this  they  were  disappointed,  and  as  there  was 
then  no  missionary  society  in  the  United  States  that  could  under- 
take the  support  of  a  mission  there,  they  were  reduced  to  circum- 
stances of  distressing  privation.  They,  too,  had  formed  no  just 
conception  of  the  work  before  them.  A  committee  was  organized 
of  gentlemen  residing  in  New  York  and  New  England,  called  the 
West  India  Missionary  Committee,  who  received  and  forwarded 
contributions  for  this  mission,  but  without  undertaking  its  support. 


148  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

In  1847,  the  mission  was  transferred  to  the  American  Missionary 
Association,  under  whose  care  it  remains.  In  1843,  the  mission- 
aries formed  a  Congregational  Association,  under  the  name  of  the 
Jamaica  Congregational  Association  ;  and  the  mission  is  now 
known  in  the  island,  as  the  American  Congregational  Mission.  * 

This  mission,  in  1858,  is  represented  as  embracing  12  stations, 
7  missionaries,  2  male  assistants,  13  female  assistants,  4  native 
assistants,  8  churches,  433  members,  and  716  scholars.  The  full 
details  can  be  found  in  the  Encyclopaedia  of  Missions,  from  which 
we  quote. 

Turning  from  the  statements  in  the  Encyclopaedia,  to  the  reports 
of  the  American  Missionary  Association  itself,  f  much  light  is 
derived  in  relation  to  the  moral  condition  of  the  people  of  Jamaica. 
In  its  seventh  Annual  Report,  1853,  page  30,  it  is  said : 

"  One  of  our  missionaries,  in  giving  a  description  of  the  moral  con- 
dition of  the  people  of  Jamaica,  after  speaking  of  the  licentiousness 
which  they  received  as  a  legacy  from  those  who  denied  them  the  pure 
joys  of  holy  wedlock,  and  trampled  upon  and  scourged  chastity,  as  if 
it  were  a  fiend  to  he  driven  out  from  among  men  —  that  enduring 
legacy,  which,  with  its  foul,  pestilential  influence,  still  blights,  like 
the  mildew  of  death,  every  thing  in  society  that  should  be  lovely, 
virtuous,  and  of  good  report ;  and  alluding  to  their  intemperance,  in 
which  they  have  followed  the  example  set  by  the  governor  in  his 
palace,  the  bishop  in  his  robes,  statesmen  and  judges,  lawyers  and 
doctors,  planters  and  overseers,  and  even  professedly  Christian  min- 
isters ;  and  the  deceit  and  falsehood  which  oppression  and  wrong 
always  engender,  says :  '  It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  we  are  following 
in  the  wake  of  the  accursed  system  of  slavery — a  system  that  unmakes 
man,  by  warring  upon  his  conscience,  and  crushing  his  spirit,  leaving 
naught  but  the  shattered  wrecks  of  humanity  behind  it.  If  we  may 
but  gather  up  some  of  these  floating  fragments,  from  which  the  image 
of  God  is  well  nigh  effaced,  and  pilot  them  safely  into  that  better 
land,  we  shall  not  have  labored  in  vain.  But  we  may  hope  to  do  more. 
The  chief  fruit  of  our  labors  is  to  be  sought  in  the  future,  rather  than 
in  the  present.''  It  should  be  remembered,  too,  (continues  the  Re- 
port,) that  there  is  but  a  small  part  of  the  population  yet  brought 
within  the  reach  of  the  influence  of  enlightened  Christian  teachers, 

*  Encyclopaedia  of  Missions,  1858,  page  773. 

t  This  Association  is  strictly  an  Abolition  Institution, 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   149 

while  the  great  mass  by  whom  they  are  surrounded  are  but  little 
removed  from  actual  heathenism."  Another  missionary,  page  33, 
says,  it  is  the  opinion  of  all  intelligent  Christian  men,  that  "  nothing 
save  the  furnishing  of  the  people  with  ample  means  of  education  and 
religious  instruction  will  save  them  from  relapsing  into  a  state  of 
barbarism."  And  another,  page  36,  in  speaking  of  certain  cases  of 
discipline,  for  the  highest  form  of  crime,  under  the  seventh  com- 
mandment, says ;  "  There  is  nothing  in  public  sentiment  to  save  the 
youth  of  Jamaica  in  this  respect." 

The  Report,  near  its  close,  says : 

"  For  most  of  the  adult  population  of  Jamaica,  the  unhappy  vic- 
tims of  long  years  of  oppression  and  degradation,  our  missionaries 
have  great  fear.  Yet  for  even  these  there  may  be  hope,  even  though 
with  trembling.  But  it  is  around  the  youth  of  the  island  that  their 
brightest  hopes  and  anticipations  cluster ;  from  them  they  expect  to 
gather  their  principal  sheaves  for  the  great  Lord  of  the  harvest." 

The  American  Missionary/,  a  monthly  paper,  and  organ  of  this 
Association,  for  July,  1855,  has  the  following  quotation  from  the 
letters  of  the  missionaries,  recently  received,  in  further  confirma- 
tion of  the  moral  condition  of  the  colored  people  of  Jamaica : 

"  From  the  number  of  churches  and  chapels  in  the  island,  Jamaica 
ought  certainly  to  be  called  a  Christian  land.  The  people  may  be 
called  a  church-going  people.  There  are  chapels  and  places  of  wor- 
ship enough,  at  least  in  this  part  of  the  island,  to  supply  the  people 
if  every  station  of  our  mission  were  given  up.  And  there  is  no  lack 
of  ministers  and  preachers.  As  far  as  I  am  acquainted,  almost  the 
entire  adult  population  profess  to  have  a  hope  of  eternal  life,  and  I 
think  the  larger  part  are  connected  with  churches.  In  view  of  such 
facts,  some  have  been  led  to  say,  '  The  spiritual  condition  of  the  pop- 
ulation is  very  satisfactory.'  But  there  is  another  class  of  facts  that 
is  perfectly  astounding.  With  all  this  array  of  the  externals  of 
religion,  one  broad,  deep  wave  of  moral  death  rolls  over  the  land. 
A  man  may  be  a  drunkard,  a  liar,  a  Sabbath-breaker,  a  profane  man, 
a  fornicator,  an  adulterer,  and  such  like  —  and  be  known  to  be  such  — 
and  go  to  chapel,  and  hold  up  his  head  there,  and  feel  no  disgrace 
from  these  things,  because  they  are  so  common  as  to  create  a  public 
sentiment  in  his  favor.      He  may  go  to  the  communion  table,  and 


150  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

cherisli  a  hope  of  heaven,  and  not  have  his  hope  disturbed.  I  might 
tell  of  persons  guilty  of  some,  if  not  all,  these  things,  ministering  in 
holy  things." 

Coming  down  to  a  later  date,  we  find  the  report  of  the  Associ- 
ation, for  1858,  giving  the  membership  of  its  West  India  Mis- 
sions as  308,  in  the  four  principal  stations  —  the  other  three  sta- 
tions not  being  reported.  Again,  in  1860,  the  membership,  in  all 
the  stations,  one  excepted,  is  given  as  404,  and  the  whole  num- 
ber of  scholars  in  the  week-day  schools,  one  out-station  excepted, 
as  450. 

The  report  of  1858,  in  noticing  the  progress  of  the  missions, 
in  two  of  the  stations,  says  that  the  advices  from  the  missionary 
affirms,  "  that  no  satisfactory  advance  has  been  made  during  the 
past  year,  either  in  educational  or  spiritual  things ; "  and  then 
quotes  from  him  as  follows  : 

"  We  trust  there  is  a  remnant  here,  a  church  within  the  church, 
through  and  by  whom  God  can  work.  The  few  yet  left  of  those  who 
during  the  darkness  of  slavery  received  and  followed  the  truth  as 
they  understood  it,  and  who  follow  it  still  as  the  light  shines  clearer ; 
the  few  who  were  truly  converted  in  the  great  ingatherings  into  the 
Church  at  and  just  after  emancipation ;  and  a  few  of  those  who  from 
time  to  time  have  been  admitted  of  late  years — these  are  the' hopes 
of  Jamaica.  They  are  the  salt  of  the  land,  notwithstanding  their 
light,  it  may  be,  is  dim,  their  strength  but  feeble,  and  much  dross 
may  be  mixed  with  the  gold." 

Another  quotation  is  made,  from  the  missionary  at  a  third  sta- 
tion, as  follows : 

"  A  few  weeks  ago  I  commenced  having  inquiry  meetings,  and  the 
number  that  attend  has  gradually  increased,  until  this  week  twenty- 
six  were  present In  the  little  meetings  which  we  hold  among 

the  people,  the  truth  seems  to  take  eflfeet.  ....  We  see  some  indi- 
cations of  the  Holy  Spirit  among  the  people Only  a  few  of 

the  Church  members  appear  to  understand  the  part  Christians  have 

to  do  in  gathering  souls  into  the  kingdom  of  Cod I  am  often 

made  to  feel  that  the  masses  will  go  down  to  eternal  death.  We  are 
stimulated  to  labor  and  do  what  we  can,  and  we  find  promises  in  the 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.       151 

Word  of  God  that  cause  us  to  hope  that  our  labors  will  be  blessed 
in  saving  souls." 

From  the  fourth  and  fifth  stations,  another  writes : 

"  The  statistical  table  shows,  that  in  these  two  churches  the  past 
has  been  a  dry  year.  Happily  the  other  churches  of  the  mission 
have  been  more  blessed,  although  throughout  Jamaica  generally, 
spiritual  deadness  seems  to  prevail  in  as  marked  a  manner  as  at  pres- 
ent spiritual  activity  in  the  churches  of  our  native  land.  With  a 
grade  of  moral  culture  so  vastly  below  that  of  the  churches  of  Amer- 
ica, I  do  not  believe  that  we  could  reasonably  expect  a  movement 
like  that;  but  the  Spirit  of  God  knows  how  to  move  on  all  hearts, 
barbarian  and  civilized,  and  I  would  fain  hope  that  our  brethren  at 
home  rejoice  in  this  favored  time,  and  will  not  forget  to  pray  that 
the  good  work  may  spread  into  other  lands.  The  progress  of  the 
people  in  outward  prosperity  has  been  quite  encouraging  during  the 
past  year." 

The  Report  of  1860  mentions  several  encouraging  features  con- 
nected with  these  missions,  and  some,  also,  that  are  discouraging. 
A  quotation  from  one  of  the  missionaries  shows,  that  correct 
views  are  forcing  themselves  upon  his  mind.     He  says : 

"  Whatever  may  be  true  in  other  places,  I  am  convinced  that  it  is 
the  sheerest  folly  to  think  of  upholding  missionary  operations  here, 
without  giving  an  active  support,  in  one  way  or  another,  to  relig- 
iously-conducted schools.  The  government  ought  to  care  for  this, 
and,  very  meagerly  it  does  so ;  but  what  it  leaves  undone  must  be 
supplied  by  Christian  zeal,  here  and  abroad,  except  so  far  as  the  peo- 
ple can  be  persuaded  to  do  it  themselves  ;  and  they  do  not  now  value 
education  sufficiently  to  lay  any  very  heavy  tax  upon  themselves  in 
support  of  it." 

From  another  station,  during  this  year,  I860,  comes  this  lan- 
guage, as  contained  in  the  report : 

"  From  what  we  observe  in  our  neighborhood,  and  from  what  we 
hear  from  other  parts,  I  do  think  we  may  say  the  day  dawneth. 
There  are  some  unmistakable  signs  of  improvement.  Very  much 
that  is  lamentable  and  reproachful  still  remains,  but  no  candid,  thor- 
ough observer  can  speak  of  Jamaica  now  otherwise  than  hopeful." 


152  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

The  report  on  the  Jamaica  mission  closes  with  this  paragraph, 
explanatory  of  the  relative  condition  of  the  crowded  and  pro- 
ductive population  of  Barbadoes  and  the  squatter  farmers  of 
Jamaica : 

**  Some  extracts  have  been  published  in  the  American  Missionary, 
from  the  communications  of  the  correspondent  of  the  Times,  forming 
a  perfect  vindication  of  the  people  of  Jamaica,  from  the  slanderous 
charges  that  have  been  brought  against  them,  and  proving  that  the 
emancipated  people  and  their  descendants  in  Jamaica  do  vsrork  as 
diligently  as  those  of  Barbadoes;  but  for  themselves,  on  their  own 
freeholds,  instead  of  for  the  planter  on  his  estate.  Wisdom  is  justi- 
fied of  her  children.  In  Jamaica,  as  elsewhere,  God  has  demon- 
strated that  it  is  safe,  even  for  man's  pecuniary  interest,  to  obey 
God,  and  refrain  from  injustice." 

It  must  be  remembered,  that  the  wTiole  of  the  preceding  quo- 
tations come  from  the  same  body  of  men,  writing  at  diflferent 
dates,  and  having  different  objects  to  accomplish,  at  the  different 
times  their  pens  were  employed.  It  is  no  part  of  our  duty  to 
reconcile  any  seeming  discrepancies.  But,  as  in  accord  with 
what  they  have  s^id,  and  as  indicating  one  of  the  sources  of 
"  the  slanderous  charges  "  referred  to,  it  may  be  well  to  give, 
in  connection  with  what  has  been  quoted  above,  a  few  extracts 
from  the  Annual  Report  of  the  Amekican  and  Foreign  Anti- 
Slavery  Society,  for  1853,  which  discoursed  thus,  in  its  own 
language,  and  in  quotations  which  it  endorsed.*  It  is  the  lan- 
guage of  American  Abolitionists,  going  out  under  the  sanction 
of  their  annual  reports  : 

"  The  ft'iends  of  emancipation  in  the  United  States  have  been  dis- 
appointed in  some  respects  at  the  results  in  the  West  Indies,  because 
they  expected  too  much.  A  nation  of  slaves  can  not  at  once  be  con- 
verted into  a  nation  of  intelligent,  industrious,  and  moral  freemen." 

"  It  is  not  too  much,  even  now,  to  say  of  the  people  of 

Jamaica, their  condition  is  exceedingly  degraded,  their  mor- 
als woefully  corrupt.  But  this  must,  by  no  means,  be  understood  to 
be  of  universal  application.  With  respect  to  those  who  have  been 
brought  under  a  healthful  educational  and  religious  influence,  it  is 

*  Page  170. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.      153 

not  true.  But  as  respects  the  great  mass,  whose  humanity  has  been 
ground  out  of  them  by  cruel  oppression  —  whom  no  good  Samaritan 
hand  has  yet  reached  —  how  could  it  be  otherwise  ?  We  wish  to 
turn  the  tables;  to  supplant  oppression  by  righteousness,  insult  by 
compassion  and  brotherly  kindness,  hatred  and  contempt  by  love  and 
winning  meekness,  until  we  allure  these  wretched  ones  to  the  hope 

and  enjoyment  of  manhood  and  virtue."* "  The  means  of 

education  and  religious  instruction  are  better  enjoyed,  although  but 
little  appreciated  and  improved  by  the  great  mass  of  the  people.  It 
is  also  true,  that  the  moral  sense  of  the  people  is  becoming  somewhat 
enlightened But  while  this  is  true,  yet  their  moral  condi- 
tion is  very  far  from  being  what  it  ought  to  be It  is  exceed- 
ingly dark  and  distressing.  Licentiousness  prevails  to  a  most  alarm- 
ing extent  among  the  people The  almost  universal  prevalence 

of  intemperance  is  another  prolific  source  of  the  moral  darkness  and 
degradation  of  the  people.  The  great  mass,  among  all  classes  of  the 
inhabitants,  from  the  governor  in  his  palace  to  the  peasant  in  his 
hut — from  the  bishop  in  his  gown  to  the  beggar  in  his  rags  —  are 
all  slaves  to  their  cups."  f 

This  is  truly  a  dark  picture  of  the  moral  degradation  of  the 
West  India  black  population.  But  it  comes  from  the  pens  of 
Abolitionists,  who  expect  the  Christian  world  to  accept  their 
assertions  as  true.  Being  themselves  the  prime  promoters  of 
abolition,  they,  of  course,  must  be  allowed  to  announce  the  results 
of  their  own  policy.  Such  declarations,  however,  as  to  the  moral 
gloom  overshadowing  the  West  Indies,  should  be  taken  with  some 
allowance,  on  account  of  the  peculiar  position  occupied  by  the 
missionaries  who  make  the  reports.  Their  honesty  of  intention, 
and  devotion  to  their  work,  none  will  doubt ;  but  they  belong  to 
an  organization  preeminently  partizan  in  its  character,  and  dis- 
tinguished for  the  strength  of  its  zeal  in  behalf  of  abolition  theo- 
ries. This  association  was  based,  by  its  founders,  upon  the 
assumption,  that  all  existing  denominations  tolerated  sin  —  tole- 
rated the  use  of  tobacco,  intoxicating  drinks,  slavery,  caste,  and 
polygamy  —  and  that  a  pure  Church  was  necessary  to  the  uni- 
versal success  of  the  Gospel.     The  element  of  Christian  charity, 


*  Extract  from  the  report  of  a  missionary,  quoted  in  the  Report,  page  172. 
t  Extract  from  the  report  of  another  missionary,  page  171,  of  the  Report. 


154  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

in  its  exercise  toward  other  professors  of  religion,  exists  in  that 
body  in  a  much  less  degree,  it  is  feared,  than  the  spirit  of  hatred 
of  all  who  will  not  accept  their  claims  to  preeminent  holiness,  and 
their  divine  commission  to  dictate  laws  to  the  civil  as  well  as  the 
ecclesiastical  world.* 

But  notwithstanding  the  high  pretensions  of  the  American 
Missionary  Association,  they  have  not  succeeded  any  better  than 
other  missionary  societies,  in  lifting  the  heathen  out  of  their  bar- 
baric darkness.  The  Holy  Spirit  has  not  descended  in  any 
greater  power  upon  their  missions  than  upon  others ;  and  they 
apologize  to  the  world  for  their  failures,  by  assigning,  as  a  rea- 
son for  their  want  of  success,  that  slavery  is  accountable  for  the 
results  —  that  the  Gospel  is  powerless  where  the  black  man  has 
been  reduced  to  a  "  chattel "  by  the  white  man.  Now,  if  this 
has  been  the  true  cause  of  their  impotency  among  the  African 
race,  where  slavery  to  the  whites  has  prevailed ;  all  they  have 
to  do,  to  insure  success,  is  to  transfer  their  labors  to  Africa, 
where  barbarism,  in  its  uncorruptedness,  holds  undisputed  sway. 

This  experiment,  fortunately,  they  have  tried,  and  the  results 
in  Africa,  where  the  white  man,  to  use  a  favorite  abolition  phrase, 
has  not  "  reduced  the  negro  to  the  condition  of  a  chattel,"  can 
now  be  compared  with  those  in  the  West  Indies.  And  what  does 
this  comparison  show  ?     Have  patience,  reader,  and  you  shall  see. 

The  American  Missionary  Association  established  a  mission,  in 
connection  with  the  return  of  the  Amistad  Africans,  at  Kaw- 
Mendi,  in  Africa,  in  1842 ;  only  four  years  after  emancipation  in 
the  West  Indies,  and  three  years  later  than  the  origin  of  their 
mission  in  Jamaica.  The  reports  of  the  earlier  years  of  the 
Mendi  Mission,  are  details  of  trials,  sufferings,  and  deaths,  among 
the  missionaries ;  arising  from  the  fatality  of  the  climate,  the 
untutored  savageism  of  the  natives,  and  the  frequency  of  the 
wars  of  the  hostile  tribes.  Encouraging  seasons  often  sprung  up, 
succeeded  by  disappointments  calculated  to  sadden  the  hearts  of 
the  truly  zealous  missionaries.  The  Report  of  the  Association 
for  1858  gives  the  extent  of  the  mission  as  embracing  three  sta- 
tions and  seven  out-stations ;  but  neither  that  report  nor  the  one 

*  See  tlie  resolutions  of  the  Chicago  elergymeu,  Chapter  XL,  for  a  specimen 
of  the  claims  set  up  by  abolitiou  clergymen. 


MISSIONS  UNDEE  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   155 

for  1860,  *  present  any  statistics,  in  tabular  form,  of  the  member- 
ship of  their  churches.     Some  details,  however,  are  given  in  the 
extracts  from  the  letters  of  the  missionaries,  which  are  of  great 
interest,  when  taken  in  connection  with  similar  facts  in  the  mis- 
sions of  other  denominations  in  Africa.     It  seems  to  be  a  settled 
question,  in  missionary  operations  among  the  blacks,  that  little 
success,   in  their  moral  elevation,  can  be  hoped  for,  excepting 
where  the  children  are  separated  from  their  parents,  and  taken 
into  the  families  of  the  missionaries.     Where  this  is  impracticable, 
the  natives  may  dwell  along-side  of  the  missions,  or  the  civilized 
colonists,  and  still  retain  all  their  heathenism  of  mind  and  soul. 
"  So  the  natives  of  Cape  Palmas  have  lived,  in  the  very  midst  of 
the  colonists,  for  some  twenty  years,  and  they  are  the  same  people 
still,  with  almost  no  visible  change."  f     The  controlling  influence 
of  the  superior  race  seems  essential  to  the  inferior,  to  impart  the 
moral  courage  necessary  to  resist  surrounding  temptations.     Un- 
restrained by  the  white  man,  the  black  falls  an  easy  prey  to  the 
vices  of  his  heathenish  neighbors.     The  proximity  of  the  barbar- 
ous man  to  the  civilized,  without  proper  moral  control,  results  in 
the  former  copying  the  vices  of  the  latter,  rather  than  his  virtues. 
It  is  for  reasons  such  as  these,  that  African  missions  seem  to  pro- 
gress so  slowly ;  and  that  some,  hitherto  hopeful  as  to  African 
evangelization,  are  now  almost  despairing  of  the  possibility  of 
subjecting   the  population  of  Africa  to  the  laws  of  Christian 
morality. 

The  American  Missionary  Association  have  been  operating  in 
Africa  almost  twenty  years.  A  reference  to  the  statistics  of  its 
West  India  mission,  which  was  begun  twenty-two  years  since, 
shows,  that  its  church  members,  and  the  pupils  in  its  schools,  in 
that  field  of  labor,  are  so  few  in  number  as  to  prove  a  great  source 
of  discouragement  to  the  missionaries.  Indeed,  setting  out  with 
the  high  pretensions  made  by  the  Association,  the  results  may  be 
considered  as  almost  a  failure  —  attributed,  by  them,  as  we  have 
seen,  to  the  preexistence  of  slavery  upon  the  ground.  But  the 
results  in  Africa  have  been  still  more  discouraging.     How  is  this 

*  We  have  not  that  of  1859  at  hand, 

t  Report  of  Bishop  Scott,  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  of  the  United 
States,  in  relation  to  his  visit  to  the  missions  of  Liberia. 


156  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

to  be  accounted  for?  Is  the  difficulty  inherent  in  the  African 
race,  sunk  as  it  has  been,  for  thousands  of  years,  in  the  darkest 
barbarism  ?  Or  can  it  be,  that  the  Association,  with  its  mission- 
aries, hold  opinions  so  much  at  variance  with  the  Gospel — em- 
ploy themselves  so  much  with  side  issues  about  human  rights, 
to  the  neglect  of  the  salvation  of  human  souls  —  that  the  Great 
Head  of  the  Church  refuses  to  make  them  the  honored  instruments 
in  the  evangelization  of  the  African  race  ? 

But  let  us  examine  the  results  of  the  African  missions  of  the 
Asssociation.  From  Good  Hope  station,  in  1858,  the  missionary 
wrote : 

"  Twenty-five  children  live  under  my  roof,  and  receive  daily  school 

instruction Our  out-school  is  taught  in  the  chapel  by  a 

man  from  Sierra  Leone,  and  numbers  over  twenty  scholars 

Our  sabbath-school  for  a  long  time  was  attended  only  by  the  children 
in  the  mission  family,  but  now  we  have  about  fifty  scholars,  and  three- 
quarters  of  them  can  read  in  the  Bible,  and  they  understand  English 

quite  well Our  congregation  numbers  about  one  hundred 

and  fifty Our  prayer-meetings  are  pretty  well  attended, 

and  we  have  a  few  people  with  us,  who  are,  we  think,  true  Christians. 

Though  we  do  not  see  the  people  flocking  to  Christ,  and 

are  not  able  to  report  a  great  ingathering  of  converts,  still  the  truth 
is  doing  its  work,  and  is  like  leaven,  afi"ecting  the  whole  community." 

The  station  at  Kaw-Mendi,  says  the  Report  for  1858,  is  less 
encouraging.  The  missionary,  above  quoted,  thus  writes  in  rela- 
lation  to  this  station  : 

"  I  removed  Mr.  Jowett,  our  native  teacher  at  Kaw-Mendi,  to  this 
place,  (Grood  Hope,)  some  six  months  since,  because  I  had  no  teacher 
for  the  out-school  here.  He  met  with  very  little  encouragement 
there.  For  a  long  time  after  I  returned  from  America,  he  had  but 
ten  scholars.  Afterward  it  increased  to  thirteen.  Seven  of  these 
were  supported  by  the  mission.     The  people  there  manifested  a  great 

deal  of  indiff"erence  about  the  school Father  Johnson  is 

as  suitable  a  person  to  have  charge  of  the  meetings  at  Kaw-Mendi, 
and  watch  over  the  few  church  members,  as  any  one  we  could  find. 
There  are  not  more  than  five  or  six  persons  there  whom  Father  John- 
son and  Mr.  Jowett  think  give  evidence  of  conversion." 


MISSIONS  UNDEK  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   157 

From  Boom  Falls  station,  the  only  remaining  one  under  the 
care  of  the  Association,  the  missionary  thus  writes,  as  copied  in 
the  Report : 

"  Some   of  the   boys   are,   to   all   appearances,   loving  the   Lord ! 

Eight  of  them  are  now  anxious  about  their  souls 

The  family  at  Mo-Tappan  house  has  been  increased  during  the  year. 

We  have  now  fourteen  boys  and  four  girls Our  family  is 

a  very  pleasant  one,  and  for  it  I  entertain  high  hopes.     Some  of  its 
members  are  hopefully  pious." 

The  Board  closes  its  Report  on  its  African  missions,  character- 
istically, by  speaking  in  strong  terms  of  reprobation  against  the 
colonization  of  Africa  from  the  United  States  —  thus  still  exhibit- 
ing their  hostility  to  the  American  Colonization  Society. 

The  Report  for  1860,  in  speaking  of  Good  Hope  station,  says : 

"  The  formation  of  the  Church  at  Grood  Hope  was  reported  last  year. 
At  its  close  it  numbered  eighteen  members.  Two  new  members  had 
been  added  in  April.  Our  Sabbath-school  is  gradually  increasing  in 
numbers.     We  now  have  between  sixty  and  seventy." 

In  May  six  new  members  were  added  to  the  Church,  two  by 
letter,  and  four  on  profession  of  their  faith,  from  the  mission  school. 
The  mission  school  numbers  twenty-five  scholars,  all  of  whom  are 
wholly  under  the  care  of  the  mission. 

"  Their  proficiency  in  ordinary  studies  has  been  all  that  could  have 
been  reasonably  expected,  and  their  acquaintance  with  the  Bible  and 
its  precious  truths,  is  such  as  might  well  put  to  shame  thousands 
brought  up  in  a  Christian  land  with  the  advantages  of  Sabbath-school 

and  sanctuary  privileges The  out-school  now  numbers 

over  thirty  scholars." 

A  new  station  established,  had  been  attacked  by  a  war  party 
and  robbed  of  its  movable  effects. 

The  report  for  1860,  thus  speaks  of  the  Boom  Falls  station : 

"  The  church  at  Mo-Tappan,  that  numbered  fourteen  at  our  last 
report,  numbered  twenty-four  the  first  of  January,  six  having  been 
baptized  and  added  to  it  at  the  last  preceding  communion 


158  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

Regular  Sabbath  services,  generally  preaching,  were  held  in  eight 
different  places.  A  school  was  taught  during  the  week  at  the  station, 
and  three  small  out-schools,  under  the  care  of  native  teachers,  in  as 
many  different  towns." 

The  missionary,  and  three  of  his  native  assistants,  were  con- 
stantly engaged  in  itinerant  missionary  labor,  each  in  turn  leav- 
ing the  mission  on  Monday  morning,  and  returning  on  Saturday 
evening,  A  small  school  has  been  commenced  at  another  station. 
The  missionaries  consider  the  country  as  fully  opened  to  mission- 
ary labor,  and  plead  most  urgently  to  their  friends  at  home  to 
«end  forth  more  laborers  into  that  part  of  the  moral  vineyard  of 
the  Lord. 

But  while  the  missionaries  express  themselves  as  very  hopeful 
as  to  the  future,  it  is  apparent,  from  the  facts  given  in  the  Report 
of  the  Association,  that  the  African  mission  has  been  even  less 
successful  than  the  one  in  Jamaica;  and  that,  therefore,  slavery 
can  not  be  fairly  chargeable  with  the  failures  in  the  West  Indies. 
On  the  contrary.  West  India  slavery,  like  that  of  the  United 
States,  had  prepared  the  blacks  for  the  more  ready  acceptance  of 
the  Gospel,  by  having  trained  them  in  the  use  of  the  English 
language  —  the  want  of  which,  in  Africa,  being  a  great  obstacle 
to  missionary  success. 

The  truth  is,  the  American  Missionary  Association  has  had  much 
to  learn  in  relation  to  the  real  condition  of  the  barbarous  inhabitants 
of  Africa.  They  set  out  with  false  notions,  and  have  had  to  reap 
the  fruits  of  their  errors.  Cherishing  bitter  prejudices  against 
the  slaveholder,  they  could  not  say  too  many  extravagant  things 
in  reprobation  of  slavery.  Ignoring  the  Providence  of  God  in 
that  great  movement  which  transferred  millions  of  barbarians  into 
contact  with  civilized  men,  they  could  only  see,  in  the  movement, 
the  cruelties  and  oppressions  of  the  agents  who  were  permitted 
to  perform  the  work.  Like  professional  philanthropists,  in  gen- 
eral, they  based  their  action  on  a  single  idea,  and  repudiated  with 
indignation  every  fact  that  would  not  sustain  their  theory.  Ex- 
pecting that  their  claims  to  superior  sanctity  would  be  endorsed 
in  heaven,  they  felt  confident  that  the  Holy  Spirit,  in  Pentecostal 
abundance,  would  be  out-poured  upon  their  labors,  so  that,  soon,  the 
heathen  would  be  given  to  them  for  an  inheritance,  and  the  utter- 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.        159 

most  parts  of  the  earth  for  a  possession.  Are  their  pretensions 
and  expectations  over-estimated?  Listen  to  the  language  of 
their  Report  for  1858 — remembering  that  they  have  charged,  by 
implication  at  least,  all  other  ecclesiastical  organizations  with 
tolerating  sin  : 

"  The  Gospel  is  to  be  taught  and  preached ;  the  whole  Grospel — not 
an  emasculated  Gospel ;  not  such  portions  only  of  the  true  Gospel  as 
men  are  willing  to  receive.  The  Gospel  is  to  be  inculcated  upon  '  all 
nations '  —  the  accessible  part  of  every  nation  ;  not  a  selected  nation, 
or  selected  portions  of  a  nation  merely,  where  it  is  easy,  convenient, 
and  safe.  Not  alone  in  China,  in  Hindostan,  in  the  islands  of  the 
sea,  in  the  free  States  of  the  American  Union,  but  in  all  countries ; 
in  the  slave  States  as  well  as  in  the  free  States ;  among  the  Indian 
tribes,  not  omitting  the  Choctaw  and  Cherokee  nations.  They  also 
are  to  have  a  full,  unadulterated,  free  Gospel  preached  to  them. 

"  Among  the  slaves  and  the  slaveholders,  the  Gospel,  as  it  came 
from  its  divine  founder,  is  to  be  preached  without  concealment  or 
compromise.  Wherever  God  opens  the  way,  it  is  to  be  preached,  and 
preached  faithfully,  whether  human  enactments  authorize  or  forbid 
it.  '  The  field  is  the  world.'  It  belongs  to  Christ,  and  his  word  is 
not  bound.  His  followers  are  to  remember  that  his  commands  con- 
stitute the  '  higher  law ; '  that  they  are  to  be  obeyed  at  all  hazards, 
and  if  human  enactments  come  in  conflict  with  the  divine  statutes, 
human  enactments  are  to  be  trampled  under  feet.     They  are  not  to 

be  resisted  by  force  of  arms,  but  simply  disobeyed Nothing 

is  to  be  taught  as  the  Gospel  which  is  not  a  part  of  it The 

Christian  teacher,  be  he  a  minister.  Sabbath-school  teacher,  mission- 
ary, colporteur,  editor,  or  private  Christian,  is  to  go  forth  in  the  name 
of  the  Great  Captain  of  his  salvation,  among  his  fellow-men,  among 
gainsayers,  opposers,  enemies  of  truth,  and  '  lower  law '  men,  wher- 
ever he  has  opportunity,  as  a  soldier  of  the  cross,  faithful  to  his 
marching  orders :  '  Thou  shalt  say  unto  them.  Thus  saith  the  Lord 
God  :  Be  not  afraid  of  them,  neither  be  afraid  of  their  words,  though 
briars  and  thorns  be  with  thee  and  thou  dost  dwell  among  scorpions ; 
be  not  afraid  of  their  words,  nor  be  dismayed  at  their  looks,  though 
they  be  a  rebellious  house.     And  thou  shalt  speak  my  words  unto 

them,  whether  they  will  hear,  or  whether  they  will  forbear ' 

'  speaking  the  truth  in  love.' 

"  It  was  in  view  of  these  truths,  and  under  a  full  persuasion  that 
they  had  been  grievously  overlooked,  that  the  American  Missionary 


160  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

Association  was  organized.  Its  founders  deeply  felt  the  necessity  of 
a  new  missionary  organization ;  one  that  would  aim  to  bring  about 
the  development  of  the  mind  and  heart  of  Christ  in  the  Church,  in 
missionary  societies,  in  the  religious  institutions  of  the  country,  and 
would  send  forth  missionaries  at  home  and  abroad,  to  preach  a  free, 
an  evangelical,  an  anti-slavery  Gospel ;  a  Gospel  that  made  no  com- 
promise with  sin ;  that  had  no  complicity  with  caste,  polygamy,  or 
slaveholding ;  that  would  fearlessly  and  perseveriugly,  in  the  name 
and  spirit  of  Jesus  Christ,  proclaim  freedom^  peace,  temperance,  holi- 
ness, the  equality  of  man  before  the  law,  and  the  impartial  love  of 
God. 

"  Believing  that  they  were  led  by  the  Great  Head  of  the  Church, 
and  recognizing  the  unmistakable  hand  of  Providence  in  their  earli- 
est movements,  they  formed  the  Association,  promulgated  their  prin- 
ciples, solicited  funds,  appointed  missionaries,  and  embarked  in  the 
great  undertaking  of  publishing  in  this  and  other  lands  what  they 
understood  to  be  the  true  Gospel,  and  carrying  out  its  holy  and  evan- 
gelical principles,  as  God  should  give  them  ability,  the  means,  and 

opportunity On  all  fit  occasions,   without  considering  the 

Association  an  anti-slavery  society,  we  have  not  hesitated  to  proclaim, 
as  became  a  missionary  institution,  the  anti-slavery  character  of  the 
Association,  and  its  agreement  with  an  anti-slavery  Gospel.  We  are 
anti-slavery,  because  we  deem  slaveholding  a  great  obstruction  to  the 
conversion  of  the  world." 

This  will  serve  to  convey  a  clear  idea  of  the  pretensions  and 
expectations  of  this  Association.  The  results  of  their  missionary 
efforts,  assuredly,  do  not  meet  their  anticipations.  Their  experi- 
ments, however,  have  a  very  important  bearing,  as  the  effects 
resulting  therefrom  cast  much  light  upon  a  very  important  ques- 
tion. Acknowledging  the  want  of  success  among  the  adult  pop- 
ulation of  Jamaica,  the  missionaries  assume  that  slavery  so 
thoroughly  "  unmakes  man,"  that  the  Gospel  can  not  prevail  in 
its  "  wake."  Passing  over  to  Africa  itself,  no  better  success 
attends  their  labors.  Why,  then,  do  they  not  acknowledge  their 
error,  and  attribute  the  inefficiency  of  their  missions  to  the  true 
cause — the  deep  mental  and  moral  degradation  of  the  African 
race,  where  they  are  not  subjected  to  proper  restraints  and  care- 
fully instructed  by  a  civilized  people. 

It  has  already  been  remarked,  that  some  allowance,  perhaps, 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.       161 

Bhould  be  made  in  considering  the  testimony  borne  by  the  Amer- 
ican Missionary  Association,  in  relation  to  the  missions  of  the 
other  denominations  in  Jamaica,  on  accomit  of  the  peculiar  views 
held  by  that  society.  The  use  of  spirituous  liquors  and  tobacco 
are  viewed  as  sinful,  or  at  least  so  inconsistent  with  Christianity, 
that  those  who  use  them  are  considered  unfit  to  assume  the 
offices  of  religious  teachers,  and  none  such  are  commissioned  by 
the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Association.*  In  speaking  so 
disparagingly  of  their  neighbor  missionaries,  in  the  West  Indies, 
this  society,  of  course,  include,  among  the  sins  tolerated  by  others, 
the  use  of  tobacco  and  rum  —  thus  undertaking  to  decide  a  ques- 
tion properly  belonging  to  the  medical  profession,  whether  nar- 
cotics and  stimulants  may  not  be  essential  to  health  in  tropical 
climates.  Making  allowance,  then,  for  whatever  of  prejudice 
may  have  influenced  the  judgments  of  the  missionaries,  in  report- 
ing on  the  present  moral  condition  of  the  mission  churches  in  the 
West  Indies,  belonging  to  other  denominations,  we  are  to  remem- 
ber that,  as  they  are  men  of  truth,  there  may  be  some  founda- 
tion for  the  charges  made.  But  if  the  charges  do  approximate 
the  truth,  then  the  emancipation  of  the  blacks  has  not  produced 
the  favorable  moral  advancement  which  was  expected  to  follow 
that  measure. 

This  point  demands  careful  examination.  By  referring  to 
Chapter  I.,  it  will  be  seen  that,  during  slavery,  where  no  oppo- 
sition prevailed,  very  encouraging  success  accompanied  the  labors 
of  the  missionaries  of  all  denominations,  in  both  the  English  and 
Danish  islands ;  and  yet,  notwithstanding  this,  we  are  now  asked 
to  believe  that  the  colored  population  of  these  islands,  since 
emancipation,  are  almost  wholly  inaccessible  to  the  Gospel.  If 
this  be  true,  the  logical  inference  from  the  fact  is,  that  a  state 
of  freedom  is  less  favorable  to  the  evangelization  of  the  African 
race  than  a  state  of  slavery.  Are  the  American  Missionary  As- 
sociation not  aware,  that  their  testimony  very  strongly  corrobo- 
rates the  testimony  of  Southern  slaveholders  —  that  the  moral 
advancement  of  the  negro  progresses  much  more  rapidly  under 
slavery  than  under  freedom  ?     The  falling  oflf  in  the  number  of 

•Sftfl  14th  Annual  Report,  1860,  p.  62. 
11 


162  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

church  members,  in  the  West  India  missions,  heretofore  noticed, 
which  occurred  a  few  years  after  emancipation,  may  also  be  cited 
as  sustaining  the  views  held  by  the  missionaries  of  the  Associa- 
tion—  that  the  present  condition  of  the  freedmen  of  the  West 
Indies  is  exceedingly  unfavorable  to  the  success  of  the  Gospel. 
But  as  the  missions  conducted  during  slavery,  when  undisturbed, 
were  very  successful,  the  present  want  of  success  can  not  be  a 
consequence  of  the  preexistence  of  slavery,  but  must  be  attrib- 
uted, as  heretofore  suggested,  to  another  cause — the  want  of 
proper  moral  control  over  the  negroes. 

If  nothing  more,  then,  has  been  done,  by  this  attempt  of  the 
American  Missionary  Association,  to  propagate  an  anti-slavery 
Gospel,  this,  at  least,  has  been  determined :  that  circumstances 
have  existed,  under  which  slavery  was  more  conducive  to  Afri- 
can evangelization  than  freedom.  This  is  an  important  fact ; 
and  the  slave  may  well  rejoice  at  the  result,  as,  hereafter,  it  must 
not  be  claimed  that  emancipation  shall  precede  all  efforts  for  his 
conversion,  and  he  be  left  without  the  means  of  salvation  until 
his  freedom  is  secured. 

But  to  return  to  the  West  Indies.  An  examination,  a  little 
more  in  detail,  of  the  results  of  missionary  labors  in  the  West 
Indies,  before  and  after  emancipation,  will  be  useful  in  forming 
a  judgment  upon  this  question  —  the  effects  of  slavery  upon  the 
African  race,  in  reference  to  their  conversion  to  Christianity. 

It  will  be  observed,  in  the  preceding  pages,  that  the  member- 
ship in  the  Moravian  missions,  in  the  Danish  islands,  during  the 
ninety  years  ending  in  1832  —  that  is,  the  number  of  persons 
baptized  during  that  period  —  was  37,000  ;  in  Antigua,  during  the 
fifty  years  preceding  1823,  the  number  of  converts,  young  and 
old,  was  16,099 ;  in  Jamaica,  in  1804,  the  number  that  had  been 
baptized  was  938 ;  and  in  St.  Kitts,  in  1800,  the  converts  were 
estimated  at  2,000  — making  a  total  of  56,000.  This  is  an  unu- 
sual mode  of  presenting  statistics,  but  they  are  not  accessible  in 
any  other  form  ;  nor  could  they  be  obtained  for  later  dates,  so 
as  to  exhibit  the  results  of  the  Moravian  missions  up  to  the 
period  of  emancipation. 

The  statistics  of  the  English  Wesleyan  missions,  in  the  West 
Indies,  have  not  been  obtained  to  any  important  extent,  for  the 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY    CONTRASTED.      163 

period  preceding  emancipation  ;  but  six  years  afterward,  1844, 
their  membership  was,  in  Jamaica  alone,  26,585  ;  and  in  St.  Vin- 
cent, in  1794,  it  was  over  1,000.  From  the  other  islands  we 
have  no  returns  for  this  slavery  period.  This  26,585,  in  Jamaica, 
may  be  taken  as  representing  the  whole  membership. 

The  Baptist  missions,  in  Jamaica  alone,  had  a  membership,  in 
1831,  of  10,838,  and  in  1841,  of  27,706. 

These  statistics  do  not  include  all  the  missions,  and  yet  they 
foot  up  94,400,  as  the  probable  number  of  converts,  under  slavery, 
within  the  islands  named.  * 

Here,  now,  was  the  basis  upon  which  the  missions,  after  eman- 
cipation, had  to  operate.  It  was  a  very  different  foundation, 
indeed,  from  that  upon  which  the  first  missionaries  to  these  islands 
had  to  build.  They  began  with  a  population  who  had  never  heard 
the  Gospel,  and  many  of  whom  were  new  imports  from  Africa  — 
the  slave  trade  being  then  in  full  activity.  In  addition  to  this, 
the  planters,  mostly,  were  opposed  to  the  missions,  and  frequent- 
ly broke  them  up.  The  present  missions  may  all  be  said  to 
have  had  their  origin  since  emancipation,  as  the  circumstances, 
by  which  they  have  been  surrounded,  are  entirely  different  from 
those  in  which  the  first  missionaries  were  placed.  The  planters 
have  made  no  opposition  to  the  missionaries ;  and  they  have  had 
the  advantage  —  if  advantage  it  be  —  of  laboring  among  a  popula- 
tion of  freemen.  Such  is  the  difference  in  the  condition  of  the 
two  classes  of  missions  —  the  one  operating  before  emancipation 
and  the  other  after  the  abolition  of  slavery. 

Let  us  examine  the  results:  The  Wesleyan  Methodist  Mis- 
sion, in  Jamaica,  which,  six  years  after  emancipation,  numbered 
26,585,  was  reduced,  in  1853,  to  19,478  — a  loss  of  over  7,000, 
being  a  decrease  of  twenty-seven  per  cent,  during  eleven  years  of 
freedom ! 

Later  information,  in  reference  to  these  missions,  is  contained  in 
the  proceedings  of  the  English  Wesleyan  Missionary  Society,  at 
its  anniversary  for  1860,  but  no  statistics  are  given,  f  They 
speak  of  Antigua  as  having  improved  financially.     The  St.  Vin- 

*  See  Chapter  I.,  for  full  particulars. 

t  Wesleyan  Methodist  Magazine,  June,  1860. 


164  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

cent  and  Demarara  district,  is  represented  as  containing  "eleven 
circuits,  in  only  one  of  which  any  increase  has  taken  place  during 
the  year ;  the  numbers  in  all  the  rest  being  somewhat  reduced." 
Of  Jamaica  they  say : 

"  Its  condition  presents  at  least  one  hopeful  feature,  in  the  steady 
and  successful  efforts  made  to  reduce  the  chapel  debts,  and  thus  to 
place  the  financial  affairs  of  the  several  circuits  in  a  more  satisfactory 
position.     The  members  in  society  do  not  increase." 

This  will  be  a  matter  of  astonishment  to  American  anti-slavery 
men,  of  all  grades  —  the  members  in  society,  of  the  zealous  Meth- 
odist missionaries,  in  Jamaica,  do  not  increase  !  Already,  they 
had  been  reduced,  in  1853,  under  eleven  years  of  freedom  to  the 
extent  of  twenty-seven  per  cent. ;  and  still  they  do  not  increase ! 

The  English  Baptists,  it  will  be  remembered,  were  actively 
engaged  in  the  mission  work,  in  Jamaica,  during  the  period  of 
slavery,  and  suffered  greatly  from  the  persecution  of  the  planters. 
The  Blissionary  Magazine,  March,  1861,  embraces  a  synopsis  of 
the  report  of  a  deputation  which  had  visited  the  Baptist  churches 
of  Jamaica.  The  Magazine  copies  from  the  London  Missionary 
Serald.  Tbere  are  several  points  made  in  the  Report,  a  few  of 
which  we  shall  notice : 

1,  "  The  prompt,  vigorous,  and  searching  discipline  usually  main- 
tained throughout  the  churches,  whether  under  the  pastorate  of 
European  or  native  brethren,  and  the  respect  paid  to  the  decisions  of 
the  church  on  all  matters  relating  to  the  spiritual  well-being  of  the 
fellowship.  If  the  number  of  exclusions  is  a  source  of  deep  regret, 
yet  are  they  clear  evidence  of  the  attachment  of  the  churches  to 
righteousness  and  purity.  If,  in  our  judgments,  the  discipline  on 
some  points  is  too  severe,  yet  the  general  effect  on  the  moral  tone  of 
the  community  at  large,  in  the  repression  of  superstition,  in  the 
respect  shown  to  the  ordinance  of  marriage,  (which,  indeed,  yet  re- 
quires further  elevation,  in  the  general  estimation  of  the  outside 
population,)  has  been  most  valuable." 

2.  This  point  has  reference  to  the  tender  interest  manifested  by 
the  church,  toward  those  who  have  been  excluded  from  fellowship. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTE*.       165 

3.  The  delegation  express  themselves  as  greatly  pleased  ■n'ith 
the  devotedness  of  the  deacons  and  elders,  in  their  care  of  the 
spiritual  interests  of  the  people. 

The  membership  of  the  churches,  in  1859,  as  stated  by  the 
delegation,  was  19,360,  in  the  Island  of  Jamaica.  After  giving 
some  statistics  on  the  subject,  it  is  remai-ked  : 

"  It  thus  appears  that  while  there  has  been  a  continuous  diminution 
in  the  number  of  the  churches,  there  has  also  been  a  small  but  steady 
decrease  in  the  sums  contributed  to  the  pastors.  At  the  same  time 
the  general  contributions  of  those  in  membership  do  not  appear  to 

have  become  less,  but  to  have  increased  since  1849 The 

pastors  have  suffered  rather  from  the  diminution  in  the  number  of 
their  members,  than  from  a  decline  in  their  liberality.  These  facts 
certainly  prove  that  their  appeals  for  assistance  are  not  without  a  real 
foundation." 

The  membership  of  the  Baptists,  in  1841,  was  27,706.  *  In 
1859,  as  above  stated,  it  was  19,360  —  a  decrease  of  8,346  in 
eighteen  years,  being  a  loss  of  iJdrty  per  cent.  All  this  decrease 
has  occurred  under  freedom,  as  the  final  emancipation  took  place 
only  three  years  before  the  year  1841,  when  the  church  census 
was  taken.  In  that  year,  it  will  be  remembered,  the  churches 
declared  themselves  independent  of  the  parent  society,  and  became 
self-supporting ;  now,  they  have  to  appeal  to  the  society  for  aid, 
and  thus  manifest  their  conviction  that  the  Jamaica  negroes  must 
still  be  cared  for  by  the  white  race. 

"  The  history  of  the  London  Missionary  Society's  operations  in 
Jamaica  is  brief,  extending  over  little  more  than  twenty-five  years. 
By  the  Act  of  Emancipation,  in  1834,  eight  hundred  thousand  of  our 
fellow-creatures  passed  from  a  state  of  abject  and  cruel  slavery  to  one 
of  comparative  freedom,  called  '  apprenticeship.'  This  happy  change 
afforded  greatly  increased  facilities  for  usefulness  among  the  agricul- 
tural laborers  in  the  West  Indies ;  and  of  these  advantages  the  direc- 
tors promptly  availed  themselves,  anxious  to  take  a  part  in  preparing 
them  for  the  still  greater  change  which  would,  in  a  few  years,  take 
place  in  their  social  condition,  when  they  would  be  put  into  the  full 
possession  of  their  rights  and  privileges  as  freemen." 

See  Chapter  I. 


166  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

Thus  discourses  the  Missionary  Magazine,  of  August,  1861. 
The  views  presented  are  in  accordance  with  the  British  theory. 
Let  us  see,  then,  how  the  results  stand,  as  compared  with  mission- 
ary operations  among  the  American  slaves.  The  society  sent  out 
six  missionaries,  with  their  wives,  to  Jamaica.  They  had  no 
difficulty  in  finding  locations ;  and  they  so  selected  their  positions 
as  to  form  centers  from  which  to  operate  by  means  of  out-stations. 
Some  of  the  out-stations  soon  became  of  sufficient  importance  to 
induce  the  directors  to  send  out  additional  missionaries  to  occupy 
them ;  and  the  work  has  progressed,  so  that,  in  1860,  the  mission 
stands  thus :  European  missionaries  6,  native  pastors  3,  native 
candidates  for  the  ministry  3,  native  catechists  and  schoolmasters 
11,  Sabbath-school  scholars  2,243,  day  scholars  1,346,  church 
members  1,691  —  a  very  small  increase,  indeed,  as  compared  with 
the  accessions  of  colored  members,  during  the  same  period,  to  the 
churches  South. 

The  Report  of  the  Board  of  Foreign  Missions  of  the  Mora- 
vians, at  the  triennial  meeting  of  the  Provincial  Synod  at  Beth- 
lehem, Pennsylvania,  June,  1858,  presents  the  condition  of  its 
missions  in  the  West  Indies.  In  eight  of  these  islands — five 
British  and  three  Danish  —  the  Moravians  have  38  stations,  104 
missionaries,  and  36,441  converts.  This  does  not  include  the 
missionaries  and  converts  in  Tobago,  the  returns  of  which  are  not 
giveUi  * 

Contrasting  the  present  condition  of  the  missions  of  this  church, 
in  the  West  Indies,  with  what  it  was  during  the  period  of  slavery, 
and  it  is  found  that  they  have  not  held  their  ground.  During 
slavery,  their  converts  "could  not  have  been  less  than  50,000 ;  f 
and  now  they  are  reduced  to  36,441  —  a  decline,  under  freedom, 
of  13,559  !  A  reported  revival  during  last  year  has  afforded  some 
encouragement  of  better  prospects  in  the  future ;  but,  thus  far, 
freedom  has  done  nothing  for  the  greater  increase  of  converts 
among  the  blacks  under  the  direction  of  the  Moravians. 

Taking,  then,  the  total  number  of  church  members,  in  all  the 
missions  in  the  West  Indies,  as  indicated  by  the  reports  quoted, 
and  the  contrast  between  Slavery  and  Freedom  stands  as  follows : 

*  American  Christian  Record,  1860.         t  Sec  Chapter  I. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   167 

Under  Slavery,  the  various  missionary  societies,  commencing 
their  labors  among  the  barbarous  blacks,  gathered  more  than 
94,400  converts. 

Under  Freedom,  eight  missionary  societies,  commencing  their 
labors  with  94,400  converts  as  a  basis,  and  with  freedom  upon 
which  to  progress  in  their  work,  have  increased  the  converts  to 
112,807*  — being  an  actual  addition  of  only  18,407. 

The  results  of  the  mission-work  in  the  West  Indies,  under 
slavery  and  under  freedom,  respectively,  are  now  before  the 
reader.  The  statistics  for  the  first  period  are  not  complete.  They 
are  sufficiently  full,  however,  to  show  that  the  mere  condition  of 
slavery  was  no  barrier  to  African  evangelization ;  but  that  the 
checks  it  received,  arose  only  from  the  hostility  of  the  masters. 
In  the  estimates  for  this  period,  it  must  be  observed,  that  the  four 
years  of  apprenticeship  are  included,  from  1834  to  1838.  This  is 
done  from  necessity,  as  the  statistics  are  only  accessible  for  the 
dates  used ;  and,  besides,  these  two  periods  are  properly  classified 
together,  as  the  apprenticeship  was  a  system  of  rigid  constraint  — 
more  so,  even,  than  the  slavery  which  preceded  it  —  the  only 
difference  being,  that  the  missionaries  had  uninterrupted  access  to 
the  population.  In  every  other  respect,  the  bondage  of  the  negro 
was  as  complete  as  while  he  was  in  slavery.  Three  years  of  free- 
dom are  included  in  the  statistics  of  the  Baptists,  and  six  years 
in  those  of  the  Methodists.  But  as  an  offset  to  this,  the  missions, 
under  freedom,  have  had  the  advantage  of  all  the  membership 
gained  during  slavery.     Taking  into  account,  then,  all  the  circum- 

*  These  Missionary  Associations,  with  their  membership,  ai'e  as  follows: 

DENOMINATIONS.  MEMBERS. 

Wesleyans, 48,000 

English  Baptists, 19,360 

Church  of  England, 696 

London  Missionary  Society,           -        _        -        _        _  4,000 

Moravians, ■-         -         -         -  86,441 

Scotch  Presbyterians,             _._-_-  3,900 

American  Missionary  Association,            -         -         -         -  404 

United  Presbyterian  Church,  U.  S.,       -         -         -         -  6 

Total, 112,807 

A  portion  of  these  statistics  are  from  the  Encyclopasdia  of  Missions, 


168  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

Stances,  it  is  apparent  that  the  success  has  been  greatest  during 
the  period  of  servitude.  None  of  the  missions  have  even  main- 
tained the  ground  gained  under  slavery.  This  result  disproves 
the  theory  of  the  American  Missionary  Association,  that  the 
present  inaccessibility  of  the  population  to  the  Gospel  is  due  to 
the  preexistence  of  slavery;  because,  if  the  missionaries  were 
successful  in  christianizincr  the  blacks  while  in  bondacre,  the  want 
of  success  under  emancipation  must  be  due  to  some  other  cause 
than  slavery. 

The  history  of  missions  in  the  West  Indies  affords  a  useful 
lesson  to  those  who  have  been  struggling  for  the  extension  of 
human  rights,  to  the  neglect  of  the  use  of  the  means  appointed 
to  promote  the  salvation  of  the  souls  of  men  —  to  those  who 
have  been  careful  to  tithe  the  mint,  anise,  and  cummin  (to- 
bacco, whisky,  and  rum,)  to  the  neglect  of  the  weightier  mat- 
ters of  the  law.  The  results  are  the  more  startling,  when  it  is 
considered  that  there  has  been  a  large  increase  of  missionaries 
in  this  field,  and  that  no  interruption  of  their  labors  has  occurred, 
from  the  planters  or  others.  Freedom,  full  and  absolute,  was 
granted  to  a  barbarous  people  —  barbarous,  except  to  the  extent 
to  which  the  mission-work  had  progressed  —  and  the  results  have 
been  nothing  more  than  should  have  been  expected.  In  dispo- 
sition and  knowledge,  the  African  race,  with  few  exceptions,  are 
but  children,  as  compared  with  the  white  race ;  and  when  thrown 
upon  their  own  resources,  like  neglected  children,  of  any  color, 
they  must  necessarily  run  to  ruin. 

7.  The  Obstacles  to  African  Evangelization  in  the  French  West 
India  Islands. 

The  moral  condition  of  the  negro  population  of  Hayti,  before 
emancipation,  may  be  taken  as  the  type  of  that  of  the  blacks  of  the 
other  French  islands.  We  find  that  the  question  of  their  moral 
condition,  under  slavery,  was  a  subject  of  investigation  in  1839. 

"  Some  time  ago,  a  commission  was  appointed  to  examine  the  ques- 
tion of  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  French  colonies.  The  follow- 
ing extract  is  taken  from  a  summary  of  the  report  presented  by  M. 
DE  TocQDEViLLE,  in  the  name  of  the  commission  :  "  * 

*  Christian  Intelligencer,  Hamilton,  Ohio,  December,  1839. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.      169 

"  The  report  passes  lightly  and  contemptuously  over  the  arguments 
in  favor  of  slavery,  and  takes  for  granted  the  conviction,  in  every 
mind,  that  it  ought  to  be  done  away  with.  It  passes  immediately  to 
the  question  of  its  being  necessary  to  prepare  the  slave  for  emancipa- 
tion, previous  to  liberating  him.  M.  de  Tocqueville,  in  the  name  of 
the  commission,  asserts  that  all  attempts  to  improve,  enlighten,  and 

prepare  the  slave,  as  long  as  he  is  a  slave,  are  impossible The 

commission,  therefore,  abandons  the  idea  of  preparing  the  slave  for 
freedom  by  any  regulations  of  his  treatment  while  a  slave.  Eman- 
cipation, it  adds,  can  not  be  deferred.  The  prospect  of  it,  the  idea 
of  its  necessity,  of  its  necessary  arrival  at  no  distant  time,  render  the 
slave  incapable  of  tranquil  obedience  and  good  conduct  as  a  slave. 
He  is  in  a  false  position.  The  master  can  no  longer  retain  him,  espe- 
cially at  night." 

It  was  not  until  1848  that  emancipation  was  declared  in  the 
French  West  India  Islands,  by  a  decree  of  the  Republic.  Their 
population,  including  free  persons  and  slaves,  we  find  stated  as 
folloAVS :  * 


COLONIES. 


Martinique (1846)... 

Gaudaloupe (do).... 

Bourbon (do).... 

Nossi  Be  and  Nossi  Cumba (do).  1 

Nossi  Falli  and  Nossi  Mitsou....(do).  j 

St.  Mary  Magdalene (do).... 

Senegal (1845)... 

Algiers,  (estimate) 


Total . 


47,-352 
40,428 
45,512 

14,512 
3,465 

8,427 


159,696 


75,330 
89,349 
62,154 

7,698 

2,415 

10,113 

10,000 


257,059 


A  fact  or  two  will  illustrate  the  effects  of  emancipation  upon 
the  economical  interests  of  these  islands.  When  M.  de  Tocque- 
ville made  his  report,  the  production  of  cane  sugar,  in  the  whole 
of  the  islands,  was  161,500,000  lbs.  f  per  annum.  In  the  first 
nine  months  of  1847,  the  exports  to  France  were  168,884,177  lbs. 
This  shows  that  the  production  of  the  islands  was  on  the  increase, 
previous  to  emancipation.  But  the  abolition  of  slavery,  in  1848, 
at  once  arrested  cultivation,  so  that,  in  the  first  niyie  months  of 

*  Anti-Slavery  Reporter. 
tThis  was  the  crop  of  1840. 


170  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

1849,  the  exports  were  reduced  to  96,929,336  lbs.  *  —  being  a 
reduction,  during  the  second  year  of  freedom,  of  more  than  fifty - 
seven  per  cent.  This  sudden  falling  off  in  the  production  of  the 
colonies  soon  led  to  the  supply  of  a  laboring  population,  to  sup- 
plant the  idle  free  negroes,  by  the  adoption  of  the  "  immigration  " 
system.  The  imported  laborers  were  brought  from  Africa,  and 
their  procurement,  as  will  be  remembered,  produced  some  trouble 
between  the  French  and  the  authorities  of  Liberia.  It  also 
greatly  interrupted  the  American  Board's  missions  on  the  Ga- 
boon river. 

We  find  in  M.  de  Tocqueville  a  zealous  disciple  of  the  English 
theories  —  that  the  moral  elevation  of  the  blacks  can  not  be 
secured  under  slavery.  Time  has  shown  that  this  gentleman,  as 
well  as  the  English  theorists,  were  extremely  short-sighted  in 
reference  to  the  effects  of  emancipation.  They  can  now  see,  that 
freedom  to  a  barbarous  population  is  not  necessarily  followed  by 
the  intellectual  and  moral  elevation  of  the  people  set  at  liberty. 

No  Protestant  missions  have  been  established  in  these  islands. 
The  planters  are  no  longer  responsible  for  the  slaves  of  which 
they  were  robbed ;  and,  in  the  midst  of  continuous  importations 
of  barbarians  from  Africa,  they  can  not  improve. 

8.  The  Obstacles  to  African  Evangelization  among  the  Free 
Colored  people  of  the  United  States  and  Canada. 

It  may  be  well,  in  the  outset  of  this  investigation,  to  refer 
again  to  the  moral  condition  of  the  free  colored  population  at  the 
North,  as  indicated  by  the  statistics  of  crime.  The  preceding 
chapter  shows  what  it  was,  up  to  1826  and  1827 ;  it  is  only  neces- 
sary, therefore,  to  direct  attention  to  their  moral  condition  since 
that  period.  The  results  will  enable  us  to  determine  whether  the 
anti-slavery  zeal  of  the  North,  for  the  good  of  the  African  race, 
has  spent  as  much  of  its  force  for  the  elevation  of  those  already 
free,  and  at  their  doors,  as  has  been  expended  by  them  in  efforts 
for  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves  at  the  South.  The  statistics 
below  are  from  the  Compendium  of  the  Census  of  the  United 
States  for  1850 — ^ those  of  1860  not  being  out: 

*  See  "  Ethiopia,"  page  186. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   171 


Tabular  Statement  of  the  number  of  the  native  and  foreign  white 
population^  the  colored  population^  the  number  of  each  class  in  the 
Penitentiaries,  the  proportion  of  the  convicts  to  the  whole  number  of 
each  class,  the  proportion  of  colored  corivicts  over  the  foreign  and 
also  over  the  native  whites,  in  the  four  States  named,  for  the  year 
1850 : 


CLASSES,  ETC. 

Native  Whites , 

In  the  Penitentiary 

Being  1  out  of 

FoEEiGN  "Whites - 

In  the  Penitentiary 

Being  1  out  of. 

Colored  Population 

In  the  Penitentiary 

Being  1  out  of. 

Colored  convicts  over  foreign 

Colored     convicts     over   native 

whites k 


MASS. 

N.  YORK. 

PENN. 

OHIO. 

819,044 

2,388,830 

1,953,276 

1,732,698 

264 

835 

205 

291 

3,102 

2,860 

9,528 

5,954 

163,598 

655,224 

303,105 

218,099 

125 

545 

123 

71 

1,308 

1,202 

2,464 

3,077 

9,064 

49,069 

53,626 

25,279 

47 

257 

109 

44 

192 

190 

492 

574 

6.8  times 

6.3  times 

5  times 

5.3  times 

16.1  times 

15  times 

19.3  times 

10.3  times 

"  It  appears  from  these  figures,  that  the  amount  of  crime  among 
the  colored  people  of  Massachusetts,  in  1850,  was  'of^  times  greater 
than  the  amount  among  the  foreign-born  population  of  that  State, 
and  that  the  amount,  in  the  four  States  named,  among  the  free  col- 
ored people,  averages  five-and-three-quarters  times  more,  in  proportion 
to  their  numbers,  than  it  does  among  the  foreign  population,  and  over 
fifteen  times  more  than  it  does  among  the  native  whites.  It  will  be 
instructive,  also,  to  note  the  moral  condition  of  the  free  colored  peo- 
ple in  Massachusetts,  the  great  center  of  abolitionism,  where  they 
have  enjoyed  equal  rights  ever  since  1780.  Strange  to  say,  there  is 
nearly  three  times  as  much  crime  among  them,  in  that  State,  as  exists 
among  those  of  Ohio !  More  than  this  will  be  useful  to  note,  as  it 
regards  the  direction  of  the  emigration  of  the  free  colored  people. 
Massachusetts,  in  1850,  had  but  2,687  colored  persons  born  out  of  the 
State,  while  Ohio  had  12,662  born  out  of  her  limits.  Take  another 
fact :  the  increase  per  cent.,  of  the  colored  population,  in  the  whole 
New  England  States,  was,  during  the  ten  years  from  1840  to  1850, 
but  IjVtj,  while  in  Ohio,  it  was,  during  that  time,  45y''^(j. 

"  There  is  another  point  worthy  of  notice.  Though  the  New  Eng- 
land abolition  States  have  offered  equal  political  rights  to  the  colored 
man,  it  has  afforded  him  little  temptation  to  emigrate  into  their 
bounds.     On  the  contrary,  several  of  these  States  have  been  dimin- 


172  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

ishing  their  free  colored  population,  for  many  years  past,  and  none 
of  them  can  have  had  accessions  of  colored  immigrants ;  as  is  abund- 
antly proved  by  the  fact,  that  their  additions,  of  this  class  of  persons, 
have  not  exceeded  the  natural  increase  of  the  resident  colored  popu- 
lation."* 

A  useful  lesson  is  here  taught,  in  relation  to  the  great  problem 
of  the  progress  of  the  African,  in  civilization,  side  by  side  with 
the  Caucasian. 

But  we  must  not  pass  over  an  important  fact,  embraced  in  the 
question  of  the  moral  condition  of  the  free  colored  population. 
Look  again  at  their  condition  in  Massachusetts,  as  compared 
with  Ohio.  In  the  former,  in  1850,  one  out  of  every  192  were 
in  the  Penitentiary,  and  in  the  latter,  only  one  out  of  every  574. 
Why  should  the  colored  people  be  so  much  better  in  Ohio  than 
in  Massachusetts  ?  In  Ohio,  more  than  half  the  number  were 
born  out  of  the  State.  On  coming  to  Ohio,  where  did  they  emi- 
grate from  ?  Massachusetts  ?  Scarcely  a  man  of  them.  The  im- 
migration of  the  free  colored  people,  into  the  Western  free  States, 
is  nearly  all  from  the  slave  States.  This  is  a  significant  fact, 
showing  that,  even  under  slavery,  the  colored  man  makes  more 
progress  in  morality  and  industry,  than  he  can  do  under  the  shade 
of  abolition  philanthropy  in  Massachusetts ! 

From  the  testimony  afforded  by  statistics,  we  turn  to  that  fur- 
nished by  abolitionists  themselves ;  so  as  to  learn  whether,  in 
their  opinion,  the  free  colored  people  have  made  any  advance 
within  the  last  thirty  years.  Listen  to  that  well-known  aboli- 
tionist, Hon.  Gerritt  Smith,  who,  in  addressing  Governor  Hunt 
of  New  York,  in  1852,  said : 

"  Suppose,  moreover,  that  during  all  these  fifteen  years,  they  had 
been  quitting  the  cities,  where  the  mass  of  them  rot,  both  physically 
and  morally,  and  had  gone  into  the  country  to  become  farmers  and 
mechanics  —  suppose,  I  say,  all  this  —  and  who  would  have  the 
hardihood  to  affirm  that  the  Colonization  Society  lives  upon  the 
malignity  of  the  whites — but  it  is  true  that  it  lives  upon  the  vol- 
untary degradation  of  the  blacks.  I  do  not  say  that  the  colored  peo- 
ple are  more  debased  than  the  white  people  would  be  if  persecuted, 

*  See  Cotton  is  King,  for  full  details. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   173 

oppressed  and  outraged  as  are  the  colored  people.  But  I  do  say  that 
they  are  debased,  deeply  debased ;  and  that  to  recover  themselves 
they  must  become  heroes,  self-denying  heroes,  capable  of  achieving  a 
great  moral  victory  —  a  two-fold  victory  —  a  victory  over  themselves 
and  a  victory  over  their  enemies." 

In  referring  to  the  action  of  the  free  colored  people  of  New 
York,  in  1855,  to  secure  to  themselves  the  right  of  suffrage,  the 
Neio  York  Tribune  said: 

"  It  is  not  logical  conviction  of  the  justice  of  their  claims  that  is 
needed,  but  a  prevalent  belief  that  they  would  form  a  wholesome  and 
desirable  element  of  the  body  politic.  Their  color  exposes  them  to 
much  unjust  and  damaging  prejudice ;  but  if  their  degradation  were 

but  skin-deep,  they  might  easily  overcome  it Of  course, 

we  understand  that  the  evil  we  contemplate  is  complex  and  retroac- 
tive—  that  the  political  degradation  of  the  blacks  is  a  cause  as  well  as 
a  consequence  of  their  moral  debasement.  Had  they  never  been  en- 
slaved, they  would  not  now  be  so  abject  in  soul ;  had  they  not  been  so 
abject,  they  could  not  have  been  enslaved.  Our  aborigines  might 
have  been  crushed  into  slavery  by  overwhelming  force ;  but  they 
could  never  have  been  made  to  live  in  it.  The  black  man  who  feels 
insulted  in  that  he  is  called  a  'nigger,'  therein  attests  the  degradation 
of  his  race  more  forcibly  than  does  the  blackguard  at  whom  he  takes 
offense ;  for  negro  is  no  further  a  term  of  opprobrium  than  the  char- 
acter of  the  blacks  has  made  it  so." 

Rev.  H.  W.  Beecher,  in  referring  to  the  degraded  condition  of 
the  free  colored  people  at  the  North,  in  his  sermon  in  reference 
to  the  Harper's  Ferry  affair,  said  : 

"  How  are  the  free  colored  people  treated  at  the  North  ?  They  are 
almost  without  education,  with  but  little  sympathy  for  their  ignorance. 
They  are  refused  the  common  rights  of  citizenship  which  the  whites 
enjoy.  They  can  not  even  ride  in  the  cars  of  our  city  railroads. 
They  are  snuffed  at  in  the  house  of  God,  or  tolerated  with  ill-disguised 
disgust.  Can  the  black  man  be  a  mason  in  New  York?  Let  him  be 
employed  as  a  journeyman,  and  every  Irish  lover  of  liberty  that  car- 
ries the  hod  or  trowel,  would  leave  at  once,  or  compel  him  to  leave  I 
Can  the  black  man  be  a  carpenter?  There  is  scarcely  a  carpenter's 
shop  in  New  York  in  which  a  journeyman  would  continue  to  work, 


174  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

if  a  black  man  was  employed  in  it.  Can  the  black  man  engage  in  the 
common  industries  of  life  ?  There  is  scarcely  one  in  which  he  can 
engage.  He  is  crowded  down,  down,  down  through  the  most  menial 
callings,  to  the  bottom  of  society.  We  tax  them  and  then  refuse  to 
allow  their  children  to  go  to  our  public  schools.  We  tax  them  and 
then  refuse  to  sit  by  them  in  God's  house.  We  heap  upon  them 
moral  obloquy  more  atrocious  than  that  which  the  master  heaps  upon 
the  slave.  And  notwithstanding  all  this,  we  lift  ourselves  up  to  talk 
to  the  Southern  people  about  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  human 

soul,  and  especially  the  African  soul !     The  degradation  of 

the  free  colored  men  in  the  North  will  fortify  slavery  in  the  South!" 

Mr.  Beecher  never  uttered  anything  nearer  the  truth,  than  the 
last  sentence  quoted.  The  failure  of  the  abolitionists  of  the  North, 
to  enable  its  free  colored  people  to  profit  by  freedom,  has  eflfect- 
ually  barred  all  farther  State  emancipation  at  the  South. 

From  such  facts  as  the  preceding,  it  appears  that  emancipation, 
as  heretofore  conducted,  has  left  the  colored  man  unprotected  and 
unsupported,  to  fall,  ultimately,  as  a  helpless  burden  upon  the 
whites,  or  to  sink  down  again  toward  his  original  barbarism. 
Lord  Mansfield's  decision  had  this  effect  upon  the  colored  people 
of  England ;  and  the  burden  was  only  removed,  by  their  transfer 
to  Africa.  The  results  of  emancipation  in  the  British  islands 
have  been  of  a  similar  character,  producing  wide-spread  ruin, 
generally,  in  the  economical  interests  of  the  islands,  which  has 
only  been  arrested  where  large  importations  of  coolies  have  been 
made  to  carry  on  the  cultivation,  or  where  the  density  of  the 
population  has  compelled  the  blacks  to  labor  or  starve.  *  No 
better  results  have  followed  the  freedom  of  the  negroes  in  Hayti ; 
and,  now,  it  is  likely  to  be  wholly  blotted  out  as  a  republic,  and 
restored  to  its  former  productiveness,  under  the  control  of  a 
superior  race.  The  same  results,  substantially,  followed  the  lib- 
eration of  a  portion  of  the  slaves,  at  an  early  day,  in  the  United 
States  —  leading  to  colonization  as  a  means  of  relief  from  the 
presence  of  a  helpless  class  of  freemen. 

After  the  abolition  movement  had  been  fairly  inaugurated,  the 
subject  of  the  helpless  condition  of  the  free  colored  people  was  a 
frequent  topic  of  discussion ;  and  it  became  a  popular  argument 

*  See  what  Mr.  Sewell  says,  in  Chapter  V.  of  this  volume. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   175 

against  farther  emancipations,  as  useless,  because  valueless  to  the 
colored  people  themselves.  It  was  urged  by  the  abolitionists,  in 
reply,  that  the  elevation  of  those  who  had  been  liberated,  "could 
not  be  hoped  for,  so  long  as  any  of  the  race  remained  in  bondage. 
This  was,  practically,  to  say :  we  of  the  North  find  it  impossible 
to  elevate  the  few  thousands  whom  we  have  humanely  set  free  ; 
therefore,  you  of  the  South  must  emancipate  the  several  millions 
which  you  own ;  so  that  the  whole  of  the  African  race,  among  us, 
may  be  improved,  in  their  moral  condition,  by  one  grand  move- 
ment embracing  the  whole  country.  This  position  of  the  aboli- 
tionists, was  in  direct  opposition  to  the  opinions  which  had  been 
held  at  the  North,  .in  relation  to  the  benefits  of  emancipation ; 
and  was,  in  fact,  an  admission,  substantially,  that  the  South  had 
been  right  in  its.  views  of  the  inefficiency  of  mere  personal  free- 
dom, as  a  means  of  advancement  to  the  negro  race.  * 

That  there  had  been  gross  neglect  of  the  colored  men  in  the 
North,  is  abundantly  apparent  from  what  has  been  stated ;  but  it 
will  appear  still  more  apparent,  from  the  additional  statistics  of 
the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  from  1836  to  1845,  including 
the  period  of  the  disruption  of  this  Church. 

*  That  a  determination  existed  to  force  emancipation  upon  the  South,  regard- 
less of  consequences,  and  without  consulting  the  history  of  past  experiments, 
is  apparent  from  the  fact,  that,  as  early  as  1831^  fifteen  petitions  were  presented 
in  Congress  from  Pennsylvania,  praying  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  and  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade  therein.  Mr.  Adams, 
in  presenting  these  petitions,  very  frankly  gave  it  as  his  opinion,  that  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  was  improper,  and  he  would  not  support 
any  such  measure;  but  as  the  existence  of  the  traffic  in  slaves  within  the  Dis- 
trict might  be  a  proper  subject  of  Congressional  inquiry,  he  would  move  the 
reference  of  the  petitions  to  the  committee  having  charge  of  its  interests. 
Whatever  his  opinion  of  slavery  in  the  abstract,  or  of  slavery  in  the  District 
of  Columbia  might  be,  he  said  he  hoped  the  subject  might  not  be  discussed  in 
the  House.  He  would  say  that  the  most  salutary  medicine  unduly  administered, 
was  the  most  deadly  poison.  It  might  have  been  well  for  the  peace  of  the 
country,  if  Mr.  Adams  had  ever  afterward  maintained  the  ground  here  taken 
on  the  slavery  question. 

The  petitions  were  referred  to  the  committee  on  the  District  of  Columbia,  of 
which  Mr.  Doddridge,  of  Virginia,  was  chairman,  who  afterward  made  a  report 
asking  to  be  discharged  fi-om  the  farther  consideration  of  so  much  of  said  peti- 
tions as  asked  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District.  In  1817,  several  peti- 
tions were  presented  against  the  slave  trade  between  the  Middle  and  Southern 
States,  which  were  read  and  referred. — [See  PolU.  Text-Book,  by  M.  W.  Cluskey. 


176 


PULPIT  POLITICS. 


Colored  membership  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  from  1836 
to  1845,  the  year  1840  being  omitted  as  imperfect  in  its  returns : 


CONFERENCES.     1836     1837     1838     1839      1841      1842      1843 


New  England. 

Maine 

N.  Hampshire 

New  York 

Troy 

Providence  

Oneida  &  Black 

River 

Genessee 

Now  Jersey.... 

Pittsburgh 

Erie 

Ohio 

North  Ohio.... 

Michigan  , 

Indiana 

North  Indiana 

Illinois 

Rock  River 

Iowa 

Missouri , 

Kentucky , 

Tennessee 

Holston 

Memphis 

Arkansas 

Texas 

Florida 

Alabama 

Mississippi 


396 
3 

15 
434 

61 


75 


318 


465 


240 


68 


381 


18 

434 

61 


393 


87 

56 

502 

298 

34 

564 


40 
535 


1,189 
5,321 
4,693 
2,189 


3,463 

2,531 

Georgia."..". |  7,204 


South  Carolina. 
North  Carolina 

Virginia 

Baltimore 

Philadelphia... 


23,643 


7,081 

13,867 

8,951 


940 
,951 
,901 
997 


599 


12 
538 
105 


95 

73 

478 

295 

33 

537 


235 


452 
105 


59 
308 


109 


812 

,770 
,598 
,129 


592 


96 

63 

496 

427 

46 

613 


327 


235 


182 


5,854 
5,190 
1,820 


3,530 
3,905 
8,358 

24,822 
4,315 
2,951 

13,544 
8,304 


Total 82,296  76,240  79,236  87,197  101,236  106,478J127,574  144,535  149,150 


405 

78 


92 
50 

642 

474 
50 

662 
91 
12 

407 


1,224 
6,.321 
4.405 
2,420 
1.995 
725 
230 


5,821 
4,178 
9,989 

30,481 
4,480 
3,086 

13,904 
8,778 


419 

89 

104 

26 
88 

648 

487 
52 

606 
89 
14 

235 


139 


1,399 
6,761 
4,234 
2,832 
2,289 
828 
407 


7,505 

4,089 

11,457 

30,860 

4,7.'i3 

3,558 

13,526 

9,086 


440 
84 
93 

113 

60 

769 

632 

61 

611 

128 

5 

245 


1844 


1,874 
8,544 
4,336 
3,805 
3,535 
1,091 
536 


9,373 

6,048 

14,056 

33,375 

5,163 

3,777 

17,995 

10,712 


1845 


424 
149 


119 
78! 

817 

495 
72 

640 
65 
20 

257 


2,.388 
9,951 
6,478 
4,001 
4,451 
1,804 
856 


12,061 

7,087 

15,.346 

37,9521 

6,226 

4,799 

16,973 

10,917 


380 
92 


119 

74 

763 

405 

86 

523 

40 

10 

159 

47 

71 

23 

12 

2,530 

9,362 

6,859 

4,001 

4,843 

1.775 

1,005 

2,653 

13,537 

7,799 

13,994 

39,495 

6,.390 

4,949 

16,412 

10,742 


The  dotted  lines  ( )  indicate  that  the  Church  had  not  yet  been  organized.     The  dash,  (- 

that  the  Church  had  been  organized,  but  liad  no  colored  members  of  that  date. 


But  did  the  disruption  of  the  Methodist  Church,  and  the  dis- 
connection of  the  Northern  ministers  from  those  of  the  South, 
give  them  any  more  power  over  the  free  colored  people  ?  Let 
the  statistics  of  the  succeeding  years  answer  that  question ;  it 
being  remarked,  that  the  border  States,  to  some  extent,  remained 
with  the  Church  North  ;  and  that  the  Philadelphia  Conference  in- 
cludes the  State  of  Delaware  and  a  part  of  Maryland. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   177 


Colored  membership  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  North,  from 
the  disruption  until  the  Annual  Conferences  ceased  to  distinguish 
the  colored  from  the  white  members : 


CONFERENCES. 

1846 

1847 

1848 

1849 

1850 

17,315 
9,537 

748 

393 

""89 

23 

891 

""86 

"ei 

19 
31 

58 

680 
....„ 

47 

42 

33 

164 

16,387 
9,992 

699 

379 

'"'97 

20 
345 

""'86 

""58 
27 
55 

58 

514 

"""32 

60 

50 

8 

174 

16,156 
9,612 

718 

381 

"""84 

533 

11 
57 
14 

28 
16 
43 

345 
10 
26 
73 
21 

161 

15,759 
9,306 

676 

268 

170 
378 

10 
48 
14 
24 

33 

402 

226 

30 

36 

32 

144 

15,802 
8,938 

641 

257 

118 
382 

6 
53 
19 
27 

346 

197 

15 

27 

17 

177 

New  York  East 

Troy 

New  Hampshire ■ 

Pittsburgh 

Western  Virginia , 

Oneida  

Wisconsin 

Erie 

North  Ohio 

Ohio 

Total 

29,725 

29,041 

28,289 

27,526 

27,022 

The  dotted  lines  ( )  indicate  that  the  Church  had  not  yet  been  organized.     The  dash,  ( ) 

that  the  Church  had  been  organized,  but  had  no  colored  members  of  that  date. 

It  was  with  such  returns  as  these  before  them,  of  the  failure  of 
the  Methodist  ministry  to  benefit  the  free  colored  people,  that  the 
Bishops,  in  the  General  Conference  of  1844,  New  York  City,  felt 
constrained  to  give  the  subject  their  most  serious  consideration. 
We  quote  but  a  few  sentences,  referring  the  reader  to  their  Letter 
at  large :  f 

"  We  can  not  but  view  it  as  a  matter  of  deep  regret,  that  the  spirit- 


*  The  figures  for  the  year  1849  and  1850,  in  the  Baltimore  Conference,  include 
members  and  probationers.  t  See  Chapter  VIII.,  session  of  1856, 

12 


178  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

Tial  interests  of  the  people  of  color,  in  these  United  States,  have  been 
so  long  and  so  greatly  neglected  by  the  Christian  churches.     And  it 

is  greatly  to  be  feared  that  we  are  not  innocent  in  this  thing 

Let  facts  give  the  answer.  From  an  examination  of  official  records, 
it  appears  that  there  are  four  annual  conferences,  in  which  there  is 
not  a  single  colored  member  in  the  church.  Eight  others  have  an 
aggregate  number  of  four  hundred  and  sixty-three,  averaging  less 
than  sixty.  And  taking  fifteen,  about  one-half  of  the  conferences  in 
the  connection,  and  some  of  them  among  the  largest,  both  in  the 
ministry  and  membership,  and  the  whole  number  of  colored  members 
is  but  one  thousand  three  hundred  and  nine,  giving  an  average  of  less 
than  ninety.  It  is  well  known  that  in  many  of  these  conferences 
there  are  a  numerous  population,  and  in  each  of  them  a  considerable 
number.  It  is  presumed  that  the  freedom  of  the  people  of  color, 
within  the  bounds  of  these  conferences,  will  not  be  urged  as  the 
cause  of  their  not  being  brought  under  religious  influence,  and  gath- 
ered into  the  fold  of  Christ.  We  are  certainly  not  prepared  to  admit 
that  a  state  of  servitude  is  more  favorable  to  the  success  of  the  Gos- 
pel, in  its  experimental  and  practical  effects,  than  a  state  of  freedom." 

The  force  of  the  remarks  of  the  Bishops-,  and  the  pungency 
of  the  rebuke  they  administered,  will  be  understood,  when  it  is 
stated,  that  the  conferences  which  had  done  the  least  for  the  free 
colored  people  were  those  which,  as  a  general  thing,  had  been 
the  most  zealous  in  forwarding  abolition  memorials  to  the  Gen- 
eral Conference. 

This  question  will  be  well  understood  by  a  careful  examination 
of  the  preceding  statistical  tables.  From  1836  to  1845  the  col- 
ored membership  increased  from  82,296  to  149,150,  nearly  the 
whole  of  which  increase  was  in  the  slave  States.  Exclusive  of 
the  Philadelphia  Conference,  there  was  an  increase  of  only  640 
in  the  free  States,  during  these  nine  years ! 

This  Church  resolved  to  divide  in  1844,  but  the  statistics  were 
not  taken  separately  until  after  1845.  From  this  date,  then,  the 
conferences  at  the  North  are  no  longer  trammeled  by  an  alliance 
with  the  South  —  some  of  the  border  churches  and  conferences, 
only,  remaining  with  the  Church  North.  What,  then,  are  the 
results?  The  statistics  from  1846  to  1850,  inclusive,  show  a  de- 
crease of  the  colored  membership,  in  these  four  years,  of  2,703  — 
2,102  of  which  decrease  was  in  the  border  conferences  of  Balti- 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.       179 

more  and  Philadelphia,  and  601  of  the  decrease  in  the  other 
twenty-seven  conferences.  Truly,  the  disruption  of  the  Meth- 
odist Church  has  been  disastrous  to  the  cause  of  African  evan- 
gelization, so  far  as  the  Methodist  ministry  are  concerned,  not 
only  in  the  border  slave  States,  but  throughout  the  free  States 
generally.  The  language  employed,  in  reference  to  the  churches 
among  the  freedmen  of  Jamaica,  applies  with  equal  force  to  the 
conferences  in  the  Northern  States,  so  far  as  relates  to  their  col- 
ored converts  :     "  The  members  in  society  do  not  increase  !  " 

The  Methodist  Church  was  not  alone  in  having  lost  her  influ- 
ence with  the  free  colored  people  of  the  North,  as  a  consequence 
of  the  abolition  controversy.  Very  few  of  the  churches  of  the 
whites  had  any  considerable  number  of  colored  people  in  their 
communion ;  and  where  they  had,  they  were  rarely  able  long  to 
retain  them.  The  abolition  controversy  was  so  conducted  as  to 
awaken  the  most  bitter  prejudices  in  the  minds  of  the  colored 
professors  against  the  whites.  They  were  taught  to  believe  that 
no  slaveholder  could  be  a  Chi'istian,  and  that  the  churches,  whose 
jurisdiction  extended  into  the  slave  States,  were  not  Christian 
churches.  We  must  not  be  understood,  here,  as  attributing  these 
ultra  views  as  coming,  in  this  form,  from  any  ecclesiastical  body 
of  respectable  standing,  but  mainly  from  the  abolitionists  and 
their  lecturers,  who  traversed  the  country  to  propagate  abolition 
doctrines.*     They  were  further  taught,  that  the  Almighty  pos- 

*  Gerritt  Smith,  on  August  5,  18o7,  in  addressing  the  editor  of  the  New  York 
Tribune,  used  the  following  language,  from  which  it  will  be  seen  that  he  urged 
the  colored  people  to  abjure  all  churches  which  spared  slavei-y  —  all,  of  course, 
who  did  not  occupy  abolition  ground  : 

"Our  colored  people  complain  of  your  treatment  of  them.  I  think  myself 
that  it  is  sometimes  too  rigorous,  though,  in  the  main,  I  candidly  approve  it. 
You  are  their  friend  in  demanding  that  they  shall,  by  their  own  good  conduct, 
redeem  themselves  from  their  deep  debasement.  You  deal  but  justly  with 
them,  when  you  declare  that  their  own  bad  influence  goes  further  than  the 
arts  of  the  worst  slaveholders  to  uphold  slavery. 

"  So  far  from  making  their  wrongs  and  outrages  an  excuse  for  their  con- 
tinued degradation,  the  free  colored  people  should,  in  view  of  these  wrongs 
and  outrages,  arouse  themselves  to  the  irresistible  determination  to  equal  and 
surpass  their  persecutors  in  all  that  honors  manhood.  They  should  swear  that 
they  will  be  Pariahs  and  lepers  no  longer.  To  this  end,  they  should  quit  the 
towns,  in  which  they  are  wont  to  congregate,  and  where  they  are  but  servants, 


180  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

sessed  no  attribute  -v^hich  could  tolerate  or  sanction  the  principle 
of  slavery,  or  the  holding  of  "  property  in  man."  This  doctrine, 
advocated  by  the  Christian  Intelligencer,  was  copied  into  the  abo- 
lition papers,  and  proclaimed  throughout  the  North. 

And  what  was  the  consequence  of  this  teaching  ?  Among  the 
educated  young  colored  men  were  some  who  had  a  little  knowl- 
edge of  logic.  More  than  once  the  author  has  heard  them  dis- 
cuss this  point,  of  "  the  right  of  property  in  man,"  and  dispose 
of  it  thus :  "  The  Almighty  can  neither  sanction  nor  tolerate 
the  holding  of  property  in  man :  the  Bible  sanctions  the  holding 
of  property  in  man  :  therefore  the  Bible  is  not  the  word  of  God." 
They  relied  upon  Exodus  xxi :  20,  21,  to  sustain  them  in  their 
position :  "  And  if  a  man  smite  his  servant,  or  his  maid,  with  a 
rod,  and  he  die  under  his  hand,  he  shall  be  surely  punished. 
Notwithstanding,  if  he  continue  a  day  or  two,  he  shall  not  be 
punished ;  for  he  is  his  money."  They  insisted  that  the  last 
clause  of  this  quotation  clearly  taught,  that  the  slave  is  the  prop- 
erty of  his  master  —  "  for  he  is  his  money."  These  young  infi- 
dels are  men  now  advanced  in  life,  but  they  have  never  embraced 
the  Bible  as  the  word  of  God.  Who  is  responsible  for  mislead- 
ing them? 

Fortunately,  the  entire  mass  of  the  colored  professors  of  reli- 
gion were  influenced  more  by  their  piety  than  they  were  by  the 
logic  employed  against  the  Bible.  And,  though  their  alienation 
of  affection  for  the  white  churches  became  complete,  they  still 
adhered  to  their  profession  of  religion,  and  went  into  the  organ- 
ization of  African  churches.  This  task  was  the  more  easily  per- 
formed, because  churches  of  this  class  had  been  established  in 
the  country  at  an  early  day.  A  brief  notice  of  these  organiza- 
tions will  be  necessary  to  a  proper  understanding  of  the  position 
of  the  colored  professors  of  religion  in  the  North. 

African  Methodist  Church.  —  This  body  had  its  origin  in 

and  should  scatter  themselves  over  the  country  in  the  capacity  of  farmers  and 
mechanics.  They  should  cease  from  the  habit  of  wasting  their  earnings  in 
periodical  balls.  They  should  never  wet  their  lips  with  intoxicating  drinks 
nor  defile  them  with  tobacco.  They  should  never  so  war  upon  their  self- 
respect  as  to  join  a  Church  which  spares  slavery,  or  join  a  political  party 
which  knows  law  for  slavery." 


J 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY   CONTRASTED.      181 

the  city  of  Philadelphia,  in  1787,  owing  to  diflficulties  growing 
out  of  the  colored  people  and  the  whites  meeting  together  for 
public  worship.  Bishop  White  of  the  Episcopal  Church,  sympa- 
thizing with  the  colored  people,  ordained  one  of  their  own  num- 
ber as  pastor.  In  1793,  their  numbers  had  so  increased  that  a 
meeting-house  was  erected  for  them,  and  dedicated  by  Bishop 
Asbury,  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  under  the  name  of 
Bethel  —  the  members  giving  a  preference  for  the  Methodist 
Church.  Various  difficulties  beset  them,  in  their  relations  with 
the  Methodist  Church,  when,  in  1816,  a  convention  was  called  in 
Philadelphia,  for  the  purpose  of  organizing  on  a  broader  basis, 
so  as  to  include  the  colored  professors  in  Baltimore  and  else- 
where. An  organization  was  formed  under  the  name  of  the 
African  Methodist  Episcopal  Church.  The  first  annual  confer- 
ence was  held  at  Baltimore,  April,  1818 ;  "  since  when,  the  Church 
has  been  making  quiet  but  steady  progress.  It  has  a  Book  Con- 
cern and  a  Missionary  Society."  * 

ZioN  African  Methodist  Episcopal  Church.  —  The  rise  of 
this  society  was  also  due  to  disagreements  between  the  whites 
and  colored  people.  It  had  its  origin  in  New  York  city,  and  its 
first  church  was  built  in  1800.  In  1820,  the  society  erected 
itself  into  a  distinct  and  independent  body.  It  received  into 
connection  with  it  several  other  Churches,  and,  in  1821,  held  an 
annual  conference  in  New  York  city.  Twenty-two  ministers 
were  in  attendance,  and  the  number  of  church  members  reported 
was  1,426.  At  the  annual  conference,  in  1838,  the  society  elected 
its  first  superintendent. 

The  estimated  membership  of  the  Bethel  and  the  Zion  Meth- 
odist Episcopal  Churches  is  26,746 ;  the  traveling  preachers  193 ; 
the  local  444.  f 

We  have  before  us  the  Report  of  the  Twelfth  General  Confer- 
ence of  this  African  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  held  in 
Pittsburgh,  Pennsylvania,  in  1860.  The  conference  was  presided 
over  by  Bishops  Quinn,  Nazrey,  and  Payne,  all  colored  men. 
Seven  conferences  were  represented,  besides  that  of  Canada, 
from  which  a  delegate  was  present. 

*  American  Christian  Record,  1860,  pages  141,  142.  t  Ibid.,  p.  143. 


182  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

In  the  course  of  the  proceedings  relating  to  Canada,  it  was 
decided  to  be  expedient  that  the  conference  in  that  province 
should  be  separated  from  the  General  Conference  of  the  United 
States ;  and  the  following  very  sensible  reason  was  assigned  in 
its  favor : 

"  Because  all  societies,  in  their  organization,  in  order  to  receive 
protection  from  civil  law,  must  be  subject  to  the  government,  and 
recognize  the  authority  that  exists.  In  the  present  state  of  things 
this  can  not  be  done  by  the  Canadian  Conference,  while  they  use  our 
form  of  Discipline. 

The  conference  also  passed  resolutions  in  recognition  of  the 
Liberia  Methodist  Episcopal  Church.  This  is  a  movement  in  the 
right  direction,  and  shows  that  the  bitter  hostility  once  existing 
against  Liberia  is  yielding  under  the  progress  of  intelligence  in 
this  body. 

But  the  most  important  portion  of  the  proceedings  is  the  argu- 
ment of  Bishop  Payne,  defending  himself  against  the  decision  of 
a  committee  who  had  disapproved  his  action  in  a  case  where  he 
had  rejected  an  applicant  for  deacon's  orders,  on  the  ground  that 
he  was  not  a  member  of  the  annual  conference,  and  to  ordain 
him,  therefore,  would  be  a  violation  of  Discipline.  The  Bishop 
took  an  appeal  from  the  decision  of  the  committee,  and  was  sus- 
tained by  the  conference. 

We  refer  to  this  case,  to  make  a  short  quotation  from  the  argu- 
ment of  the  Bishop.  It  is  a  fair  example  of  the  advantages  of  a 
little  common  sense,  in  dealing  with  questions  which,  in  its  ab- 
sence, have  led  men's  minds  into  inextricable  confusion.  The 
applicability  of  the  Bishop's  argument  to  the  abolition  interpre- 
tations of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  will  be  at  once 
apparent.  Had  his  strong  common  sense,  as  applied  to  a  ques- 
tion respecting  constitutional  church  polity,  been  exercised  in 
relation  to  the  National  Constitution,  we  should  never  have  had 
the  troubles  that  are  now  upon  us.  But  let  us  hear  the  Bishop, 
at  the  same  time  keeping  in  mind  that  what  he  says  is  designed 
to  be  applied  by  us  to  the  subjects  discussed  in  the  chapter  on 
Political  Abolitionism : 

"  In  every  well-organized  government,  which  has  continued  for  any 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   183 

length  of  time,  say  a  single  generation,  there  will  be  found  three  dif- 
ferent kinds  of  laws : 

"  1.  Constitutional  law. 

"  2.  Statute  law. 

"  3.  Common,  or  unwritten  law. 

"  The  Constitutional  is  that  which  enters  into  the  structure  of  the 
government,  whether  it  be  civil  or  ecclesiastical,  and  is  sometimes 
called  the  organic  law.  It  is,  therefore,  fundamental  and  supreme. 
Being  supreme,  it  controls  both  the  statute  and  common  law. 

"  Statute  laws  are  legislative  enactments,  made  for  the  purpose  of 
accomplishing  some  end  expressed  or  implied  in  the  constitutional, 
and,  therefore,  must  always  be  subordinate  to  the  constitutional ; 
never  subversive  of  it. 

"  Whenever  a  statute  law  is  subversive  of  the  constitutional,  it 
becomes  null  and  void  —  a  mere  dead  letter. 

"  The  common,  or  unwritten,  law  derives  its  authority  from  custom 
or  usage.  In  the  State  it  is  always  called  the  common  law;  in  the 
Church  it  is  always  called  usage.  The  common  law,  or  usage,  like 
the  statute,  must  always  be  subordinate  to  the  constitutional.  If 
subversive  of  the  constitutional,  it  must  be  set  aside,  and  trampled 
under  foot. 

"  Now,  the  verdict  of  the  committee  is  based  upon  a  statute  law  of 
the  American  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  to  which  they  refer  in 
Discipline  of  1856. 

"  But  the  venerable  committee  seem  to  have  forgotten  that  there  is 
a  higher  law  than  the  one  to  which  they  refer,  for  they  make  no  allu- 
sion to  it;  I  mean,  the  constitutional 

"  It  is  also  maintained  that  it  is  the  usage  of  our  Church  to  ordain 
local  preachers  who  are  not  members  of  the  annual  conference.  But 
what  is  usage,  in  the  presence  of  constitutional  law  ?  Why  nothing 
more  than  chaff  before  the  wind.  That  man  who  suffers  statutes  or 
usages  to  subvert  the  constitutional  law,  is  not  a  good  governor,  but 
a  bad  one.     To  do  this  is  to  be  guilty  of  misrule 

"  Men !  brethren !  fathers !  I  call  upon  you  to  sustain  the  gov- 
ernment ! 

"  Remember  that  the  privilege  is  not  to  be  given  till  the  obedi- 
ence is  yielded;  nor  the  right  secured  and  enjoyed  till  the  duty  is 
performed. 

"  Brother  Michum  requests  a  privilege  before  he  yields  the  required 
obedience  —  he  demands  a  right  before  the  duty  is  performed.  Will 
you  do  this  ?     Nay  !     You  will  not ;  —  you  can  not. 


184  PULPii:  POLITICS. 

"  Men !  brethren !  fathers !  I  call  on  you  to  preserve  the  statute 
in  harmony  with  the  constitution ;  and  both  in  obedience  to  the  law 
of  God." 

The  details  of  the  condition  of  the  conferences  of  this  Church 
are  not  in  our  possession.  One  only,  the  Report  of  the  Cincin- 
nati Conference,  has  come  within  our  reach.  Its  session  of  1860 
reported,  as  under  its  care,  16  stations  in  principal  cities  and 
towns ;  70  circuits  ;  3,902  members  and  283  probationers.  This 
conference  seems  to  cover  the  territory  of  Ohio  and  Western 
Pennsylvania. 

In  relation  to  the  colored  Baptist  Churches,  we  have  been  un- 
able to  obtain  full  information.  We  have  before  us,  however,  the 
Minutes  of  the  Seventeenth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Union 
Anti-Slaveky  Baptist  Association,  which  met  in  Pike  county, 
Ohio,  1857.  Two  preceding  reports  are  also  before  us.  The 
report  of  1857  embraces  27  churches,  which  had  received,  by 
baptism,  during  the  year  past,  161  members,  and  they  had  a  total 
membership  of  1,423  —  four  of  the  congregations  not  reporting, 
but  which  had  previously  reported  144  members,  making  a  prob- 
able total,  in  1857,  of  1,567.  The  report  for  1856  gives  an  in- 
crease for  the  year,  by  baptisms,  of  135,  and  a  total  membership 
of  1,282  —  the  statistics  being  full,  and  22  churches  represented. 
The  report  for  1855  gives  an  increase,  by  baptisms,  for  the  year, 
of  83,  and  a  total  membership  of  1,430  —  there  being  three  con- 
gregations not  represented,  two  of  which,  in  the  report  of  1856, 
gire  a  membership  of  107,  thus  giving  a  total  of  more  than  1,537. 

It  appears  from  these  statistics,  that  no  very  encouraging  pro- 
gress has  been  made  by  these  colored  Baptist  churches,  if  we 
compare  them  with  the  success  of  the  Baptists  South  among  the 
colored  people. 

We  have  also  before  us  the  Minutes  of  the  Twenty-Fifth 
Anniversaiiy  of  the  Providence  Anti-Slavery  Baptist  Asso- 
ciation, held  in  Jackson  county,  Ohio,  1859.  Delegates  to  the 
number  of  40  were  present.  Several  churches  were  not  repre- 
sented. The  total  membership  reported  is  980,  there  being  three 
congregations  which  made  no  returns.  This  organization  seems 
to  be  limited  to  Ohio.  It  issued  a  most  excellent  Circular  Letter, 
which  breathes  the  true  spirit  of  Christian  piety,  humility,  and 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   185 

devotion.  But  on  the  very  next  page,  we  have  a  fair  illustra- 
tion of  the  injurious  effects  of  clergymen  interfering  in  civil 
affairs.  In  referring  to  the  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  the  col- 
ored men  who  rescued  a  fugitive  slave  from  the  United  States 
marshal,  and  were  then  suffering  the  penalty  of  their  violation 
of  law,  the  Association  passed  the  following  resolutions : 

"  16th  Item.  Resolved^  That  C.  H.  Langston  and  his  worthy  asso- 
ciates, who,  in  defiance  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  rescued  the  man 
John  from  his  claimants,  gave  a  practical  illustration  of  Christianity 
in  that  act,  which  needs  to  be  often  repeated,  if  we  would  save  Chris- 
tianity from  the  sneer  of  the  infidel ;  for,  that  Christianity  which  ex- 
pends itself  in  distributing  tracts,  in  making  long  prayers,  in  erecting 
splendid  church  edifices,  and  reclining  upon  richly  cushioned  seats, 
listening  to  invectives  against  crinoline,  chewing  tobacco  and  dancing, 
while  it  opens  not  its  ears  to  the  piteous  groans  of  the  bleeding  slave, 
as  they  issue  from  the  hell  of  slavery,  and  through  fear  of  imprison- 
ment and  bonds,  loss  of  reputation  and  money,  will  permit  the  poor 
slave,  as  he  flees,  all  trembling,  broken-hearted  and  bleeding,  to  be 
clutched  by  his  blood-hound  pursuers,  and  dragged  back  into  the  hell 
of  slavery,  is  certainly  not  the  religion  of  the  holy  Jesus,  but  a  lie, 
and  they  who  preach  and  practice  it,  are  hypocrites. 

"  Resolved^  That  in  rescuing  John,  despite  the  rigors  of  the  Fugi- 
tive Slave  Law  and  the  insolence  of  governmental:  officials,  which  they 
knew  would  be  mercilessly  exercised  over  them,  Langston  and  his 
associates  rendered  themselves  illustrious  as  practical.  Christian  phi- 
lanthropists. 

"  Resolved^  That  our  brethren  every  where  emulate  each  other  in 
striving  to  show  who  can  do  the  most  to  relieve  those  men  from 
their  pecuniary  embarrassments,  occasioned  by  that  noble  act. 

"  The  reading  of  these  resolutions  brought  pretty  much  the  whole 
Association  to  their  feet,  all  of  whom,  as  they  could  get  opportunity, 
warmly  advocated  their  adoption. 

"Unanimously  adopted." 

These  councils,  coming  from  professed  ministers  of  the  Gospel, 
are  not  calculated  to  give  the  impression  that  such  men  are  well 
prepared  to  act  their  part  as  safe  members  of  civil  society.  It 
is  such  a  spirit  as  this,  in  the  free  colored  men,  that  determines 
all  sober-thoughted  citizens  to  resist  the  emancipation  of  a  race 


186  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

who  never  have,  while  standing  alone,  been  able  to  maintain  civil 
institutions ;  and  who,  in  connection  with  the  superior  races,  have 
always,  to  a  greater  or  less  extent,  been  a  disturbing  element  in 
civilized  communities.  Encouraging  resistance  to  law,  under  the 
guise  of  religion,  is  no  palliation  of  the  crime,  come  from  whence 
it  may.  But  the  colored  ministers,  in  extenuation  of  their  oflFense, 
can  plead  the  example  of  white  ministers  of  the  Gospel.  This, 
however,  is  only  an  additional  evidence  of  their  want  of  a  sound 
judgment,  and  of  the  ease  with  which  they  yield  to  their  pas- 
sions and  prejudices  when  under  the  influence  of  bad  men. 

The  obstacles  to  the  moral  progress  of  the  free  colored  people 
in  the  North  have  been  very  great.  A  moment's  attention  to  this 
point  is  necessary  to  a  correct  understanding  of  their  true  posi- 
tion. As  in  the  South  so  in  the  North,  there  had  been  colored 
men  admitted  into  the  ministry  upon  whom  the  Gospel  had  ex- 
erted its  influence  ;  and  who  were  laboring  not  only  to  keep  them- 
selves unspotted  from  the  world,  but  to  bring  others,  also,  into 
the  practice  of  Gospel  purity.  Aware  of  the  advantages  of  edu- 
cation to  preachers  of  the  Gospel,  the  effort  was  made,  by  lead- 
ing colored  men,  to  establish  institutions  of  learning  for  the  edu- 
cation of  colored  youth.  Without  adequate  wealth  of  their  own, 
they  appealed  to  the  whites  for  aid,  but,  generally,  without  any 
great  degree  of  success.  Nor  did  the  leaders  of  abolitionism 
seem  to  take  much  interest  in  direct  efforts  for  the  elevation  of 
the  colored  men  already  free ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  these  appli- 
cations for  assistance  were  often  viewed  as  great  annoyances. 
In  speaking  of  them,  the  New  York  Tribune,  on  one  occasion, 
said: 

"  At  present  white  men  dread  to  be  known  as  friendly  to  the  black, 
because  of  the  never-ending,  still-beginning  importunities  to  help 
this  or  that  object  of  negro  charity  or  philanthropy  to  which  such  a 
reputation  inevitably  subjects  them." 

To  give  money  for  the  publication  of  incendiary  documents  — 
for  the  aid  of  escaping  fugitive  slaves  —  for  Sharpe's  rifles  to 
shoot  pro-slavery  men  in  Kansas  —  for  anything  that  would  in- 
jure or  annoy  the  slaveholder  —  were  objects  liberally  supported 
by  donations  from  abolitionists :  but  to  contribute  to  the  estab- 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   187 

lishment  of  colleges  and  seminaries,  for  the  education  of  the  free 
colored  people,  were  enterprises  that  could  not  enlist  their  sympa- 
thies, so  as  to  open  their  purse-strings.  To  applications  of  this 
kind  we  know  the  reply,  in  substance,  has  often  been : 

"  We,  abolitionists,  are  laboring  for  the  destruction  of  slavery,  and, 
at  present,  can  do  nothing  for  you.  Until  that  evil  is  removed,  the 
free  colored  people  can  not  rise  into  respectability,  or  be  relieved 
from  the  prejudice  which  now  bears  them  down.  Universal  emanci- 
pation, therefore,  is  the  first  object  to  be  gained  ;  as,  after  that,  preju- 
dice will  disappear,  and  the  best  schools  and  colleges  in  the  land  be 
thrown  open  to  the  colored  man." 

Thus  repelled,  but  self-reliant,  the  colored  men,  to  whom  we 
have  alluded,  toiled  on,  almost  unaided,  in  the  work  of  Christian 
instruction  and  moral  reform.  Their  field  of  labor  has  been  beset 
with  many  difficulties.  Concentrated  mostly  in  large  cities  and 
towns,  the  colored  population  are  subjected  to  many  temptations, 
thus  rendering  the  task  of  their  elevation  the  more  difficult  of 
accomplishment.  The  preachers,  in  many  cases,  have  to  pursue 
some  occupation  to  aid  in  making  a  support,  and  have  thus  less 
time  for  study.  That  they  are  able  to  sustain  their  churches,  in 
the  midst  of  so  many  obstacles  to  success,  argues  well  for  their 
faithfulness  as  ministers  of  the  Gospel. 

By  reference  to  the  statistics  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church  (whites)  in  the  preceding  pages,  it  will  be  seen  that  the 
Pittsburgh  and  Ohio  Conferences,  which  covered  the  ground  now 
occupied  by  the  colored  conference,  had  a  colored  membership,  in 
1834,  of  921 ;  in  1843,  of  1,143;  in  1845,  of  968;  and  in  1850, 
of  only  491.  The  withdrawal  of  the  colored  membership,  from 
the  old  to  the  new  organization,  will  explain  this  decrease  ;  and 
these  statistics  also  show,  that  the  African  Methodist  Church 
have  made  an  increase,  on  the  former  membership  in  the  old 
church,  extending  from  1,143,  in  1843,  to  4,185,  including  proba- 
tioners, in  1860  —  an  increase  of  nearly  fourfold. 

Canada  has  long  been  the  promised  land  of  the  colored  man ; 
it,  therefore,  demands  a  somewhat  more  extended  notice.  In  the 
outset  it  must  be  remembered,  that  the  colored  population  of  Can- 
ada are  mainly  fugitive  slaves.     The   original  colored  settlers 


188  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

were  mostly  from  Cincinnati,  and  embraced  some  men  of  excel- 
lence and  piety.  The  American  Missionary  Association  at- 
tempted to  take  the  religious  oversight  of  these  people,  and,  at 
first,  with  promises  of  success ;  but,  after  a  time,  the  teachers 
and  missionaries  lost  their  influence,  and  had,  in  a  good  degree, 
to  abandon  the  field.  Out  of  four  stations,  at  the  opening  of 
1853,  but  one  school  remained  at  its  close.  All  the  others  had 
been  abandoned,  and  all  the  missionaries  had  asked  to  be  re- 
leased. *  Early  in  the  year,  one  of  the  missionaries  wrote  to  the 
association,  saying  —  "  that  the  opposition  to  white  missionaries, 
manifested  by  the  colored  people  of  Canada,  had  so  greatly  in- 
creased, by  the  interested  misrepresentations  of  ignorant  colored 
men  pretending  to  be  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  that  he  thought 
his  own  and  his  wife's  labors,  and  the  funds  of  the  association, 
could  be  better  employed  elsewhere." 

In  1857,  the  association  report  but  one  missionary  in  Canada, 
and  he  had  been  mobbed  by  the  colored  people,  and,  at  one  time, 
his  life  was  thought  to  be  in  danger.  In  June,  his  church  was 
burned  down;  and,  in  August  following,  another  building  which 
he  had  secured  shared  the  same  fate  —  both  being  the  work  of 
incendiaries.  "  This  field,"  says  the  Eleventh  Annual  Report, 
"  is  emphatically  a  hard  one,  and  requires  much  faith  and  patience 
from  those  who  labor  there." 

In  1858,  the  missionary  wrote  :  "  My  wife's  school  is  in  a  pros- 
perous condition.  She  has  nearly  forty  scholars,  and  they  learn 
well.  There  are  numbers  who  can  not  come  to  school  for  want 
of  suitable  clothing.  They  are  nearly  naked."  f  On  another 
occasion  it  is  said,  "  the  missionaries  find  it  extremely  difficult  to 
win  the  confidence  of  the  colored  people  of  Canada."  J 

The  report  of  1859  shows  that  several  Sunday-schools  and  two 
churches  had  been  formed  among  the  colored  population  of  the 
Canada  mission  ;  and  that  Mr.  Hotchkiss  had  added  eighteen  con- 
verts to  the  churches  under  his  care  in  a  little  more  than  a  year. 

But  we  have  an  example  of  a  difi'erent  kind  to  report,  and  one 
that  confirms  what  we  have  heretofore  said  —  that  it  is  only 

*  Seventh  Annual  Report  of  American  Missionary  Association, 
t  American  Missionary,  October,  1858. 
t  African  Repository,  January,  1858. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   189 

where  proper  moral  control  is  exercised,  that  any  real  progress 
can  be  made  by  the  blacks  : 

"  Some  years  ago,  the  Rev.  William  King,  a  slave  owner  in  Louisi- 
ana, manumitted  his  slaves  and  removed  them  to  Canada.  They  now, 
with  others,  occupy  a  tract  of  land  at  Buxton  and  the  vicinity,  called 
the  '  Elgin  Block,'  where  Mr.  King  is  stationed  as  a  Presbyterian 
missionary. 

"A  recent  general  meeting  there  was  attended  by  Lord  Althorp, 
son  of  Earl  Spencer,  and  J.  W.  Prohyn,  Esq.,  both  members  of  the 
British  Parliament,  who  made  addresses.  The  whole  educational  and 
moral  machinery  is  worked  by  the  presiding  genius  of  the  Rev.  W. 
King,  to  whom  the  entire  settlement  are  under  felt  and  acknowledged 
obligations.  He  teaches  them  agriculture  and  industry.  He  super- 
intends their  education,  and  preaches  on  the  Lord's  day.  He  regards 
the  experiment  as  highly  successful."* 

The  records  of  crime  in  Canada,  as  in  Massachusetts,  will  fur- 
nish the  best  index  to  the  moral  condition  of  the  great  mass  of 
the  colored  population.  Aside  from  the  favorable  operations  of 
Mr.  King,  among  his  own  people,  and  over  whom  he  exerts  about 
as  much  control  as  he  did  in  Louisiana,  we  can  not  learn  that  any 
considerable  progress  is  being  made,  by  the  free  negroes,  in  Can- 
ada. A  few  points,  collated  from  an  extended  investigation  of 
this  subject,  will^et  the  question  in  its  true  light. 

On  the  27th  of  April,  1841,  the  Assistant  Secretary  to  Govern- 
ment addressed  Colonel  Robert  Lachlan,  Chairman  of  the  Quar- 
ter Sessions  for  the  Western  District,  Canada,  requesting  informa- 
tion relating  to  the  colored  immigrants  in  that  quarter.  From 
Colonel  Lachlan's  reply,  we  make  a  few  quotations :  f 

*  African  Repository,  January,  1858. 

t  "Colonel  Lachlan  entered  the  public  service  of  the  British  Government  in 
1805,  and  was  connected  with  the  army  in  India  for  twenty  years.  Having 
retired  from  that  service,  he  settled  in  Canada  in  1835,  with  the  intention  of 
devoting  himself  to  agriculture;  but  he  was  again  called  into  public  life,  as 
sheriff,  magistrate,  colonel  of  militia,  Chairman  of  the  Quarter  Sessions,  and 
Associate  Judge  of  the  Assizes.  In  1857,  he  removed  to  Cincinnati,  where  he 
now  resides.  A  true  Briton,  he  is  an  enemy  of  the  system  of  slavery;  but 
having  been  a  close  observer  of  the  workings  of  society,  under  various  circum- 
Btances,  systems  of  law,  degrees  of  intelligence,  and  moral  conditions,  he  is 
opposed  to  placing  two  races,  so  widely  diverse  as  the  blacks  and  whites,  upon 


190  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

"  The  first  time  that  I  had  occasion  to  express  myself  thus  strongly 
on  the  subject,  in  an  official  way,  was  more  than  three  years  after  my 
arrival  in  the  District,  while  holding  the  office  of  sheriff — when,  in 
corresponding  with  Mr.  Secretary  Joseph,  during  the  troubles  in 
January,  1838,  I.  in  a  postscript  to  a  letter  in  which  I  expressed  un- 
willingness to  call  in  aid  from  other  quarters,  while  our  own  popula- 
tion were  allowed  to  remain  inactive,  was  led  to  add  the  following 
remarkable  words  :  '  My  vote  has  been  equally  decided  against  employ- 
ing the  colored  people,  except  on  a  similar  emergency  ;  in  fact,  though 
a  cordial  friend  to  the  emancipation  of  the  poor  African,  I  regard  the 
rapidly  increasing  population  rising  round  us,  as  destined  to  be  a 
bitter  curse  to  the  District ;  and  do  not  think  our  employing  them  as 
our  defenders  at  all  likely  to  retard  the  progress  of  such  an  event ; ' 
an  opinion  which  all  my  subsequent  observation  and  experience, 
whether  as  a  private  individual,  ^  Sheriff  of  the  District,  as  a  local 
Magistrate,  as  Chairman  of  the  Quarter  Sessions,  or  as  an  anxious 
friend  to  pure  British  immigration,  have  only  the  more  strongly  con- 
firmed  

"  That  place  may  now  be  regarded  as  the  Western  rendezvous  of 
the  colored  race  —  being  the  point  to  which  all  the  idle  and  worthless, 
as  well  as  the  well  disposed,  first  direct  their  steps,  before  dispersing 
over  other  parts  of  the  District  —  a  distinction  of  which  it  unfor- 
tunately bears  too  evident  marks  in  the  great  number  of  petty  crimes 
committed  by  or  brought  home  to  these  people  —  to  the  great  trouble 
of  the  investigating  local  magistrates,  and  the  still  greater  annoyance 
of  the  inhabitants  generally  —  arising  from  the  *constant  nightly 
depredations  committed  on  their  orchards,  barns,  granaries,  sheep- 
folds,  fowl-yards,  and  even  cellars lu  Gosfield,  I  am  given 

to  understand  their  general  character  is  rather  above  par ; 

while  in  the  next  adjoining  township  of  Mersea,  so  much  are  they 
disliked  by  the  inhabitants,  that  they  are,  in  a  manner,  proscribed  by 
general  consent  —  a  colored  man  being  there  scarcely  suffered  to  travel 
along  the  high  roads  unmolested. 

terms  of  legal  equality;  not  that  he  is  opposed  to  the  elevation  of  the  colored 
man,  but  because  he  is  convinced  that,  in  his  present  state  of  ignorance  and 
degradation,  the  two  races  can  not  dwell  together  in  peace  and  harmony.  This 
opinion,  it  will  be  seen,  was  the  outgrowth  of  his  experience  and  observation 
in  Canada,  and  not  the  result  of  a  prejudice  against  the  African  race.  The 
Western  District,  the  field  of  his  official  labors,  is  the  main  point  toward  which 
nearly  all  the  emigration  from  the  States  is  directed;  and  the  Major  had,  thus, 
the  best  opportunities  for  studying  tliis  question." — ["Cotton  is  King,''  p.  177. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   191 

"  The  first  tiling  that  forcihly  struck  me,  in  these  people,  was  a  total 
absence  of  that  modest  and  unpresuming  demeanor  which  I  had  been 
somehow  led  to  expect,  and  the  assumption,  instead,  of  a  'free  and 
easy '  independence  of  manner  as  well  as  language  toward  all  white 
inhabitants,  except  their  immediate  employers ;  together  with  an  ap- 
parent utter  indifference  to  being  hired  on  reasonable  average  wages, 
though,  as  already  stated,  seemingly  without  any  visible  means  of  a 
livelihood ;  and  their  also,  at  all  times,  estimating  the  value  of  their 
labor  on  a  par  with,  if  not  above  that  of  the  white  man.  •  And  I  had 
scarcely  recovered  from  surprise,  at  such  conduct,  as  a  private  in- 
dividual, when,  as  a  magistrate,  I  was  still  more  astonished  at  the 
great  amount  of  not  only  petty  offenses,  but  of  crime  of  the  most 
atrocious  dye,  perpetrated  by  so  small  a  body  of  strangers  compared 
with  the  great  bulk  of  the  white  population  :  and  such  still  continuing 
to  be  the  unabating  case,  Session  after  Session,  Assize  after  Assize,  it 
at  length  became  so  appalling  to  my  feelings,  that  on  being  placed  in 
the  chair  of  the  Quarter  Sessions,  I  could  not  refrain  from  more  than 
once  pointing  to  it  in  strong  language  in  my  charges  to  the  Grand 
Juries.     In  July  last  year,  for  instance,  I  was  led,  in  connection  with 

a  particular  ease  of  larceny,  to  observe '  The  case  itself 

will,  I  trust,  involve  no  difficulty  so  far  as  the  Grrand  Jury  is  con- 
cerned ;  but  it  affords  the  magistrates  another  opportunity  of  lament- 
ing that  there  should  so  speedily  be  furnished  no  less  than  five  addi- 
tional instances  of  the  rapid  increase  of  crime  in  this  (hitherto  in  that 
respect  highly  fortunate)  District,  arising  solely  from  the  recent  great 
infiux  of  colored  people  into  it  from  the  neighboring  United  States  — 
and  who  unfortunately  not  only  furnish  the  major  part  of  the  crime 
perpetrated  in  the  District,  but  also  thereby  a  very  great  portion  of 
its  rapidly  increasing  debt  —  from  the  expense  attending  their  main- 
tenance in  jail  before  trial,  as  well  as  after  conviction  !  '     

"  In  spite  of  these  solemn  admonitions,  a  large  proportion  of  the 
criminals  tried  at  the  ensuing  September  Assizes  were  colored  people  ; 
and  among  them  were  two  aggravated  cases  of  rape  and  arson ;  the 
former  wantonly  perpetrated  on  a  respectable  farmer's  wife,  in  this 
township,  to  whom  the  wretch  was  a  perfect  stranger;  the  latter  reck- 
lessly committed  at  a  merchant's  store  in  the  vicinity  of  Sandwich, 
for  the  mere  purpose  of  opening  a  hole  through  which  to  convey  away 
his  plunder.  And,  notwithstanding  'the  general  jail  delivery'  that 
then  took  place,  the  greater  part  of  the  crimes  brought  before  the 
following  month's  Quarter  Sessions  (chiefly  larceny  and  assaults)  were 
furnished  by  the  same  people! — a  circumstance  of  so  alarming  and 


192  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

distressing  a  character,  that  I  was  again  led  to  comment  upon  it  in 
my  charge  to  the  Grand  Jury  in  the  following  terms :  '  Having  dis- 
posed of  the  law  relating  to  these  offenses,  I  arrive  at  a  very  painful 
part  of  my  observations,  in  once  more  calling  the  particular  attention 
of  the  Grand  Jury,  as  well  as  the  public  at  large,  to  the  remarkable 
and  appalling  circumstance  that  among  a  population  of  near  20,000 
souls,  inhabiting  this  District,  the  greater  portion  of  the  crime  per- 
petrated therein  should  be  committed  by  less  than  2,000  refugees  from 
a  life  of  abject  slavery,  to  a  land  of  liberty,  protection,  and  comfort  — 
and  from  whom,  therefore,  if  there  be  such  generous  feelings  as  thank- 
fulness and  gratitude,  a  far  different  line  of  conduct  might  reasonably 
be  expected.  I  allude  to  the  alarming  increase  of  crime  still  per- 
petrated by  the  colored  settlers,  and  who,  in  spite  of  the  late  numerous, 
harrowing,   convicted  examples,  unhappily  furnish    the  whole  of  the 

offenses  now  likely  to  be  brought  before  you  / ' 

"  But,  sir,  the  wide-spreading  current  of  crime  among  this  unfor- 
tunate race  was  not  to  be  easily  arrested ;  and  I  had  long  become  so 
persuaded  that  it  must  sooner  or  later  force  itself  upon  the  notice  of 
the  Legislature,  that  on  feeling  it  my  duty  to  draw  the  attention  of 
my  brother  magistrates  to  the  embarrassed  state  of  the  District  finan- 
ces, and  to  the  greater  portion  of  its  expenses  arising  from  this  disrep- 
utable source,  I  was  led,  in  framing  the  report  of  a  special  committee 
(of  which  I  was  chairman)  appointed  to  investigate  our  pecuniary 
difficulties,  to  advert  once  more  to  the  great  undue  proportion  of  our 
expenses  arising  from  crime  committed  by  so  small  a  number  of  col- 
ored people,  compared  with  the  great  body  of  the  inhabitants,  in  the 
followirig  strong  but  indisputable  language :  '  It  is  with  pain  and 
regret  that  your  committee,  in  conclusion,  feel  bound  to  recur  to  the 
great  additional  burthen  thrown  upon  the  District,  as  well  as  the  un- 
deserved stigma  cast  upon  the  general  character  of  its  population, 
whether  native  or  immigrant  British,  by  the  late  great  influx  of  colored 
people  of  the  worst  description  from  the  neighboring  States  —  a  great 
portion  of  whom  appear  to  have  no  visible  means  of  gaining  a  liveli- 
hood —  and  who,  therefore,  not  only  furnish  a  large  proportion  of  the 
basest  crimes  perpetrated  in  the  country,  such  as  murder,  rape,  arson, 
burglary,  and  larceny,  besides  every  other  description  of  minor  of- 
fense—  untraceable  to  the  color  of  the  perpetrators  in  a  miscellaneous 
published  calendar;  but  also,  besides  the  constant  trouble  they  entail 
upon  magistrates  who  happen  to  reside  in  their  neighborhood,  produce 
a  large  portion  of  the  debt  incurred  by  the  District,  from  the  great 
number  committed  to  and  subsisted  in  prison,  etc. ;  and  they  would, 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY    CONTRASTED.      193 

with  all  respect  for  the  liberty  of  the  subject,  and  the  sineerest  good 
will  toward  their  African  brethren  generally  —  whom  thjsy  would  wish 
to  regard  with  every  kindly  feeling,  venture  to  suggest,  for  the  con- 
sideration of  Government,  whether  any  legislative  check  can  possibly 
be  placed  upon  the  rapid  importation  of  the  most  worthless  of  this 
unfortunate  race,  such,  as  the  good  among  themselves  candidly  lament, 
as  has  of  late  inundated  this  devoted  section  of  the  Province,  to  the 
great  detriment  of  the  claims  of  the  poor  emigrant  from  the  mother 
country  upon  our  consideration,  the  great  additional  and  almost  un- 
controllable increase  of  crime,  and  the  proportionate  demoralization 
of  principle  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  country.' 

"  Notwithstanding  all  these  strenuous  endeavors,  added  to  the  most 
serious  and  impressive  admonitions  to  various  criminals  after  convic- 
tion and  sentence,  no  apparent  change  for  the  better  occurred ;  for  at 
the  Quarter  Sessions  of  last  January,  the  usual  preponderance  of 
negro  crime  struck  me  so  forcibly  as  again  to  di-aw  from  me,  in  my 
charge  to  the  Grand  Jury,  the  following  observations :  '  I  am  ex- 
tremely sorry  to  be  unable  to  congratulate  you  or  the  country  on  a 
light  calendar,  the  matters  to  be  brought  before  you  embracing  no 
less  than  three  cases  of  larceny,  and  one  of  enticing  soldiers  to  desert, 
besides  several  arising  from  that  ever  prolific  source,  assaults,  etc.  I 
can  not,  however,  pass  the  fbrmer  by  altogether  without  once  more 
emphatically  remarking,  that  it  is  as  much  to  the  disgrace  of  the  free 
colored  settlers  in  our  District,  as  it  is  creditable  to  the  rest  of  our 
population,  that  the  greater  part  of  the  culprits  to  be  brought  before 
us  are  still  men  of  color :  and  I  lament  this  the  more,  as  I  was  some- 
what in  hopes  that  the  earnest  admonitions  that  I  had  more  than  once 
felt  it  my  duty  to  address  to  that  race,  would  have  been  attended  with 
some  good  effect.'     

"  In  spite  of  all  these  reiterated,  anxious  endeavors,  the  amount  of 
crime  exhibited  in  the  calendar  of  the  following  Quarter  Sessions,  in 
April  last,  consisted  solely  (I  think,)  of  five  cases  of  larceny,  perpe- 
trated by  negroes ;  and  at  the  late  Assizes,  held  on  the  20th  instant, 
out  of  five  criminal  cases,  one  of  enticing  soldiers  to  desert,  and  two 
of  theft,  were,  as  usual,  committed  by  men  of  color  ! ! ! 

"  Having  thus  completed  a  painful  retrospect  of  the  appalling 
amount  of  crime  committed  by  the  colored  population  in  the  District 
at  large,  compared  with  the  general  mass  of  the  white  population,  I 
now  consider  it  my  duty  to  advert  more  particularly  to  what  has  been 
passing  more  immediately  under  my  own  observation  in  the  township 
of  Colchester." 

13 


194  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

The  record  from  which  we  quote,  has,  under  this  head,  the  Btate- 
nient  of  the  township  collector,  as  to  the  moral  and  social  condition 
of  the  colored  people  of  the  township,  in  which  he  says,  "  that,  in 
addition  to  the  black  women  there  were  fourteen  yellow  ones,  and  fif- 
teen white  ones  —  that  they  run  together  like  beasts,  and  that  he  did 
not  suppose  one -third  of  them  were  married  ;  and  further,  that  they 
would  be  a  curse  to  this  part  of  Canada,  unless  there  is  something 
done  to  put  a  stop  to  their  settling  among  the  white  people." 

The  Report  of  Col.  Lachlan  is  very  extensive,  and  embraces  many 
topics  connected  with  the  question  of  negro  immigration  into  Canada. 
His  response  to  Government  led  to  further  investigation,  and  to  some 
legislative  action  in  the  Canadian  Parliament.  The  latest  recorded 
communications  upon  the  subject,  from  his  pen,  are  dated  November 
9th,  1849,  and  June  4th,  1850,  from  which  it  appears  that  up  to  that 
date  there  had  been  no  abatement  of  the  hostile  feeling  of  the  whites 
toward  the  blacks,  nor  any  improvement  in  the  social  and  moral  con- 
dition of  the  blacks  themselves. 

In  1849,  the  Elgin  Association  went  into  operation.  Its  object 
was  to  concentrate  the  colored  people  at  one  point,  and  thus  have 
them  in  a  more  favorable  position  for  intellectual  and  moral  culture. 
A  large  body  of  land  was  purchased  in  the  Township  of  Raleigh,  and 
offered  for  sale  in  small  lots  to  colored  settlers.  The  measure  was 
strongly  opposed,  and  called  out  expressions  of  sentiment  adverse  to 
it,  from  the  people  at  large.  A  public  meeting,  held  in  Chatham, 
August  18th,  1849,  thus  expresssed  itself: 

"  The  Imperial  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  has  forever  banished 
slavery  from  the  Empire.  In  common  with  all  good  men,  we  rejoice 
at  the  consummation  of  this  immortal  act ;  and  we  hope  that  all 
other  nations  may  follow  the  example.  Every  member  of  the  human 
family  is  entitled  to  certain  rights  and  privileges,  and  no  where  on 
earth  are  they  better  secured,  enjoyed,  or  more  highly  valued,  than 
in  Canada.  Nature,  however,  has  divided  the  same  great  family  into 
distinct  species,  for  good  and  wise  purposes,  and  it  is  no  less  our  inter- 
est, than  it  is  our  duty,  to  follow  her  dictates  and  obey  her  laws.  Be- 
lieving this  to  be  a  sound  and  correct  principle,  as  well  as  a  moral 
and  a  Christian  duty,  it  is  with  alarm  we  witness  the  fast  increasing 
emigration  and  settlement  among  us  of  the  African  race ;  and  with 
pain  and  regret  do  we  view  the  establishment  of  an  association,  the 
avowed  object  of  which  is  to  encourage  the  settlement  in  old,  well- 
established   communities,    of  a  race   of  people  which  is  destined  by 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED,       195 

nature  to  be  distinct  and  separate  from  us.  It  is  also  with  a  feeling 
of  deep  resentment  that  we  look  upon  the  selection  of  the  Township 
of  Raleigh,  in  this  District,  as  the  first  portion  of  our  beloved  coun- 
try, which  is  to  be  cursed  with  a  systematic  organization  for  setting 
the  laws  of  nature  at  defiance.  Do  communities  in  other  portions 
of  Canada  feel  that  the  presence  of  the  negro  among  them  is  an  an- 
noyance ?  Do  they  feel  that  the  increase  of  the  colored  people  among 
them,  and  amalgamation,  its  necessary  and  hideous  attendant,  are 
evils  which  require  to  be  checked  ?  With  what  a  feeling  of  horror 
would  the  people  of  any  of  the  old  settled  townships  of  the  eastern 
portion  of  this  Province,  look  upon  a  measure  which  had  for  its 
avowed  object  the  effect  of  introducing  several  hundreds  of  Africans 
into  the  very  heart  of  their  neighborhood,  their  families  interspers- 
ing themselves  among  them,  upon  every  vacant  lot  of  land,  their 
children  mingling  in  their  schools,  and  all  claiming  to  be  admitted 
not  only  to  political,  but  to  social  privileges  ?  and  when  we  reflect, 
too,  that  many  of  them  must,  from  necessity,  be  the  very  worst  spe- 
cies of  that  neglected  race  —  the  fugitives  from  justice  —  how  much 
more  revolting  must  the  scheme  appear  ?  How  then  can  you  adopt 
such  a  measure  ?  We  beseech  our  fellow-subjects  to  pause  before 
they  embark  in  such  an  enterprise,  and  ask  themselves,  '  whether 
they  are  doing  by  us  as  they  would  wish  us  to  do  unto  them.'  .... 
Surely  our  natural  position  is  irksome  enough,  without  submitting  to 
a  measure  which  not  only  holds  out  a  premium  for  filling  up  our 
district  with  a  race  of  people  upon  whom  we  can  not  look  without  a 
feeling  of  repulsion,  and  who,  having  been  brought  up  in  a  state  of 
bondage  and  servility,  are  totally  ignorant  both  of  their  social  and 
political  duties ;  but  at  the  same  time  makes  it  the  common  receptacle 
into  which  all  other  portions  of  the  Province  are  to  void  the  devotees 
of  misery  and  crime.  Look  at  your  prisons  and  your  penitentiary, 
and  behold  the  fearful  preponderance  of  their  black  over  their  white 

inmates  in  proportion  to  the  population  of  each We  have  no 

desire  to  show  hostility  toward  the  colored  people,  no  desire  to  banish 
them  from  the  Province.  On  the  contrary,  we  are  willing  to  assist  in 
any  well-devised  scheme  for  their  moral  and  social  advancement.  Our 
only  desire  is.  that  they  shall  be  separated  from  the  whites,  and  that 
no  encouragement  shall  hereafter  be  given  to  the  migration  of  the 
colored  man  from  the  United  States,  or  any  where  else.  The  idea 
that  we  have  brought  the  curse  upon  ourselves,  through  the  estab- 
lishment of  slavery  by  our  ancestors,  is  false.     As  Canadians,  we  have 


196  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

yet  to  learn  that  we  ought  to  be   made  a  vicarious  atonement  for 
European  sins. 

"  Canadians :  The  hour  has  arrived  when  we  should  arouse  from 
our  lethargy  ;  when  we  should  gather  ourselves  together  in  our  might, 
and  resist  the  onward  progress  of  an  evil  which  threatens  to  entail 
upon  future  generations  a  thousand  curses.  Now  is  the  day.  A  few 
short  years  will  put  it  beyond  our  power.  Thousands  and  tens  of 
thousands  of  American  negroes,  with  the  aid  of  the  abolition  socie- 
ties in  the  States,  and  with  the  countenance  given  them  by  our  phi- 
lanthropic institutions,  will  continue  to  pour  into  Canada,  if  resist- 
ance is  not  offered.  Many  of  you  who  live  at  a  distance  from  this 
frontier,  have  no  conception  either  of  the  number  or  the  character  of 
these  emigrants,  or  of  their  poisonous  effect  upon  the  moral  and  social 
habits  of  a  community.  You  listen  with  active  sympathy  to  every 
thing  narrated  of  the  sufferings  of  the  poor  African  ;  your  feelings 
are  enlisted,  and  your  purse  strings  unloosed,  and  this  often  by  the 
hypocritical  declamation  of  some  self-styled  philanthropist.  Under 
such  influences  many  of  you,  in  our  large  cities  and  towns,  form*  your- 
selves into  societies,  and,  without  reflection,  you  supply  funds  for  the 
support  of  schemes  prejudicial  to  the  best  interests  of  our  country. 
Against  such  proceedings,  and  especially  against  any  and  every 
attempt  to  settle  any  township  in  this  District  with  negroes,  we  sol- 
emnly protest,  and  we  call  upon  our  countrymen,  in  all  parts  of  the 
Province,  to  assist  in  our  opposition. 

"  Fellow  Christians  :  Let  us  forever  maintain  the  sacred  dogma, 
that  all  men  have  equal,  natural,  and  inalienable  rights.  Let  us  do 
every  thing  in  our  power,  consistent  with  international  polity  and 
justice,  to  abolish  the  accursed  system  of  slavery  in  the  neighboring 
Republic.  But  let  us  not,  through  a  mistaken  zeal  to  abate  the  evil 
of  another  land,  entail  upon  ourselves  a  misery  which  every  enlight- 
ened lover  of  his  country  must  mourn.  Let  the  slaves  of  the  United 
States  be  free,  but  let  it  be  in  their  own  country.  Let  us  not  coun- 
tenance their  further  introduction  among  us ;  in  a  word,  let  the  peo- 
ple of  the  United  States  bear  the  burthen  of  their  own  sins. 

"  What  has  already  been  done,  can  not  now  be  avoided ;  but  it  is 
not  too  late  to  do  justice  to  ourselves,  and  retrieve  the  errors  of  the 
past.  Let  a  suitable  place  be  provided  by  the  (rovernment,  to  which 
the  colored  people  may  be  removed,  and  separated  from  the  whites, 
and  in  this  scheme  we  will  cordially  join.  We  owe  it  to  them,  but 
how  much  more  do  we  owe  it  to  ourselves  ?  But  we  implore  you  that 
you  will   not.  either   by  your  counsel  or  your  pecuniary  aid,  assist 


Missions  under  freedom  and  slavery  contrasted.  197 

those  who  have  projected  the  association  for  the  settlement  of  a  horde 
of  ignorant  slaves  in  the  town  of  Raleigh.  It  is  one  of  the  oldest 
and  most  densely-settled  townships,  in  the  very  center  of  our  new  and 
promising  District  of  Kent,  and  we  feel  that  this  scheme,  if  carried 
into  operation,  will  have  the  effect  of  hanging  like  a  dead  weight 
upon  our  rising  prosperity.  What  is  our  case  to-day,  to-morrow  may 
be  yours  ;  join  us,  then,  in  endeavoring  to  put  a  stop  to  what  is  not 
only  a  general  evil,  but  in  this  case  an  act  of  unwarrantable  injustice; 
and  when  the  time  may  come  when  you  shall  be  similarly  situated  to 
us,  we  have  no  doubt  that,  like  us,  you  will  cry  out,  and  your  appeal 
shall  not  be  in  vain." 

On  the  3d  of  September,  1849,  the  colored  people  of  Toronto,  Can- 
ada, held  a  meeting,  in  which  they  responded  at  length  to  the  fore- 
going address.  The  spirit  of  the  meeting  can  be  divined  from  the 
following  resolutions,  which  were  unanimously  passed  : 

"  1st.  Resolved^  That  we,  as  a  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of  Canada, 
conceive  it  to  be  our  imperative  duty  to  give  an  expression  of  senti- 
ment in  reference  to  the  proceedings  of  the  late  meeting  held  at  Chat- 
ham, denying  the  right  of  the  colored  people  to  settle  where  they 
please. 

"  2d.  Resolved^  That  we  spurn  with  contempt  and  burning  indigna- 
tion, any  attempt,  on  the  part  of  any  person,  or  persons,  to  thrust  us 
from  the  general  bulk  of  society,  and  place  us  in  a  separate  and  dis- 
tinct classification,  such  as  is  expressly  implied  in  an  address  issued 
from  the  late  meeting  above  alluded  to. 

3d.  Resolved.  That  the  principle  of  selfishness,  as  exemplified  in 
the  originators  of  the  resolutions  and  address,  we  detest,  as  we  do 
similar  ones  emanating  from  a  similar  source ;  and  we  can  clearly  see 
the  workings  of  a  corrupt  and  depraved  heart,  arrayed  in  hostility  to 
the  heaven-born  principle  of  liherty,  in  its  broadest  and  most  unre- 
stricted sense." 

These  resolutions  indicate  that  the  colored  people  of  Canada 
had  been  well  instructed  in  the  dogmas  of  Abolitionism. 

On  the  9th  of  October,  18-49,  the  Municipal  Council  of  the  West- 
ern District  adopted  a  Memorial  to  His  Excellency,  the  Governor 
General,  protesting  against  the  proposed  Elgin  Association,  in  which 
the  following  language  occurs : 

■'  Clandestine  petitions  have  been  got  up,  principally,  if 

not  wholly,  signed  by  colored  people,  in  order  to  mislead  Government 


198  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

and  the  Elgin  Association.  These  petitions  do  not  embody  the  sen- 
timents or  feelings  of  the  respectable,  intelligent,  and  industrious  yeo- 
manry of  the  Western  District.  We  can  assure  your  Excellency  that 
any  such  statement  is  false,  that  there  is  but  one  feeling,  and  that  is 
of  disgust  and  hatred,  that  they,  the  negroes,  should  be  allowed  to 
settle  in  any  township  where  there  is  a  white  settlement.  Our  lan- 
guage is  strong ;  but  when  we  look  at  the  expressions  used  at  a  late 
meeting  held  by  the  colored  people  of  Toronto,  openly  avowing  the 
propriety  of  amalgamation,  and  stating  that  it  must,  and  will,  and 
shall  continue,  we  can  not  avoid  so  doing The  increased  im- 
migration of  foreign  negroes  into  this  part  of  the  Province  is  truly 
alarming.  We  can  not  omit  mentioning  some  facts  for  the  corrobora- 
tion of  what  we  have  stated.  The  negroes,  who  form  at  least  one- 
third  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  township  of  Colchester,  attended  the 
township  meeting  for  the  election  of  parish  and  township  officers,  and 
insisted  upon  their  right  to  vote,  which  was  denied  them  by  every 
individual  white  man  at  the  meeting.  The  consequence  was,  that  the 
Chairman  of  the  meeting  was  prosecuted  and  thrown  into  heavy  costs, 
which  costs  were  paid  by  subscription  from  white  inhabitants.  In 
the  same  township  of  Colchester,  as  well  as  in  many  others,  the  inhab- 
itants have  not  been  able  to  get  schools  in  many  school  sections,  in 
consequence  of  the  negroes  insisting  on  their  right  of  sending  their 
children  to  such  schools.  No  white  man  will  ever  act  with  them  in 
any  public  capacity ;  this  fact  is  so  glaring,  that  no  sheriff  in  this 
Province  would  dare  to  summons  colored  men  to  do  jury  duty.  That 
such  things  have  been  done  in  other  quarters  of  the  British  domin- 
ions we  are  well  aware  of,  but  we  are  convinced  that  the  Canadians 
will  never  tolerate  such  conduct." 

But  here  we  have  testimony  of  a  later  date.  Hon.  Colonel 
Prince,  member  of  the  Canadian  Parliament  in  1857,  had  resided 
among  the  colored  people  of  the  Western  District ;  and,  like  other 
humane  men,  had  sympathized  with  them,  at  the  outset,  and  shown 
them  many  favors.  Time  and  observation  changed  his  views,  and, 
in  the  course  of  his  parliamentary  duties,  we  find  him  taking  a  stand 
adverse  to  the  further  increase  of  the  negro  population  in  Canada. 
Hear  him,  as  reported  at  the  time  : 

"  On  the  order  of  the  day  for  the  third  reading  of  the  emigrants' 
law  amendment  bill  being  called,  Hon.  Col.  Prince  said  he  was  wish- 
ful to  move  a  rider  to  the  measure.  The  black  people  who  infested 
the  land  were  the  greatest  curse  to  the  Province.     The  lives  of  the 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERF  CONTRASTED.       199 

people  of  the  "West  were  made  wretched  by  the  inundation  of  these 
animals,  and  many  of  the  largest  farmers  in  the  county  of  Kent  have 
been  compelled  to  leave  their  beautiful  farms,  because  of  the  pestilen- 
tial swarthy  swarms.  What  were  these  wretches  fit  for?  Nothing. 
They  cooked  our  victuals  and  shampooned  us ;  but  who  would  not 
rather  that  these  duties  should  be  performed  by  white  men?  The 
blacks  were  a  worthless,  useless,  thriftless  set  of  beings  —  they  were 
too  indolent,  lazy,  and  ignorant  to  work,  too  proud  to  be  taught ;  and 
not  only  that,  if  the  criminal  calendar  of  the  country  was  examined, 
it  would  be  found  that  they  were  a  majority  of  the  criminals.  They 
were  so  detestable  that  unless  some  method  were  adopted  of  prevent- 
ing their  influx  into  this  country  by  the  'underground  railroad,'  the 
people  of  the  West  would  be  obliged  to  drive  them  out  by  open 
violence.  The  bill  before  the  House  imposed  a  capitation  tax  upon 
emigrants  from  Europe,  and  the  object  of  his  motion  was  to  levy  a 
similar  tax  upon  blacks  who  came  hither  from  the  States.  He  now 
moved,  seconded  by  Mr.  Patton,  that  a  capitation  tax  of  5s  for  adults, 
3s  9d  for  children  above  one  year  and  under  fourteen  years  of  age,  be 
levied  on  persons  of  color  emigrating  to  Canada  from  any  foreign 
country. 

"  Ought  not  the  Western  men  to  be  protected  from  the  rascalities 
and  villainies  of  the  black  wretches  ?  He  found  these  men  with  fire 
and  food  and  lodging,  when  they  were  in  need  ;  and  he  would  be  bound 
to  say  that  the  black  men  of  the  county  of  Essex  would  speak  well 
of  him  in  this  respect.  But  he  could  not  admit  them  as  being  equal 
to  white  men  ;  and,  after  a  long  and  close  observation  of  human  nature, 
he  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  black  man  was  born  to  and 
intended  for  slavery,  and  that  he  was  fit  for  nothing  else.  [Sensation.] 
Honorable  gentlemen  might  try  to  groan  him  down,  but  he  was  not  to 
be  moved  by  mawkish  sentiment,  and  he  was  persuaded  that  they 
might  as  well  try  to  change  the  spots  of  the  leopard  as  to  make  the 
black  a  good  citizen.  He  had  told  black  men  so,  and  the  lazy  rascals 
had  shrugged  their  shoulders  and  wished  they  had  never  run  away 
from  their  '  good  old  massa '  in  Kentucky.  If  there  was  anything 
unchristian  in  what  he  had  proposed,  he  could  not  see  it,  and  he 
feared  that  he  was  not  born  a  Christian." 

The  Windsor  Herald,  of  July  3d,  1857,  contains  the  proceedings 
of  an  indignation  meeting,  held  by  the  colored  people  of  Toronto,  at 
which  they  denounced  Colonel  Prince  in  unmeasured  terms  of  re- 
proach.    The  same  paper  contains  the  reply  of  the  Colonel,  copied 


200  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

from  the  Toronto  Colonist;  and  it  is  given  entire,  as  a  specimen  of  the 
spicy  times  they  have,  in  Canada,  over  the  negro  question.  The  editor 
remarks,  in  relation  to  the  reply  of  Colonel  Prince,  that  it  has  given 
general  satisfaction  in  his  neighborhood.     It  is  as  follows : 

"  Dear  Sir:  —  Your  valuable  paper  of  yesterday  has  afforded  me  a 
rich  treat  and  not  a  little  fun  in  the  report  of  an  indignation  meeting 
of  'the  colored  citizens'  of  Toronto,  held  for  the  purpose  of  censuring 
me.  Perhaps  I  ought  not  to  notice  their  proceedings  —  perhaps  it 
would  be  more  becoming  in  me  to  allow  them  to  pass  at  once  into  the 
oblivion  which  awaits  them ;  but  as  it  is  the  fashion  in  this  country 
not  unfrequently  to  assume  that  to  be  true  which  appears  in  print 
against  an  individual,  unless  he  flatly  denies  the  acciisation,  I  shall,  at 
least,  for  once,  condescend  to  notice  these  absurd  proceedings.  They 
deal  in  generalities,  and  so  shall  I.  Of  the  colored  citizens  of  Toronto 
I  know  little  or  nothing ;  no  doubt,  some  are  respectable  enough  in 
their  way,  and  perform  the  inferior  duties  belonging  to  their  station 
tolerably  well.  Here  they  are  kept  in  order  —  in  their  proper  place  — 
but  their  '  proceedings '  are  evidence  of  their  natural  conceit,  their 
vanity,  and  their  ignorance ;  and  in  them  the  cloven  foot  appears, 
and  evinces  what  they  would  do,  if  they  could.  I  believe  that  in  this 
city,  as  in  some  others  of  our  Province,  they  are  looked  upon  as  nec- 
essary evils,  and  only  submitted  to  because  white  servants  are  so 
scarce.  But  I  now  deal  with  these  fellows  as  a  body,  and  I  pronounce 
them  to  be,  as  such,  the  greatest  curse  ever  inflicted  upon  the  two 
magnificent  western  counties  which  I  have  the  honor  to  represent  in 
the  Legislative  Council  of  this  Province  !  and  few  men  have  had  the 
experience  of  them  that  I  have.  Among  the  many  estimable  qualities 
they  possess,  a  systematic  habit  of  lying  is  not  the  least  prominent ; 
and  the  '  colored  citizens '  aforesaid  seem  to  partake  of  that  quality  in 
an  eminent  degree,  because  in  their  famous  Resohitions  -they  roundly 
assert  that  during  the  Rebellion  '  I  walked  arm  and  arm  with  colored 
men'  —  that  'I  owe  my  election  to  the  votes  of  colored  men'  —  and 
that  I  have  '  accumulated  much  earthly  gains,'  as  a  lawyer,  among 
'colored  clients.'  All  Lies!  Lies!  Lies!  from  beginning  to  end.  I 
admit  that  one  company  of  blacks  did  belong  to  my  contingent  bat- 
tallion,  but  they  made  the  very  worst  of  soldiers,  and  were,  compara- 
tively speaking,  unsusceptible  of  drill  or  discipline,  and  were  con- 
spicuous for  one  act  only  —  a  stupid  sentry  shot  the  son  of  one  of  our 
oldest  colonels,  under  a  mistaken  notion  that  he  was  thereby  doing 
his  duty.     But  I  certainly  never  did  myself  the  honor  of  '  walking 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.       201 

afm-in-arm '  with  any  of  the  colored  gentlemen  of  that  distinguished 
corps.  Then,  as  to  my  election.  Few,  very  few  blacks  voted  for  me. 
/  nevei'  canvassed  them,  and  hence,  I  suppose,  they  supported,  as  a 
body,  my  opponent.  They  took  compassion  upon  '  a  monument  of 
injured  innocence,'  and  they  sustained  the  monument  for  a  while,  upon 
the  pedestal  their  influence  erected.  But  the  monument  fell,  and  the 
fall  proved  that  such  influence  was  merely  ephemeral,  and  it  sank  into 
insignificant  nothingness,  as  it  should,  and  I  hope  ever  will,  do ;  or 
God  help  this  noble  land !  Poor  Blackies !  Be  not  so  bold  or  so 
conceited  or  so  insolent,  hereafter,  I  do  beseech  you. 

"  Then  how  rich  I  have  become  among  my  '  colored  clients  ! '  I 
assert,  without  the  fear  of  contradiction,  that  I  have  been  the  friend, 
the  steady  ftiend  of  our  western  '  Darkies '  for  more  than  twenty 
years  ;  and  amidst  difficulties  and  troubles  innumerable,  (for  they  are  a 
litigious  race,)  I  have  been  their  adviser,  and  I  never  made  twenty 
pounds  out  of  them  in  that  long  period !  The  fact  is  that  the  poor 
creatures  had  never  the  ability  to  pay  a  lawyer's  fee. 

"  It  has  been  my  misfortune,  and  the  misfortune  of  my  family,  to 
live  among  those  blacks,  (and  they  have  lived  iip07i  us,)  for  twenty- 
four  years.  I  have  employed  hundreds  of  them,  and,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  one,  (named  Richard  Hunter.)  not  one  has  ever  done  for  us 
a  week's  honest  labor.  I  have  taken  them  into  my  service,  have  fed 
and  clothed  them,  year  after  year,  on  their  arrival  from  the  States  ;  and 
in  return  I  have  generally  found  them  rogues  and  thieves,  and  a  grace- 
less, worthless,  thriftless,  lying  set  of  vagabonds.  That  is  my  very 
plain  and  very  simple  description  of  the  darkies  as  a  body,  and  it 
would  be  indorsed  by  all  the  western  white  men  with  very  few  ex- 
ceptions. 

"  I  have  had  scores  of  their  George  Washingtons,  Thomas  Jefi'ersons, 
James  Madisons,  as  well  as  their  Dinahs,  and  Gleniras,  and  Lavinias, 
in  my  service,  and  I  understand  them  thoroughly  ;  and  I  include  the 
whole  batch  (old  Richard  Hunter  excepted)  in  the  category  above 
described.  To  conclude :  You  '  gentlemen  of  color,'  East  and  West, 
and  especially  you  '  colored  citizens  of  Toronto,'  I  thank  you  for 
having  given  me  an  opportunity  to  publish  my  opinion  of  your  race. 
Call  another  indignation  meeting,  and  there  make  greater  fools  of 
yourselves  than  you  did  at  the  last,  and  then  '  to  supper  with  what 
appetite  you  may.'  "  * 

*  See  "  Cotton  is  King,"  for  full  details,  pp.  177  to  196. 


202  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

What  was  true  of  the  colored  population  of  the  Western  Dis- 
trict of  Canada,  in  1841,  while  Colonel  Lachlan  filled  the  chair  of 
the  Quarter  Sessions,  seems  to  be  equally  true  in  1859.  The 
Essex  Advocate  contains  the  following  extract  from  the  Present- 
ment of  the  Grand  Jury,  at  the  Essex  Assizes,  November  17, 
1859,  in  reference  to  the  Jail : 

"We  are  sorry  to  state  to  your  Lordship  the  great  prevalence  of 
the  colored  race  among  its  occupants,  and  beg  to  call  attention  to  an 
accompanying  document  from  the  municipal  Council  and  inhabitants 
of  the  township  of  Anderdon,  which  we  recommend  to  your  Lord- 
ship's serious  consideration  : 

"  '  To  the  Grand  Jury  of  the  County  of  Essex,  in  Inquest  assembled: 
We,  the  undersigned  inhabitants  of  the  Township  of  Anderdon,  re- 
spectfully wish  to  call  the  attention  of  the  Grand  Inquest  of  the  county 
of  Essex  to  the  fearful  state  of  crime  in  our  township.  That  there  exists 
organized  bands  of  thieves,  too  lazy  to  work,  who  nightly  plunder  our 
property !  That  nearly  all  of  us,  more  or  less,  have  suffered  losses  ; 
and  that  for  the  last  two  years  the  stealing  of  sheep  has  been  most 
alarming,  one  individual  having  had  nine  stolen  within  that  period.  We 
likewise  beg  to  call  your  attention  to  the  fact,  that  seven  colored  per- 
sons are  committed  to  stand  trial  at  the  present  Assizes  on  the  charge 
of  sheep  stealing,  and  that  the  wai'rant  is  out  against  the  eighth,  all 
from  the  town  of  Anderdon.  We  beg  distinctly  to  be  understood, 
that  though  we  are  aware  that  nine-tenths  of  the  crimes  committed  in 
the  County  of  Essex,  according  to  the  population,  are  so  committed 
by  the  colored  people,  yet  we  willingly  extend  the  hand  of  fellowship 
and  kindness  to  the  emancipated  slave,  whom  Great  Britain  has 
granted  an  asylum  to  in  Canada.  We,  therefore,  hope  the  Grand 
Jury  of  the  County  of  Essex  will  lay  the  statement  of  our  case  before 
his  Lordship,  the  Judge,  at  the  present  Assizes,  that  some  measure 
may  be  taken  by  the  Government  to  protect  us  and  our  property,  or 
persons  of  capital  will  be  driven  from  the  country.'  " 

The  Judge,  in  afterward  alluding  to  this  Presentment,  remarked 
that  — 

"  He  was  not  surprised  at  finding  prejudice  existing  against  them 
(the  negroes)  among  the  respectable  portion  of  the  people,  for  they 
were  indolent,  shiftless,  and  dishonest,  and  unworthy  of  the  sympathy 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.       203 

that  some  mistaken  parties  extended  to  them ;  they  would  not  work 
when  opportunity  was  presented,  but  preferred  subsisting  by  thiev- 
ing from  respectable  farmers,  and  begging  from  those  benevolently 
inclined." 

Here,  now,  are  the  results  of  the  experiments  made  in  the 
Northern  States  and  in  Canada  for  the  elevation  of  the  colored 
people  who  had  gained  their  freedom.  The  testimony  relating  to 
their  condition  in  Canada  is  all  taken  from  the  official  action  of 
its  public  officers,  or  the  declarations  of  its  public  men.  All  these 
witnesses  are  decided  abolitionists.  The  testimony  in  relation  to 
their  condition  in  the  United  States  is  also  taken  from  official 
sources,  or  the  declarations  of  abolitionists. 

We  have  included  the  free  States  and  Canada  under  one  head, 
because  of  the  sameness  of  origin  of  their  colored  population; 
and  because  the  evangelization  of  the  Africans,  thus  thrown  upon 
the  care  of  British  and  American  abolitionists,  has  been  the  last 
thing  they  seem  disposed  to  undertake. 

It  must  be  apparent  to  the  most  superficial  observer,  when 
taking  into  account  the  condition  of  the  free  colored  people,  in 
both  Canada  and  the  free  States,  that  their  conduct  has  rendered 
the  prospects  of  the  African  race,  at  large,  tenfold  more  dark 
and  gloomy  than  it  was  thirty  years  ago.  And  when  the  results 
here  are  coupled  with  those  in  the  West  Indies,  generally,  it  must 
be  obvious  to  all,  that  what  has  been  attempted  for  the  colored 
race  is  wholly  impracticable ;  and  that,  in  its  present  low  state 
of  advancement  from  barbarism,  the  attainment  of  civil  and  social 
equality  with  the  enlightened  white  races,  is  utterly  impossible. 
The  means  employed  have  been  wholly  inadequate  to  the  ends 
proposed  to  be  attained. 

But  then,  on  the  other  hand,  we  find  such  evidences  of  religious 
progress  among  the  colored  people,  as  to  afford  ample  reasons  for 
believing  that  their  moral  elevation  is  practicable ;  but  practica- 
ble, not  by  their  neglect,  as  hitherto  prevailing,  but  only  by  their 
careful  training  under  the  control  of  enlightened  teachers  who 
will  subject  them  to  proper  moral  restraints.  How  long  it  will 
take  to  elevate  the  black  race,  by  such  agencies,  we  shall  not 
venture  to  say ;  but  of  this  we  feel  assured :  that  the  neglect  to 
which  those  already  free  have  been  subjected,  in   the  midst  of 


204  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

their  professed  friends,  English  and  American,  if  continued,  will 
forever  leave  them  a  degraded  people. 

9.  The  Obstacles  to  African  Evangelization  in  connection  vnth 
American  Slavery. 

We  come,  now,  to  the  examination  of  the  progress  of  the  Gos- 
pel in  the  midst  of  American  slavery.  The  results  have  been 
partially  stated  in  the  course  of  the  preceding  investigations. 
But  no  accurate  statistics,  excepting  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church,  were  available  for  the  earlier  periods  of  slavery;  and, 
indeed,  we  have  none  from  other  churches,  stating  their  colored 
membership,  until  of  late  years.  It  now  appears  that  the  Meth- 
odists and  Baptists  have  been  most  successful  among  the  colored 
people.  In  1859,  the  number  of  colored  converts  in  the  South 
were  stated  to  be  453,000,  of  which  the  Methodists  had  203,000 
and  the  Baptists  175,000  — all  the  other  denominations  having 
but  75,000.  The  membership  of  the  Methodist  Church,  among 
the  colored  people,  may,  therefore,  be  estimated  as  equaling  con- 
siderably less  than  one-half  of  the  total  colored  converts  in  the 
slave  States.  These  converts,  however,  are  not  all  to  be  taken 
as  slaves,  as,  doubtless,  the  free  colored  people  in  the  slave 
States  aflford  some  church  members ;  but  the  whole  number  are 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  slavery,  and  all  afford  evidence  that 
Christianity  is  not  inoperative  in  the  midst  of  that  institution. 

The  references  made,  in  the  course  of  our  investigations,  to  the 
work  of  African  evangelization  have  not  been  so  full  and  general 
as  to  convey  a  true  idea  of  the  character  and  present  condition 
of  that  work  in  the  United  States.  It  may  be  remarked,  in  pro- 
ceeding to  the  execution  of  the  task  of  giving  more  extended 
details,  that  the  Reports  from  the  South,  for  1861,  were  expected, 
but  have  not  reached  us,  on  account  of  the  stoppage  of  the  mails. 
This,  however,  will  not  materially  affect  the  interest  of  our  pages, 
as  the  older  Reports  embrace  all  that  is  necessary  to  understand 
the  nature  and  extent  of  the  missionary  work  in  that  field. 

The  New  York  Evangelist,  1858,  says: 

"  The  South  Carolina  Methodist  Conference  have  a  missionary 
committee  devoted  entirely  to  promoting  the  religious  instruction  of 
the  slave  population,  which  has  been  in  existence  twenty-six  years. 


f 

i 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   205 

The  Report  of  the  last  year  shows  a  greater  degree  of  activity  than  is 
generally  known.  They  have  twenty-six  missionary  stations  in  which 
thirty-two  missionaries  are  employed.  The  Report  affirms  that  pub- 
lic opinion  in  South  Carolina  is  decidedly  in  favor  of  the  religious 
instruction  of  slaves,  and  that  it  has  become  far  more  general  and 
systematic  than  formerly.  It  also  claims  a  great  degree  of  success 
to  have  attended  the  labors  of  the  missionaries." 

The  Report  of  the  Missionary  Board,  of  the  Louisiana  Conference, 
of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  1855,  says : 

"  It  is  stated  upon  good  authority,  that  the  number  of  colored 
members  in  the  Church  South,  exceeds  that  of  the  entire  membership 
of  all  the  Protestant  missions  in  the  world.  What  an  enterprise  is 
this  committed  to  our  care  !  The  position  we,  of  the  Methodist 
Church  South,  have  taken  for  the  African,  has,  to  a  great  extent, 
cut  us  off  from  the  sympathy  of  the  Christian  Church  throughout 
the  world ;  and  it  behooves  us  to  make  good  this  position  in  the  sight 
of  God,  of  angels,  of  men,  of  churches,  and  to  our  own  consciences, 
by  presenting  before  the  throne  of  His  glory  multitudes  of  the  souls 
of  these  benighted  ones  abandoned  to  our  care,  as  the  seals  of  our 
ministry.  Already  Louisiana  promises  to  be  one  vast  plantation. 
Let  us  —  we  must  —  gird  ourselves  for  this  Heaven-born  enterprise 
of  supplying  the  pure  Gospel  to  the  slave.  The  great  question  is, 
How  can  the  greatest  number  be  preached  to  ?  The  building  road- 
side chapels  is  as  yet  the  best  solution  of  it.  In  some  cases  planters 
build  so  as  to  accommodate  adjoining  plantations,  and  by  this  means 
the  preacher  addresses  three  hundred  or  more  slaves,  instead  of  one 
hundred  or  less.  Economy  of  this  kind  is  absolutely  essential  where 
the  labor  of  the  missionary  is  so  much  needed  and  demanded. 

"  On  the  Lafourche  and  Bayou  Black  Mission-work,  several  chapels 
are  in  process  of  erection,  upon  a  plan  which  enables  the  slave,  as  his 
master,  to  make  an  offering  toward  building  a  house  of  God.  Instead 
of  money,  the  hands  subscribe  labor.  Timber  is  plenty  ;  many  of  the 
servants  are  carpenters.  L'pon  many  of  the  plantations  are  saw  mills. 
Here  is  much  material ;  what  hindereth  that  we  should  build  a  church 
on  every  tenth  plantation  ?  Let  us  maintain  our  policy  steadily. 
Time  and  diligence  are  required  to  effect  substantial  good,  especially 
in  this  department  of  labor.  Let  us  continue  to  ask  for  buildings 
adapted  to  the  worship  of  God,  and  set  apart  j  to  urge,  when  prac- 


206  •  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

ticable,  the  preaching  to  blacks  in  the  presence  of  their  masters,  their 
overseers,  and  the  neighbors  generally."* 

"  One  of  the  effects  of  the  great  revival  among  colored  people  has 
been  the  establishment  of  a  regular  system  of  prayer-meetings  for 
their  benefit.  Meetings  are  held  every  night  during  the  week  at  the 
tobacco  factories,  the  proprietors  of  which  have  been  kind  enough  to 
place  those  edifices  at  the  disposal  of  the  colored  brethren.  The 
owners  of  the  several  factories  preside  over  these  meetings,  and  the 
most  absolute  good  conduct  is  exhibited."  f 

"  In  Newbern,  North  Carolina,  the  slaves  have  a  large  church  of 
their  own,  which  is  well  attended.  They  pay  a  salary  of  §500  pei 
annum  to  their  white  minister.  They  have  likewise  a  negro  preacher 
in  their  employ,  whom  they  purchased  from  his  master.  |  " 

And  Newbern  in  this  respect  is  not  isolated.  For  in  nearly  every 
town  of  any  size  in  the  Southern  States,  the  colored  people  have  their 
churches,  and,  what  is  more  than  is  always  known  at  the  North,  they 
sustain  their  churches  and  pay  their  ministers.  § 

The  Synod  of  Virginia,  in  1858,  passed  the  following  resolution  : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  religious  instruction  of  our  colored  population 
be  affectionately  and  earnestly  commended  to  the  ministry  and  elder- 
ship of  our  churches  generally,  as  opening  to  us  a  field  of  most  ob- 
ligatory and  interesting  Christian  effort,  in  which  we  are  called  to 
labor  more  faithfully  and  fully,  by  our  regard  for  our  social  interests, 
as  well  as  by  the  higher  considerations  of  duty  to  God  and  the  souls 
of  our  fellow  men.  || 

The  following  extracts  are  copied  from  the  N'eio  York  Observer 
of  1859: 

The  Presbytery  of  Roanoke,  Virginia,  (0.  S.,)  has  addressed  a 
Pastoral  letter,  on  the  instruction  of  the  colored  people,  to  the 
churches  under  its  care,  and  ordered  the  same  to  be  read  in  all  the 
churches  of  the  Presbytery,  in  those  that  are  vacant,  as  well  as  where 
there  are  pastors  or  stated  supplies.  It  commences  by  saying : 
"  Among  the  important  interests  of  the  kingdom  of  our  Lord  Jesus 

*  New  York  Observer,  1855. 

t  Lynchburgh  (Va.)  Courier,  quoted  by  African  Repository,  January,  1858. 

X  Southei'n  Monitor,  quoted  by  African  Repository,  January,  1858. 

§  Express,  quoted  by  African  Repository,  January,  1858, 

II  African  Repository. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   207 

Christ,  which  have  claimed  our  special  attention  since  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  Presbytery  in  April  last  —  that  the  work  of  the  Lord 
may  be  vigorously  and  efficiently  carried  forward  within  our  bounds  — 
the  religious  instruction  of  the  colored  people  is  hardly  to  be  placed 
second  to  any  other." 

After  speaking  of  the  obstacles  and  encouragements  to  the  work, 
it  gives  the  following  statistics  : 

"  In  the  Presbytery  of  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  1,637  out  of 
2,889  members,  or  considerably  over  one-half,  are  colored.  In  the 
whole  Synod  of  South  Carolina,  5,009  out  of  13,074  are  colored  mem- 
bers. The  Presbyteries  of  Mississippi  and  Central  Mississippi,  of 
Tuscaloosa  and  South  Alabama,  of  G-eorgia,  of  Concord  and  Fayette- 
ville,  also  show  many  churches  with  large  proportioiis  of  colored 
communicants,  from  one-third  to  one-seventh  of  the  whole.  Our 
own  Presbytery  reports  276  out  of  1,737  members.  In  the  whole 
of  the  above-mentioned  bodies,  there  are  9,076  colored  out  of  33,667 
communicants.  Among  the  churches  of  these  Presbyteries,  we  find 
twenty  with  an  aggregate  colored  membership  of  3,600,  or  an  average 
of  130  each.  We  find  also  such  large  figures  as  these,  260,  333,  356, 
525  !     These  facts  speak  for  themselves,  and  forbid  discouragement." 

Speaking  of  the  obligations  to  instruct  this  class,  the  letter  says  : 

"  But  these  people  are  among  us,  at  our  doors,  in  our  fields,  and 
around  our  firesides  !  If  they  need  instruction,  then  the  command 
of  our  Lord,  and  every  obligation  of  benevolence,  call  us  to  the  work 
of  teaching  them,  with  all  industry,  the  doctrines  of  Christ.  The 
first  and  kindest  outgoings  of  our  Christian  compassion  should  be 
toward  them.  They  are  not  only  near  us,  but  are  also  entirely  de- 
pendent upon  us.  As  to  all  means  of  securing  religious  privileges 
for  themselves,  and  as  to  energy  and  self-directing  power,  they  are 
but  children,  forced  to  look  to  their  masters  for  every  supply.  From 
this  arises  an  obligation,  at  once  imperative  and  of  most  solemn  and 
momentous  significance  to  us,  to  make  thorough  provision  for  their 
religious  instruction,  to  the  full  extent  that  we  are  able  to  provide  it 
for  ourselves.  This  obligation  acquires  great  additional  force  when 
it  is  further  considered,  that  besides  proximity  and  dependence,  they 
are  indeed  members  of  our  '  households.^  As  the  three  hundred  and 
eighteen  '  trained  servants  '  of  Abraham  were  '  born  in  his  own  house  ; ' 
i.  e.,  were  born  and  bred  as  members  of  his  household^  so  are  our  ser- 
vants.    Of  course,  no  argument  is  needed  to  show  that  every  man  is 


208  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

bound  by  higb  and  sacred  obligations,  for  the  discharge  of  which  he 
must  give  account,  to  provide  his  family  suitably,  or  to  the  extent  of 
his  ability,  with  the  means  of  grace  and  salvation." 

After  dwelling  on  the  duties  of  the  ministry,  the  letter  goes  on  : 

"  But  the  work  of  Christianizing  our  colored  population  can  never 
be  accomplished  by  the  labors  of  the  ministry  alone,  unaided  by  the 
hearty  co-operation  of  families,  by  carrying  on  a  system  of  home  in- 
struction. We  must  begin  with  the  children.  For  if  the  children  of 
our  servants  be  left  to  themselves  during  their  early  years,  this  neg- 
lect must  of  necessity  beget  two  enormous  evils.  Evil  habits  will  be 
rapidly  acquired  and  strengthened  ;  since  if  children  are  not  learning 
good,  they  will  be  learning  what  is  bad.  And  having  thus  grown  up 
both  ignorant  and  vicious,  they  will  have  no  inclination  to  go  to  the . 
Lord's  house  ;  or  if  they  should  go,  their  minds  will  be  found  so 
dark,  so  entirely  iinacquainted  with  the  rudimental  language  and 
truths  of  the  Gospel,  that  much  of  the  preaching  must  at  first  prove 
unintelligible,  unprofitable  at  the  time,  and  so  uninteresting  as  to 
discourage  further  attendance.  In  every  regard,  therefore,  masters 
are  bound  to  see  that  religious  instruction  is  provided  at  home  for 
their  people,  especially  for  the  young. 

"  If  there  be  no  other  to  undertake  the  work,  (the  mistress,  or  the 
children  of  the  family,)  the  master  is  bound  to  deny  himself  and  dis- 
charge the  duty.  It  is  for  him  to  see  that  the  thing  is  properly  done ; 
for  the  whole  responsibility  rests  on  him  at  last.  It  usually,  how- 
ever, devolves  upon  the  mistress,  or  upon  the  younger  members  of 
the  family,  where  there  are  children  qualified  for  it,  to  perform  this 
service.  Some  of  our  young  men,  and,  to  their  praise  be  it  spoken,  still 
more  of  our  young  women,  have  willingly  given  themselves  to  this 
self-denying  labor ;  in  aid  of  their  parents,  or  as  a  duty  which  they 
themselves  owe  to  Christ  their  Redeemer,  and  to  their  fellow-crea- 
tures. We  take  this  occasion,  gladly,  to  bid  all  these  '  God  speed ' 
in  their  work  of  love.  Co-workers  together  with  us,  we  praise  you 
for  this.  We  bid  you  take  courage.  Let  no  dullness,  indifierence, 
or  neglect,  weary  out  your  patience.  You  are  laboring  for  Christ, 
and  for  precious  souls.  You  are  doing  a  work  the  importance  of 
which  eternity  will  fully  reveal.  You  will  be  blessed,  too,  in  your 
deed  even  now.  This  labor  will  prove  to  you  an  important  means 
of  grace.  You  will  have  something  to  pray  for,  and  will  enjoy  the 
pleasing  consciousness  that  you  are  not  idlers  in  the  Lord's  vineyard. 
You  will  be  winning  stars  for  your  crowns  of  rejoicing  through  eter- 


•    i 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.      209 

nity.  G-rant  that  it  will  cost  you  much  self-denial.  Can  you,  not- 
withstanding, consent  to  see  these  immortal  beings  growing  up  in 
ignorance  and  vice,  at  your  very  doors  ? 

"  The  methods  of  carrying  on  the  home  instruction  are  various,  and 
we  are  abundantly  supplied  with  the  needful  facilities.  We  need  not 
name  the  reading  of  the  Bible  ;  and  judiciously  selected  sermons,  to 
be  read  to  the  adults  when  they  can  not  attend  preaching,  should  not 
be  omitted.  Catechetical  instruction,  by  means  of  such  excellent  aids 
as  our  own  'Catechism  for  young  children,'  and  'Jones'  Catechism  of 
Scripture  doctrine  and  practice,'  will  of  course  be  resorted  to  ;  together 
with  teaching  them  hymns  and  singing  toith  them.  The  reading  to 
them,  for  variety,  such  engaging  and  instructive  stories  as  are  found 
in  the  '  Children's  column  '  of  some  of  our  best  religious  papers  ;  and 
suitable  Sabbath-school,  or  other  juvenile  books,  such  as,  '  The  Peep 
of  Day,'  '  Line  upon  Line,'  etc.,  will,  in  many  cases,  prove  an  excellent 
aid,  in  imbuing  their  minds  with  religious  truth.  Masters  should  not 
spare  expense  or  trouble^  to  provide  liberally  these  various  helps  to 
those  who  take  this  work  in  hand,  to  aid  and  encourage  them  to  the 
utmost  in  their  self-denying  toil. 

"Brethren,  the  time  is  propitious  to  urge  your  attention  to  this  im- 
portant duty.  A  deep  and  constantly  increasing  interest  in  the  work, 
is  felt  throughout  the  South.  Just  at  this  time,  also,  extensively 
throughout  portions  of  our  territory,  an  unusual  awakening  has  been 
showing  itself  among  the  colored  people.  It  becomes  us,  and  it  is  of 
vital  importance  on  every  account,  by  judicious  instruction,  both  to 
guide  the  movement,  and  to  improve  the  opportunity. 

"We  commend  this  whole  great  interest  to  the  Divine  blessing; 
and,  under  God,  to  your  conscientious  reflection,  to  devise  the  proper 
ways ;  and  to  your  faithful  Christian  zeal,  to  accomplish  whatever 
your  wisdom  may  devise  and  approve." 

The  Mobile  Daily  Tribune^  in  referring  to  the  religious  training  of 
the  slaves,  says  :  * 

"  Few  persons  are  aware  of  the  efi'orts  that  are  continually  in  pro- 
gress, in  a  quiet  way,  in  the  various  Southern  States,  for  the  moral 
and  religious  improvement  of  the  negroes ;  of  the  number  of  clergy- 
men, of  good  families,  accomplished  education,  and  often  of  a  high 
degree  of  talent,  who  devote  their  whole  time  and  energies  to  this 
work  ;  or  of  the  many  laymen — almost  invariably  slaveholders  them- 

*  Quoted  in  African  Repository,  April,  1858. 

14 


210  PtTLPIT  POLITICS. 

selves  —  who  sustain  them  by  their  purses  and  by  their  assistance  as 
catechists,  Sunday-school  teachers,  and  the  like.  These  men  do  not 
make  platform  speeches,  or  talk  in  public  on  the  subject  of  their 
'  mission,'  or  theorize  about  the  '  planes '  on  which  they  stand  :  they 
are  too  busy  for  this,  but  they  work  on  quietly  in  labor  and  self- 
denial,  looking  for  a  sort  of  reward  very  different  from  the  applause 
bestowed  upon  stump  agitators.  Their  work  is  a  much  less  noisy  one, 
but  its  results  will  be  far  more  momentous. 

"We  have  very  limited  information  on  this  subject,  for  the  very 
reasons  just  mentioned,  but  enough  to  give  some  idea  of  the  zeal  with 
which  these  labors  are  prosecuted  by  the  various  Christian  denomina- 
tions. Thus,  among  the  Old  School  Presbyterians  it  is  stated  that 
about  one  hundred  ministers  are  engaged  in  the  religious  instruction 
of  the  negroes  exclusively.  In  South  Carolina  alone  there  are  forty- 
five  churches  or  chapels  of  the  Episcopal  Church,  appropriated  ex- 
clusively to  negroes ;  thirteen  clergymen  devote  to  them  their  whole 
time,  and  twenty-seven  a  portion  of  it ;  and  one  hundred  and  fifty 
persons  of  the  same  faith  are  engaged  in  imparting  to  them  catecheti- 
cal instruction.  There  are  other  States  which  would  furnish  similar 
statistics  if  they  could  be  obtained. 

"  It  is  in  view  of  such  facts  as  these,  that  one  of  our  cotemporaries, 
(the  Philadelphia  Inquirer,^  though  not  free  from  a  certain  degree 
of  anti-slavery  proclivity,  makes  the  following  candid  admission  : 

"'The  introduction  of  African  slavery  into  the  colonies  of  North 
America,  though  doubtless  brought  about  by  wicked  means,  may  in 
the  end  accomplish  great  good  to  Africa ;  a  good,  perhaps,  to  be 
effected  in  no  other  way.  Hundreds  and  thousands  Lave  already  been 
saved,  temporally  and  spiritually,  who  otherwise  must  have  perished. 
Through  these  and  their  descendants  it  is,  that  civilization  and  Chris- 
tianity have  been  sent  back  to  the  perishing  millions  of  Africa.'  " 

The  Fourteenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Missionary  Society  of  the 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church  South,  1859,  says : 

"  In  our  colored  missions  great  good  has  been  accomplished  by  the 
labors  of  the  self-sacrificing  and  zealous  missionaries. 

"  This  seems  to  be  at  home  our  most  appropriate  field  of  labor.  By 
our  position  we  have  direct  access  to  those  for  whom  these  missions 
are  established.  Our  duty  and  obligation  in  regard  to  them  are 
evident.  Increased  facilities  are  afforded  us,  and  open  doors  invite 
our  entrance  and  full  occupancy.  The  real  value  of  these  missions  is 
often   overlooked  or  forgotten  by  Church  census-takers  and  statistic- 


MISSIONS   UNDER  FREEDOM  AND   SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.        211 

reporters  of  our  benevolent  associations.  We  can  but  repeat  that 
this  field,  which  seems  almost,  by  common  consent,  to  be  left  for  our 
occupancy,  is  one  of  the  most  important  and  promising  in  the  history 
of  missions.  At  home  even  its  very  humility  obscures,  and  abroad  a 
mistaken  philanthropy  repudiates  its  claims.  But  still  the  fact  exists; 
and  when  we  look  at  the  large  number  of  faithful,  pious,  and  self- 
sacrificing  missionaries  engaged  in  the  work,  the  wide  field  of  their 
labors,  and  the  happy  thousands  who  have  been  savingly  converted 
to  God  through  their  instrumentality,  we  can  but  perceive  the  pro- 
priety and  justice  of  assigning  to  these  missions  the  prominence  we 
have.  Indeed,  the  subject  assumes  an  importance  beyond  the  con- 
ception even  of  those  more  directly  engaged  in  this  great  work,  when 
it  is  remembered  that  these  missions  absolutely  number  more  converts 
to  Christianity,  according  to  statistics  given,  than  all  the  members  of 
all  other  missionary  societies  combined." 

The  Tennessee  Conference  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church 
South,  in  their  Report  for  1859,  say : 

"  It  is  gratifying  that  so  much  has  been  done  for  the  evangelization 
of  this  people.  In  addition  to  the  missions  presented  in  our  report, 
thousands  of  this  people  are  served  by  preachers  in  charge  of  circuits 
and  stations.  But  still  a  great  work  remains  to  be  accomplished 
among  the  negroes  within  your  limits.  New  missions  are  needed,  and 
increased  attention  to  the  work  in  this  department  generally  demand- 
ed. Heaven  devolves  an  immense  responsibility  upon  us  with  refer- 
ence to  these  sable  sons  of  Ham.  Providence  has  thrown  them  in  our 
midst,  not  merely  to  be  our  household  and  agricultural  servants,  but 
to  be  served  by  us  with  the  blessed  Gospel  of  the  Son  of  God.  Let 
us  then,  in  the  name  of  Him  who  made  it  a  special  sign  of  his  Mes- 
siahship  that  the  poor  had  the  Gospel  preached  unto  them  —  let  us 
in  his  name  go  forth,  bearing  the  bread  of  life  to  these  poor  among 
us,  and  opening  to  them  all  the  sources  of  consolation  and  encourage- 
ment afforded  by  the  religion  of  Jesus." 

The  Texas  Conference  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  South, 
in  their  Report  for  1859,  say : 

"  At  the  last  Conference,  Gideon  W.  Cottingham  and  David  W.  Fly 
were  appointed  Conference  African  missionaries,  whose  duties  were  to 
travel  throughout  the  Conference,  visit  the  planters  in  person,  and 
organize  missions  in  regions  unsupplied.     They  report  an  extensive 


212  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

field  open,  and  truly  white  unto  the  harvest,  and  have  succeeded  in 
organizing  several  important  missions.  All  the  planters,  questioned 
upon  the  subject,  were  willing  to  give  the  missionary  access  to  their 
servants,  to  preach  and  catechize,  not  only  on  the  Sabbath,  but  during 
the  week.  And  this  willingness  was  not  confined  to  the  professors 
alone,  but  the  deepest  interest  was  displayed  by  many  who  make  no 
pretensions  to  religion  whatever.  An  interest  shown  not  merely  by 
giving  the  missionary  access  to  their  servants,  but  by  their  pledging 
their  prompt  support.  The  servants  themselves  receive  the  word  with 
the  utmost  eagerness.  They  are  hungering  for  the  bread  of  life  ;  our 
tables  are  loaded.  Shall  not  these  starving  souls  be  fed  ?  Cases  of 
appalling  destitution  are  found  :  numbers  who  heard  for  the  first  time 
the  word  of  life,  listened  eagerly  to  the  wonders  it  unfolded.  The 
Greeks  are  truly  at  our  doors,  heathens  growing  up  in  our  midst, 
revival  fire  flames  around  them,  a  polar  frost  within  their  hearts.  God 
help  the  Church  to  take  care  of  these  perishing  souls  !  Our  anniver- 
saries are  usually  scenes  of  unmingled  joy.  With  our  sheaves  in  our 
hands,  we  come  from  the  harvest  field,  and  though  sad  that  so  little 
has  been  done,  yet  rejoicing  that  we  have  the  privilege  of  laying  any 
pledge  of  devotion  upon  the  altar." 

The  Mississippi  Conference  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  in 
their  Report  for  1859,  say : 

"  We  are  cheered  to  see  a  growing  interest  among  our  planters  and 
slave-owners  in  our  domestic  missions.  Still  that  interest  is  not  what 
the  importance  of  the  subject  demands.  While  few  are  willing  to  bar 
their  servants  all  Gospel  privileges,  there  is  a  great  want  in  many 
places  of  suitable  houses  for  public  worship.  Too  many  masters 
think  that  to  permit  the  missionary  to  come  on  the  plantation,  and 
preach  in  the  gin,  or  mill,  or  elsewhere,  as  circumstances  may  dictate, 
is  their  only  duty,  especially  if  the  missionary  gets  his  bread.  None 
of  the  attendant  circumstances  of  a  neat  church,  and  suitable  Sunday 
apparel,  etc.,  to  cheer  and  gladden  the  heart  on  the  holy  Sabbath,  and 
cause  its  grateful  thanksgiving  to  go  up  as  clouds  of  incense  before 
Him,  are  thought  necessary  by  many  masters. 

•'  Notwithstanding,  we  are  cheered  by  a  brightening  prospect.  — 
Christian  masters  are  building  churches  for  their  servants.  Owners 
in  many  places  are  adopting,  the  wise  policy  of  erecting  their  churches 
so  as  to  bring  two,  three,  or  more  plantations  together  for  preaching. 
This  plan  is  so  consonant  with  the  Gospel  economy,  and  so  advan- 
tageous every  way,  that  it  must  become  the  uniform  practice  of  all 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.       213 

Our  missionary  operations  among  the  slaves.  Our  late  Conference 

wisely   adopted  a  resolution,  encouraging   the  building  of  churches 

for  the  accommodation  of  several  plantations  together,  wherever  it 
can  be  done." 

The  South  Carolina  Conference  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church, 
in  their  Report  for  1859,  say : 

"  Meanwhile  the  increasing  claims  of  the  destitute  colored  popula- 
tion must  not  be  ignored.  New  fields  are  opening  before  us,  the 
claims  of  which  are  pressed  with  an  earnestness  which  nothing  but 
deeply-felt  necessity  could  dictate.  And  the  question  is  pressed  upon 
us,  What  shall  we  do?  Must  not  the  contributions  of  the  Church 
be  more  liberal  and  more  systematic  ?  Must  not  the  friends  of  the 
enterprise  become  more  zealous  ?  Will  not  the  wealthy  patrons  of 
our  society,  whose  people  are  served,  contribute  a  sum  equal  in  the 
aggregate  to  the  salary  of  the  missionaries  who  serve  their  people  ? 
This  done,  and  every  claim  urged  upon  your  Board  shall  be  honored. 

"  This  is  wondrous  work  !  Grod  loves  it.  honors  it,  blesses  it !  He 
has  crowned  it  with  success.  The  old  negro  has  abandoned  his  le- 
gendary rites,  and  has  sought  and  found  favor  with  Grod  through 
Jesus  Christ.  The  catechumens  have  received  into  their  hearts  the 
gracious  instructions  given  by  the  missionary,  and  scores  of  them  are 
converted  annually,  and  become  worthy  members  of  the  Church. 
Here  lies  the  most  inviting  field  of  labor.  To  instruct  these  chil- 
dren of  Ham  in  the  plan  of  salvation,  to  pre-occupy  their  minds  with 
"  the  truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus,"  to  see  them  renounce  the  superstitions 
of  their  forefathers,  and  embrace  salvation's  plan,  would  make  an 
angel's  heart  rejoice." 

In  referring  to  the  missionary  work  in  the  South,  and  the  suc- 
cess attending  the  labors  of  the  Methodist  missionaries,  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Elliott,  in  his  book,  "  The  Great  Secession,"  1854,  says : 

"  The  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  South,  since  their  secession, 
has  carried  on  the  missionary  work  among  the  slaves  and  colored 
people  with  great  energy  and  success.  At  the  present  time  they 
have  about  150,000  colored  members,  or  about  the  same  number  that 
was  in  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  before  the  secession  in  1845. 
There  are  many  missionaries  laboring  solely  among  the  colored  peo- 
ple, with  great  success,  preaching  the  Grospel,  instructing  catecheti- 
cally  the  children,  visiting  the  families  pastorally,  and  benefiting 
their  charges  eff"ectually. 


214  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

'■  They  pursue  and  carry  out  the  same  modes  of  instruction  em- 
ployed by  the  Wesleyans  in  the  West  Indies,  and  by  the  Methodist 
Episcopal  Church  in  her  missions.  They  are  doing  a  great  practical 
work.  And  whatever  exceptions  we  or  others  may  take  to  some  of 
the  principles  and  measures  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church, 
South,  their  missionary  labors  among  the  slaves  of  the  South  have 
no  parallel  in  the  world  at  this  day.  While  they  are  denounced 
without  stint  by  Northern  and  some  British  abolitionists  of  the  re- 
cent school,  they  are  doing  more  good,  practically  and  Scripturally, 
for  the  enlightenment,  reformation,  elevation,  and  future  advantage- 
ous emancipation  of  the  slaves,  than  all  their  censurers  are 

Another  thing  we  feel  bound  to  mention  here.  We  mean  the  warm 
and  cordial  reception  and  support  which  our  Southern  brethren  give 
to  the  leading  institutions  and  usages  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church.  Whatever  exceptions  we  may  take  to  some  of  their  posi- 
tions, they  are  ardently  attached  to  all  the  fundamentals  and  pecu- 
liarities of  Methodism,  the  instance  of  slavery  excepted.  They  are 
less  disposed  to  innovation  than  the  North  is,  and  hold  most  tenaci- 
ously to  the  leading  parts  of  pure  and  original  Methodism." 

Take,  also,  a  short  extract  from  Dr.  Bond,  as  quoted  by  Dr. 
Elliott,  (Great  Secession,  p.  261).     He  says : 

"  The  Southern  ministers  are  not  excelled  in  piety,  zeal,  talents, 
and  usefulness.  Men  of  rare  talents  have  spent  years  among  the 
slaves  on  the  rice  plantations,  exposed  to  all  the  ordinary  privations 
of  missionary  labor,  with  the  additional  danger  to  health  and  life  of 
the  deadly  malaria  from  the  swamps,  acted  on  by  the  intense  heat  of 
a  Southern  sun." 

These  descriptions  of  the  character  and  ability  of  the  mission- 
aries, among  the  Southern  slaves,  are  but  just  tributes  to  the 
moral  worth  and  eminent  usefulness  of  these  brethren.  The 
present  missionary  force,  independent  of  the  regular  ministry, 
is  136.*  The  results  of  their  labors  show,  conclusively,  that  the 
eulogy  passed  upon  them  is  nothing  more  than  what  is  merited 
by  them.  When  Dr.  Elliott  wrote,  the  slave  converts  in  the 
Methodist  Church  South  were  150,000;  now  they  are  over  200,- 
000 !     A  vast  work  has  been  accomplished  here  ! 

•American  Christian  Record,   1860. 


METHODIST  CHURCH  AND  SLAVERY. 


215 


Section  V. — Interesting  Facts  in  relation  to  the  Metho- 
dist Episcopal  Church  and  its  Rule  on  Slavery. 

The  prominent  position  occupied  by  the  Methodists,  in  the 
great  work  of  African  Evangelization,  awakens  an  interest  in  all 
their  movements  much  beyond  that  of  any  of  the  other  denomi- 
nations; for,  although  the  Baptists  have  also  done  a  great  work, 
and  are  not  very  far  behind  the  Methodists,  yet,  in  consequence 
of  the  independent  character  of  their  churches,  the  progress  they 
have  made  can  not  be  so  easily  traced.  Before  closing  these 
investigations,  therefore,  some  additional  particulars,  in  reference 
to  the  Methodist  Church,  must  be  given.  Its  legislation  on 
slavery  will  be  found,  in  detail,  in  Chapter  VIII.  The  churches 
which  had  been  gathered,  previous  to  1784,  were,  in  that  year, 
organized  into  annual  conferences,  and  the  General  Conference 
was  permanently  created  in  1796.  At  this  date  the  entire  col- 
ored membership,  as  given  by  States,  stood  as  follows: 


Delaware  811 

Maryland 4,910 

Virginia 2,458 

North  Carolina 1,288 

South  Carolina 825 

Georgia 146 

Tennessee 43 

Kentucky 84 


Pennsylvania 380 

New  Jersey 105 

New  York 218 

Connecticut 8 

Massachusetts  2 

Rhode  Island none 

Maine none 

New  Hampshire  &  Vermont...  none 


These  figures  will  serve  as  a  starting  point,  in  estimating  the 
progress  of  the  Gospel  among  the  African  population  of  the 
United  States ;  and  they  are  especially  interesting  when  consid- 
ered in  connection  with  the  civil  legislation  of  that  period.  Penn- 
sylvania had  adopted  a  system  of  gradual  emancipation  in  1780, 
and  was  still  a  slaveholding  State  in  1796 ;  New  York  remained 
slaveholding  until  1799,  and  New  Jersey  until  1804  —  both 
adopting  the  same  system  that  Pennsylvania  had  introduced. 
The  six  New  England  States,  in  1796,  were  all  free,*  and  had 
only  ten  converts,  from  the  colored  people,  in  the  communion  of 
the  Methodist  Church ;  while  the  States  remaining  slaveholding, 


*  See  foot  note  in  Chapter  II. 


216  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

exclusive  of  Pennsylvania,  had  a  colored  membership  in  that 
Church  of  10,878. 

It  was  not  until  a  few  years  after  1784,  that  two  or  three  mis- 
sionaries were  sent  into  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  and  the  very 
name  of  Methodism  had  not  reached  them  previous  to  that  date. 
From  South  Carolina,  the  first  missionary  was  sent  into  Missis- 
sippi in  1802,  and  into  Alabama  in  1808.  As  for  New  England, 
in  1784,  the  bright  morning  of  the  birth  of  Methodism  in  that 
field  had  not  yet  dawned.  There  were  no  Methodists  there.* 
And  even  in  1796,  the  white  membership  in  Massachusetts  was 
but  822 ;  and,  in  all  the  New  England  States,  but  2,509.t  New 
England,  therefore,  at  the  date  of  the  organization  of  the  Gene- 
rel  Conference  was  in  no  very  favorable  condition  to  dictate  laws 
to  the  Church  at  large,  with  its  40,000  white  members  in  the  slave 
States;  nor  did  she  make  any  attempt  of  the  kind,  as  she  was 
then  in  her  childhood,  as  to  strength,  when  compared  with  the 
Churches  in  the  other  States.  Even  as  late  as  1808,  the  New 
England  States  had  but  64  colored  members  in  the  Methodist 
Church ;  while,  at  the  same  time,  there  were  28,612  colored  mem- 
bers in  the  slave  States,  including  the  Philadelphia  Conference. 
The  New  England  States,  in  the  early  days  of  Methodism,  were 
without  influence  in  that  body. 

The  point  to  which  we  wish  to  call  attention,  here,  is  the  prev- 
alent opinion,  that  the  history  of  the  legislation  of  the  Methodist 
Church  presents  a  constant  concession  from  the  North  to  the 
South.  That  this  opinion  is  not  founded  in  fact,  is  rendered  cer- 
tain, because  Methodism  had  made  but  little  progress  in  the  free 
States,  until  after  the  whole  question  in  relation  to  the  Rule  on 
slavery  had  been  finally  settled.  The  history  of  this  matter  may 
be  briefly  stated : 

In  1780,  the  existing  societies  had  disapproved  the  holding  of 
slaves  and  advised  their  liberation.  The  organization  of  the  con- 
ferences was  effected  in  1784,  when  all  private  members  were 
required  to  liberate  their  slaves  in  the  States  where  the  laws  al- 
lowed emancipation.  But  in  six  months  the  Rule  was  suspended. 
In  1796  it  came  up  again,  in  1804  again,  and  in  1808  all  that 

*  Speech  of  Rev.  Dr.  Capers,  in  the  case  of  Bishop  Andrews,  1844. 
t  See  statistics  of  white  members,  Chapter  II. 


METHODIST  CHURCH  AND  SLAVERY.  217 

related  to  holding  slaves  among  private  members  was  stricken  out, 
and  no  Rule  on  the  subject  has  existed  since.  * 

Now,  all  this  legislation,  in  reference  to  slaveholding,  occurred, 
mainly,  among  the  slaveholders  themselves  —  the  non-slaveholders 
being  a  very  small  minority  —  and  the  question  was  finally  ad- 
justed in  accordance  with  the  practice  of  Mr.  Wesley  himself. 
This  is  apparent  from  two  leading  facts :  1.  The  case  that  has 
been  mentioned  in  reference  to  the  introduction  of  the  Gospel  into 
Antigua,  f  In  that  case,  two  of  the  slaves  of  the  planter,  Mr. 
Gilbert,  who  had  accompanied  him  to  England,  were  converted 
under  the  preaching  of  Mr.  Wesley,  and  baptized  by  him.  After- 
ward Mr.  Gilbert  himself  was  also  converted,  and  on  his  return  to 
Antigua,  under  the  sanction  of  Mr.  Wesley,  he  became  a  preacher, 
and  proceeded  to  organize  the  first  Society  in  that  island.  Mr. 
Wesley  did  not  exclude  Mr.  Gilbert  from  the  ministry,  although 
he  was  a  slaveholder.  2.  But  this  is  not  the  only  instance  in 
which  Mr.  Wesley  made  no  distinction  between  the  slaveholder 
and  the  non-slaveholder,  in  the  admission  of  members  to  the  com- 
munion of  the  Church.  This  rule  was  general  throughout  the 
West  Indies,  as  appears  from  the  testimony  of  Bishop  Hedding. 
The  Bishop,  in  1837,  presided  at  the  Oneida  and  Genessee  Con- 
ferences, in  New  York,  when  some  resolutions  of  an  abolition 
stamp  were  ofiFered,  which  he  was  unwilling  to  put  to  vote.  In 
his  address  to  them  he  said : 

"  Methodist  Societies  were  formed  in  the  West  Indies  several  years 
before  the  death  of  Mr.  Wesley.  They  were  under  his  superintend- 
ence, and,  from  the  best  information  I  have  been  able  to  obtain,  slave- 
owners were  admitted  into  those  Societies ;  and,  in  perfect  accordance 
with  the  above  views,  that  practice  was  continued  up  to  the  time 
slavery  was  abolished  in  those  islands  by  the  British  Government." 

"  Let  it  be  further  remai'ked,  that  for  several  years  before  the 
organization  of  our  Church,  many  of  our  preachers  and  people  in  the 
South  owned  slaves ;  but  they  were  permitted  to  do  it  only  under  our 
Saviour's  rule.  But  who  permitted  those  preachers  and  members  to 
own  slaves?  You  will  be  astonished  when  I  tell  you,  it  was  Mr. 
Wesley.     By  his  permitting  it,  I  mean  he  did  not  hinder  it  when  he 

*  Speech  of  Rev.  Dv.  Durbin,  on  the  case  of  Bishop  Andrew,  1844. 
t  See  Chapter  1. 


218  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

had  the  power  to  do  so.  The  preachers,  in  this  country,  acted  under 
his  direction ;  and  under  that  direction  the  preachers  had  the  sole 
power  of  receiving  and  expelling  memhers.  Had  Mr.  Wesley  then 
said  to  his  preachers,  '  Receive  no  slave-owner  ; '  or,  '  expel  the  slave- 
owners,' it  would  have  been  done,  as  he  commanded.     But  it  was  not 

done ;   therefore  Mr.  Wesley  never  commanded  it Mr. 

Wesley's  views  on  this  subject  have  been  misunderstood  and  misrep- 
resented. For,  after  all  he  said  against  the  slave  trade,  against  the 
system  of  slavery  as  established  by  the  British  Government,  and 
against  men's  holding  slaves  where  the  laws  were  such  that  they  could 
put  them  away  to  the  advantage  of  the  slaves,  he  never  said  one  word, 
that  I  can  find,  against  the  Christian  man's  holding  his  slave  in  cir- 
cumstances where  he  could  not  put  him  away  without  injuring  him. 
And  the  fact  of  his  allowing  some  of  his  preachers  and  members  in 
this  country  to  hold  slaves  for  several  years  before  our  Church  was 
organized,  is  sufficient  evidence,  to  my  mind,  that  he  saw  that  nothing 
better  could  be  done  for  the  slaveSj  circumstanced  as  those  owners 
were,  than  to  hold,  feed,  protect,  and  govern  them.  While  this  state 
of  things  continued,  Mr.  Wesley  ordained  a  Bishop  and  two  Elders, 
for  this  country,  sending  them  over  to  organize  his  preachers  and 
societies  into  an  Episcopal  Church,  at  the  same  time  appointing  Mr. 
Asbury  joint  superintendent  with  Dr.  Coke,  when  he  must  have  known 
that  many,  both  of  his  preachers  and  members  in  this  country,  held 
slaves.  Yet  I  have  been  severely  condemned  for  expressing  an  un- 
willingness to  put  a  resolution  to  vote  in  an  Annual  Conference  tending 
to  censure  our  brethren  in  the  South  for  doing  the  same  thing  which 
Mr.  Wesley  allowed  their  fathers  to  do  when  in  connection  with  him, 
and  when  also  he  possessed  full  power  to  prevent  their  doing  so,  or  to 
expel  them." 

In  addition  to  this  testimony,  Rev.  Dr.  Elliott  says,  in  hia 
"  Great  Secession,"  page  107  :  "  The  Wesleyans  had  slaveholders 
in  their  communion,  in  the  West  Indies,  without  rebuke,  up  to  the 
very  day  on  which  emancipation  took  place." 

The  true  spirit  of  the  Methodist  Church,  in  the  early  years  of 
its  existence,  was  to  labor  for  the  propagation  of  the  Gospel,  and 
to  avoid  all  conflicts  with  the  civil  laws.  This  is  proved  to  be  the 
fact,  from  the  character  of  the  instructions  given,  by  the  English 
Wesleyans,  to  their  missionaries  in  the  West  Indies.  The  follow- 
ing is  an  extract  from  the  instructions  adopted  in  1817,  being 
sixteen  years  before  the  emancipation  act  was  passed : 


METHODIST  CHURCH  AND  SLAVERY.  219 

"  We  can  not  omit,  witliout  neglecting  our  duty,  to  warn  you  against 
meddling  with  political  parties,  or  secular  disputes.  You  are  teachers 
of  religion,  and  that  alone  should  be  kept  in  view.  It  is,  however,  a 
part  of  your  duty,  as  ministers,  to  enforce,  by  precept  and  example,  a 

cheerful  obedience  to  lawful  authority As,  in  the  colonies 

in  which  you  are  called  to  labor,  a  great  proportion  of  the  inhabitants 
are  in  a  state  of  slavery,  the  Committee  most  strongly  call  to  your 
recollection  what  was  so  fully  stated  to  you,  when  you  were  accepted 
as  a  missionary  to  the  West  Indies,  that  your  only  business  is  to  pro- 
mote the  moral  and  religious  improvement  of  the  slaves  to  whom  you 
may  have  access,  without,  in  the  least  degree,  in  public  or  private, 
interfering  with  their  civil  condition.  On  all  persons,  in  the  state  of 
slaves,  you  are  diligently  and  explicitly  to  enforce  the  same  exhorta- 
tions which  the  Apostles  of  our  Lord  administered  to  the  slaves  of 
ancient  nations,  when,  by  their  ministry,  they  embraced  Christianity." 

The  stringent  Rule  on  slavery,  first  adopted  at  the  North,  seems 
to  have  been  the  work  of  Dr.  Coke,  one  of  Mr.  Wesley's  superin- 
tendents. The  character  of  these  regulations  can  be  seen  in 
Chapter  VIII.  It  will  also  be  seen,  that  the  regulations  were 
modified,  as  follows,  in  1804,  so  as  to  leave  the  South  in  the  posi- 
tion it  occupied,  on  the  first  organization  of  the  Church,  in  that 
section  of  the  United  States : 

"  Nevertheless,  the  members  of  our  societies  in  the  States  of  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  shall  be  exempted  from  the 
operation  of  the  above  rules." 

This  was  passed  by  the  General  Conference  in  1804.  In  1816, 
it  was  found  that  much  confusion  prevailed  throughout  the  Con- 
ferences, as  to  the  manner  of. executing  the  rules,  and  it  was 
deemed  necessary  to  embody  the  whole  requirements  of  the 
Church  in  a  single  article,  as  follows : 

"  Therefore,  no  slaveholder  shall  be  eligible  to  any  official  station 
in  our  Church  hereafter,  when  the  laws  of  the  State  in  which  he  lives 
will  admit  of  emancipation  and  permit  the  liberated  slave  to  enjoy 
freedom." 

But  this  article,  though  quieting  discussion  for  a  time,  did  not 
entirely  satisfy  the  ministry  in  the  North.     It  allowed  considerable 


220  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

latitude  of  interpretation.  But  few  of  the  States  positively  pro- 
hibited emancipation ;  yet  none  of  them  allowed  the  free  negro 
the  same  enjoyment  of  freedom  which  the  whites  possessed.  To 
secure  this  to  the  emancipated  man  of  color,  it  was  necessary 
that  he  should  be  removed  to  a  free  state.  This  measure  was  not 
required  by  the  Rule ;  and,  in  most  of  the  slave  States,  therefore, 
the  official  members  could  retain  their  slaves.  By  the  Rule,  too, 
the  private  members  of  the  church  were  left  in  the  full  possession 
of  their  slaves  ;  thus  placing  the  terms  of  communion,  as  to  private 
members,  on  the  same  basis  that  the  English  Wesleyans  adopted 
for  the  West  Indies,  and  Bishop  Asbury  imposed  upon  South 
Carolina. 

Thus  stood  the  question,  as  to  slaveholding  in  the  Methodist 
Church,  when  abolitionism  arose  in  the  United  States.  The  rise 
and  progress  of  the  warfare  waged  by  the  anti-slavery  ministers, 
against  this  Rule  of  1816,  will  be  found  in  Chapter  VIII.,  and 
must  greatly  interest  the  reader.  In  1844,  the  antagonist  parties 
were  brought  face  to  face,  for  a  trial  of  strength,  on  the  case  of 
Bishop  Andrew  —  the  South  contending  that  the  Rule  should 
remain  unaltered,  and  the  North  that  it  should  be  abolitionized. 
Technically,  this  was  not  the  ground  upon  which  the  prosecution 
was  based,  but,  substantially,  it  embraced  this  principle.  *  The 
North,  here,  was  the  aggressor :  the  South,  being  satisfied  with 
the  position  she  had  so  long  occupied,  and  which  was  fully  in 
accordance  with  the  practice  of  Mr.  Wesley.  The  disruption  of 
the  Church  left  some  of  the  border  Conferences  in  connection  with 
the  North,  and  this  has  tended  to  renew  the  efforts  to  alter  the 
Rule  —  a  measure  that  would  have  been  easily  accomplished  after 
the  division  of  the  Church,  but  for  the  membership  in  the  border 
slave  States. 

The  relation  which  the  Methodist  Church  sustained  toward  the 
cause  of  African  evangelization,  at  the  moment  of  the  ti-ial  of 
Bishop  Andrew,  is  a  matter  of  the  greatest  possible  interest. 
The  ministers  in  both  the  North  and  the  South,  doubtless,  were 
equally  zealous  in  their  desires  to  promote  the  spiritual  welfare 
of  the  colored  people.     But  the  measures  of  the  two  parties  were 

*See  Chapter  VIII. 


I 


METHODIST  CHURCH  AND  SLAVERY. 


221 


as  opposite  in  principle  as  day  is  to  night.  One  or  the  other 
must  have  been  kxboring  under  a  spirit  of  fanaticism.  We  have 
seen  that  the  ministers  in  the  North  were  almost  wholly  unsuccess- 
ful with  the  colored  people.  Let  us  see  how  it  had  been  with 
those  of  the  South  : 


Membership,  in  the  Methodist  Episcopal  C^iurch,  of  colored  persons, 
at  the  several  dates  given  below. 


CONFERENCES. 


Philadelphia*  . 

Baltimore  

Virginia 

North  Carolina  , 
South  Carolina. 

Georgia 

Alabama 

Mississippi 

Arkansas 

Texas 

Tennessee  f 

Kentucky 

Missouri 


Total 49,862 


1826 


7,650 
9,406 
7,847 

15,708 


2,494 


3,597 

2,821 
339 


1830    I    1834 


8,169 
10,454 


24,538 


4,247 


5,430 

4,884 
414 


9,025 

13,851 

8,083 

22,788 
7,421 
3,163 
2,622 


7,167 
5,709 


1838 


8,112 

13,301 

2,950 

3,896 

23,498 

7,126 

2,830 

1,587 

592 

6,727 

4,770 

812 


1842 


9,086 

13,526 

3,558 

4,733 

30,840 

11,457 

7,505 

4,089 

828 

407 

9,355 

6,761 

1,399 


68,103    80,825    76,201  103,544  143,238 


1845 


10,742 

16,412 

4,494 

6,390 

39,495 

13,994 

13,537 

7,799 

1,775 

1,005 

15,703 

9,362 

2,530 


It  will  be  noticed,  that  the  colored  membership  of  the  Methodist 
Church,  in  Virginia,  was  reduced  more  than  7,000,  between  1830 
and  1838.  This  reduction,  doubtless,  was  caused  by  the  "Nat. 
Turner  insurrection,"  and  supplies  a  fair  example  of  the  effects 
of  such  movements  upon  the  religious  interests  of  the  colored 
people.  The  masters,  having  full  confidence  in  the  missionaries, 
allow  them  free  access  to  the  slaves ;  but,  losing  confidence  in  the 
honesty  of  their  purposes,  the  slaves  are  forbidden  to  hear  them ; 
and  the  results  are  disastrous  to  the  progress  of  religion.  It  was 
in  view  of  this  fact,  that  Rev.  Dr.  Capers,  in  his  speech  on  the 


*  Reference  has  frequently  been  made  to  the  Philadelphia  Conference,  as  in- 
cluding portions  of  the  territory  of  Maryland  and  Delaware.  The  Report  for 
1857,  gives  a  colored  membership  in  this  Conference,  of  8,304,  and  probationers 
848.  Of  this  number  there  are  only  138  members  in  the  North  Philadelphia 
District,  80  in  the  South  Philadelphia  District,  and  19  in  the  Reading  District, 
being  in  all  only  239;  and  of  probationers  in  the  whole  of  these  Districts  there 
were  but  39  —  the  remainder  being  in  the  slave  States. 

tThe  three  Conferences  of  Tennessee  are  added  together. 


222  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

case  of  Bishop  Andrew,  made  such  a  powerful  appeal  to  the 
Northern  members  of  Conference,  to  desist  from  pressing  their 
anti-slavery  measures  upon  the  attention  of  that  body.  Already 
the  missionaries  could  show,  as  seals  of  their  ministry,  nearly 
150,000  converts  among  the  slaves.  It  was  all-important  that 
this  great  work  should  progress  without  interruption.  This  it 
could  not  do,  excepting  the  anti-slavery  crusade  against  slave- 
holders should  be  checked  in  its  progress.  In  attempting  to  effect 
this  object,  Dr.  Capers  said: 

"  I  beseech  brethren  to  allow  due  weight  to  the  considerations 
which  have  been  so  kindly  and  ably  urged  by  others  on  this  branch 
of  the  subject.  I  contemplate  it,  I  confess,  with  a  bleeding  heart. 
Never,  never  have  I  suffered  as  in  view  of  the  evil  which  this  measure 
threatens  against  the  South.  The  agitation  has  already  begun  there ; 
and  I  tell  you  that  though  our  hearts  were  to  be  torn  out  of  our 
bodies,  it  could  avail  nothing,  when  once  you  have  awakened  the  feel- 
ing that  we  can  not  be  trusted  among  the  slaves.  Once  you  have 
done  this  thing,  you  have  effectually  destroyed  us.  I  could  wish  to 
die  sooner  than  to  live  to  see  such  a  day.  As  sure  as  you  live,  breth- 
ren, there  are  tens  of  thousands,  nay,  hundreds  of  thousands,  whose 
destiny  may  be  periled  by  your  decision  on  this  case.  When  we  tell  you 
that  we  preach  to  a  hundred  thousand  slaves  in  our  missionary  field, 
we  only  announce  the  beginning  of  our  work  —  the  beginning  of  the 
openings  of  the  door  of  access  to  the  most  numerous  masses  of  slaves 
in  the  South.  When  we  add,  that  there  are  two  hundred  thousand 
now  within  our  reach  who  have  no  Gospel  unless  we  give  it  to  them, 
it  is  still  but  the  same  announcement  of  the  beginnings  of  the  open- 
ing of  that  wide  and  effectual  door,  which  was  so  long  closed,  and  so 
lately  has  begun  to  be  opened,  for  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  by  our 
ministry,  to  a  numerous  and  destitute  portion  of  the  people.  O,  close 
not  this  door !  Shut  us  not  out  from  this  great  work,  to  which  we 
have  been  so  signally  called  of  God.  Consider  our  position.  I  pray 
you,  I  beseech  you  by  every  sacred  consideration,  pause  in  this  mat- 
ter. Do  not  talk  about  concessions  to  the  South.  We  ask  for  no 
concessions  —  no  compromises.  Do  with  us  as  you  please,  but  spare 
the  souls  for  whom  Jesus  died.  If  you  deem  our  toils  too  light,  and 
that  after  all  there  is  more  of  rhetoric  than  cross-bearing  in  our 
labors,  come  down  and  take  a  part  with  us.  Let  this  be  the  compro- 
mise, if  we  have  any.  I  could  almost  promise  my  vote  to  make  the 
elder  a  bishop  who  should  give  such  a  proof  as  this  of  his  devotion 


METHODIST  CHURCH   AND  SLAVERY.  223 

to, — I  will  not  say  the  emancipation  of  the  negro  race,  but  what  is 
better  —  what  is  more  constitutional  and  more  Christian,  —  the  sal- 
vation of  the  souls  of  the  negroes  on  our  great  Southern  plantations. 
Concessions  !  We  ask  for  none.  So  far  from  it,  we  are  ready  tp 
make  any  in  our  power  to  you.  We  come  to  you  not  for  ourselves, 
but  for  perishing  souls ;  and  we  entreat  you,  for  Christ's  sake,  not  to 
take  away  from  them  the  bread  of  life  which  we  are  just  now  begin- 
ning to  carry  them.  We  beg  for  this  —  I  must  repeat  it  —  with 
bleeding  hearts.  Yes,  I  feel  intensely  on  this  subject.  The  stone  of 
stumbling  and  rock  of  offence  of  former  times,  when  George  Daugh- 
erty,  a  Southern  man,  and  a  Southern  minister,  and  one  of  the  wisest 
and  best  that  ever  graced  our  ministry,  was  dragged  to  the  pump  in 
Charleston,  and  his  life  rescued  by  a  sword  in  a  woman's  hand,  —  the 
offence  of  the  anti-slavery  measures  of  that  day  has  but  lately  begun 
to  subside.  I  can  not,  I  say,  forget  past  times,  and  the  evil  of  them, 
when  in  those  parts  of  my  own  State  of  South  Carolina,  where  slaves 
are  most  numerous,  there  was  little  more  charity  for  Methodist 
preachers  than  if  they  had  been  Mormons,  and  their  access  to  the 
negroes  was  looked  upon  as  dangerous  to   the  public  peace.     Bring 

not  back  upon  us  the  evil  of  those  bitter  days 

"  I  said,  sir,  that  we  ask  for  no  concessions.  We  ask  nothing  for  our- 
selves. We  fear  nothing  for  ourselves.  But  we  ask,  and  we  demand, 
that  you  embarrass  not  the  Gospel  by  the  measure  now  proposed. 
Throw  us  back,  if  you  will,  to  those  evil  times.  But  we  demand  that 
when  you  shall  have  caused  us  to  be  esteemed  a  sort  of  land  pirates, 
and  we  have  to  preach  again  at  such  places  as  Riddlespurger's  and 
Rantoule  swamp,  you  see  to  it  that  we  find  there  the  souls  who  are 
now  confided  to  our  care  as  pastors  of  the  flock  of  Christ.  Yes.  throw 
us  back  again  to  those  evil  times  ;  but  see  that  you  make  them  evil 
to  none  but  ourselves.  Throw  us  back,  but  make  it  possible  for  us  to 
fulfill  OU'T  calling;  and  by  the  grace  of  God  we  will  endure  and  over- 
come, and  still  ask  no  concessions  of  you.  But  if  you  can  not  do 
this ;  if  you  can  not  vex  us  without  scattering  the  sheep,  and  making 
them  a  prey  to  the  wolf  of  hell,  then  do  we  sternly  forbid  the  deed. 
You  may  not,  and  you  dare  not  do  it.  I  say  again,  if  by  this  meas- 
ure the  evil  to  be  done  were  only  to  involve  the  ministry,  without 
harm  or  peril  to  the  souls  we  serve,  we  might  bow  to  the  stroke  with- 
out despair,  if  not  in  submissive  silence.  We  know  the  work  as  a 
cross-bearing  service ;  and  as  such  we  love  to  accomplish  it.  It 
pleased  God  to  take  the  life  of  the  first  missionary  sent  to  the  ne- 
groes, but  his  successor  was  instantly  at  hand.      And  in  the  name  of 


224  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

the  men  who  are  now  in  the  work,  or  ready  to  enter  it,  I  pledge  for  a 
brave  and  unflinching  perseverance.  This  is  not  braggardism.  No, 
it  is  an  honest  expression  of  a  most  honest  feeling.  Life  or  death, 
we  will  never  desert  that  Christian  work  to  which  we  know  that  God 
has  called  us.  We  ask  to  be  spared  no  trial;  but  that  the  way  of 
trials  may  be  kept  open  for  us.  We  ask  to  be  spared  no  labor ;  but 
that  we  may  be  permitted  to  labor  on,  and  still  more  abundantly. 
Add,  if  you  please,  to  the  amount  of  our  toils.  Pile  labor  on  labor 
more  and  more.  Demand  of  us  still  more  brick  ;  or  even  the  full  tale 
of  brick  without  straw  or  stubble  ;  but  cut  us  not  oiF  from  the  clay 
also.  Cut  us  not  off  from  access  to  the  slaves  of  the  south,  when  (to 
say  nothing  of  "  concessions  to  the  South  ")  you  shall  have  finished 
the  measure  of  your  demands  for  the  North." 

These  appeals  were  all  in  vain,  and  the  only  means  by  which 
the  Southern  ministers  could  maintain  themselves  in  the  South, 
and  continue  their  labors  among  the  blacks,  was  to  withdraw 
from  the  Northern  conferences,  and  organise  the  Southern  con- 
ferences on  the  principles  originally  adopted  by  Bishop  Asbury, 
of  dropping  the  Rule  on  slavery. 

Section  VI. — Interesting  Facts  connected  with  the  Con- 
gregational AND  Baptist  Churches,  of  the  United  States, 
IN  their  relations  to  Slavery. 

Thus  far,  no  reference  has  been  made  to  the  Congregational 
Churches  of  the  United  States,  in  the  relation  they  sustain  to 
slavery.  Their  church  polity  does  not  bring  such  questions  be- 
fore their  conferences,  in  a  formal  manner,  with  the  view  of  de- 
ciding any  principle  relating  to  terms  of  Christian  fellowship. 
All  such  questions  are  decided  by  the  congregations  separately. 
Upon  the  great  question  of  slavery,  we  are  informed  that  they 
are  very  harmonious  in  their  sentiments,  not  only  in  New  Eng- 
land, but  throughout  the  country.  At  their  General  Conference, 
some  eight  or  ten  years  since,  a  deliverance  on  the  subject  of 
slavery  was  given.  It  was  decidedly  anti-slavery  in  its  tone,  and 
may  be  reckoned  as  maintaining  the  abolition  ground.  The 
"  three  thousand  and  fifty  clergymen  of  New  England,"  who 
addressed  Congress,  in  1854,  in  a  protest  against  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill,  included  a  large  number  of  Congregational  min- 


CONGREaATIONAL   CHURCHES  AND  SLAVERY.  225 

isters.  Their  views  may  be  inferred  from  the  tone  of  that  docu- 
ment, -which  the  reader  will  find  in  a  subsequent  Chapter, 
together  with  the  debates  in  Congress,  to  which  it  gave  rise. 
The  memorial  on  the  same  subject,  from  the  clergymen  of  Chi- 
cago and  the  North  West,  and  the  reply  of  Mr.  Douglass  to  the 
same,  will  also  be  found  in  that  chapter.  A  large  portion  of  its 
signers,  likewise,  were  Congregationalists. 

A  notice  of  this  denomination  is  quite  in  place  in  this  connec- 
tion. They  were  the  first  to  occupy  New  England,  and,  for  many 
years,  had  little  or  no  rivalry  from  other  denominations.  They 
have  had  many  men  of  great  intelligence  and  piety  in  their  min- 
istry, and  would  seem  to  have  had  but  few  obstacles,  indeed,  to 
their  success  in  the  propagation  of  the  Gospel.  In  reference  to 
slavery,  they,  in  general,  held  the  British  theory — that  it  was 
incompatible  with  the  progress  of  the  Gospel.  In  Massachusetts, 
especially,  Congregationalism  has  had  a  fair  field,  and  should 
have  made  rapid  progress,  according  to  their  abolition  theory,  as 
compared  with  the  advancement  of  the  Gospel  in  the  slave  States. 
And  how  do  the  results  compare  ?i 

During  September,  1861,  the  General  Conference  op  the 
Congregational  Churches  of  Massachusetts  held  its  session 
at  Newburyport. 

"  At  the  meeting  last  year,  in  Springfield,  the  following  resolution 
was  passed  :  * 

"  Resolved,  That  in  view  of  the  spiritual  desolations,  which  are 
known  to  exist  in  this  Commonwealth,  and  the  fact  that  so  large  a 
portion  of  our  population  are  not  reached  at  present  by  the  ordinary 
means  of  grace,  a  committee  of  five  be  appointed  by  this  Conference 
to  consider  and  report  next  year  what  can  be  done  to  reach  more 
effectually  these  masses,  and  more  thoroughly  evangelize  every  por- 
tion of  our  Commonwealth. 

"  The  committee  appointed  in  pursuance  of  this  resolution,  pre- 
sented at  the  late  meeting  of  the  Conference  a  carefully-prepared  Re- 
port, intended  to  answer  briefly  the  question,  "  What  can  be  done  " 
by  the  Congregationalists  as  a  denomination  in  this  matter.  Inas- 
much as  this  was  the  first  time  that  such  a  question  was  ever  pro- 

*  We  copy  from  the  New  York  Observer's  report  of  the  proceedings. 

15 


226  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

pounded  to  the  representatives  of  these  churches  in  council,  and,  as 
it  was  expected  that  '  Home  Evangelization  '  would  constitute  here- 
after a  prominent  object  of  this  General  Conference,  the  Committee 
were  led  to  inquire  into  the  adaptation  of  the  Congregational  polity 
and  the  agencies  in  its  employ  for  this  work.  And  in  order  to  pre- 
sent a  full  view  of  the  subject,  an  historical  sketch  of  Congregation- 
alism in  Massachusetts  was  given,  together  with  a  notice  of  the  rise 
and  progress  of  the  other  Evangelical  denominations.  It  was  found, 
on  instituting  a  comparison,  that  all  these  denominations  had  gained 
very  much  upon  the  Congregationalists.  From  the  lauding  of  the 
Pilgrims  to  1790,  the  latter  had  almost  the  entire  possession  of  the 
ground.  At  that  period  there  were  no  Methodists,  only  one  or  *two 
Episcopal,  and  a  small  number  of  Baptist  churches  in  the  State. 
From  the  year  1800  all  these  denominations  increased  rapidly,  but  no 
accurate  statistics  were  collected  till  1820,  or  afterwards,  so  that  a 
comparison  of  relative  growth  can  be  made.  The  Committee  ob- 
tained, after  much  research,  the  exact  number  of  ministers,  churches, 
and  communicants  belonging  to  the  Evangelical  denominations  in 
Massachusetts  at  each  decade  of  years,  from  1820  to  1860;  and, 
taking  the  church  membership  as  the  most  correct  standard  of  com- 
parison, it  was  found  that  from  1830  to  1860,  the  gain  of  the  Congre- 
gationalists had  been  101  per  cent. ;  that  of  the  Baptists,  129  per 
cent. ;  that  of  the  Methodists,  199  per  cent. ;  and  that  of  the  Epis- 
copalians, 408  per  cent.  And  that  from  1850  to  1860,  the  gain  of  the 
Congregationalists  had  been  much  less  than  any  previous  decade  of 
years.  In  fact,  the  additions  to  the  Congregational  churches  in  Mas- 
sachusetts, for  the  last  ten  years,  have  scarcely  made  good  the  loss  by 
deaths  and  removals  from  the  State.  Whereas,  the  Episcopalian,  the 
Methodist,  and  the  Baptist  churches  have,  in  the  same  time,  received 
large  additions.  The  exact  number  of  churches  and  members  of  these 
denominations  in  1860  was  as  follows  :  The  Congregationalists  had 
488  churches,  with  76,371  members  ;  the  Methodists,  260  churches, 
with  27,788  members  ;  the  Baptists,  268  churches,  and  36,250  mem- 
bers ;  the  Episcopalians,  73  churches,  and  7,744  members.  Accord- 
ing to  tliese  facts  and  figures,  it  seems  that  the  Congregational  de- 
nomination has  not,  for  some  causes,  relatively  increased  equal  to  the 
others  here  mentioned.  These  causes  this  Committee  endeavored 
carefully  to  analyze,  showing  what  agencies  and  influences  have  been 
operating  in  past  years  to  build  up  certain  denominations  more  rap- 
idly than  our  own.  While  some  of  these  agencies  lie  beyond  the 
range  of  any  religious  body,  the  most  efiicient  are  directly  under  the 


BAPTIST  CHURCHES  AND  SLAVERY.  227 

control  of  every  denomination.  In  comparing  and  analyzing  these 
agencies  of  church  action  and  aggression,  the  object  of  the  Commit- 
tee was  to  inquire  wherein  the  Congregationalists  have  failed  or  erred 
in  the  use  of  such  means  as  both  propriety  and  duty  might  naturally 
impose  upon  any  religious  organization." 

It  is  not  necessary  to  copy  the  apologies  offered  by  the  Com- 
mittee, for  the  want  of  success  in  the  Congregational  churches. 
That  the  New  England  ministry  have  failed,  as  well  as  that  of  all 
the  other  denominations,  in  coming  up  to  the  perfect  standard  of  the 
Gospel  minister,  according  to  the  example  of  Paul,  is  lamentably 
apparent,  from  the  results  attending  their  labors.  Contrast  their 
preaching  on  the  question  of  slavery,  with  the  preaching  of  the 
Apostle  Paul,  as  described  by  himself:  "For  I  determined  not 
to  know  anything  among  you,  save  Jesus  Christ  and  him  cruci- 
fied."* The  burden  of  Paul's  preaching,  both  to  the  Jews  and 
also  to  the  Greeks,  he  assures  us,  "  was  repentance  toward  God, 
and  faith  toward  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ."  f  Felix  never  would 
have  trembled  before  Paul,  except  with  rage,  had  the  Apostle 
employed  his  eloquence  in  depicting  the  horrors  of  slavery 
throughout  the  Roman  Empire,  and  the  duty  of  granting  equal 
rights  to  all  mankind. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  membership  of  the  Congregational 
churches,  in  Massachusetts,  with  all  the  advantages  of  an  early 
monopoly  of  the  ground,  is  now  only  76,371,  while  the  member- 
ship among  the  colored  people,  in  the  slave  States,  is  465,000 ! 
Had  the  Gospel  been  faithfully  preached  in  Massachusetts,  would 
the  Head  of  the  Church  have  left  its  ministers  with  so  few  seals 
to  their  ministry? 

The  Baptist  Church,  in  the  United  States,  is  also  Congrega- 
tional in  its  Church  polity.  It  divided,  several  years  since,  on 
the  slavery  question.  The  division  grew  out  of  the  disagree- 
ments in  relation  to  the  mode  of  conducting  their  foreign  mis- 
sionary operations  ;  and  they  have  now  two  Boards  —  one  North 
and  the  other  South.  In  Section  VII.,  the  results  of  the  efforts 
of  these  two  Boards  are  given  —  the  one  laboring  among  free- 
men, in  heathendom,  and  the  other  among  slaves  in  the  Southern 

*  1  Corinthians  ii  :  2.  t  Acts  xx  :   21. 


228  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

slave  States.  That  Section  embraces  the  whole  of  the  results  of 
all  the  mission-work  of  the  American  churches,  throughout  the 
world. 

The  condition  of  the  Baptist  Church  North,  as  to  numbers,  at 
present,  as  compared  with  its  condition  before  separating  from 
the  South,  we  have  no  means  of  determining ;  but  one  of  the 
organs  of  the  Church,*  in  referring  to  the  spiritual  condition  of 
the  congregations,  at  large,  reviews  the  Associational  year  as 
follows : 

"  It  has  been  a  year  of  general  spiritual  dearth.  The  Presidential 
election,  with  the  great  issues  involved,  absorbed  the  attention  of  all 
good  citizens  in  the  last  autumn,  and  activity  in  the  ordinary  religious 
channels  was  lessened.  The  exciting  events  which  have  followed, 
culminating  in  a  disastrous  civil  war,  have  not  been  favorable  to  calm 
meditation,  or  deep  religious  feeling.  The  newspaper  has  been  read 
more  than  the  Bible,  the  armory  has  exerted  a  stronger  magnet- 
ism than  the  conference-room ;  and  even  on  the  Sabbath,  solicitude 
for  the  country  has  usurped  time  consecrated  to  the  Lord.  Minis- 
ters have  found  it  a  hard  year  to  preach,  from  the  double  difficulty 
of  arresting  the  attention  of  the  people,  and  keeping  themselves  zeal- 
ously at  work  in  the  study.  Superintendents  have  found  a  truant 
disposition  gaining  ground  among  scholars  and  teachers.  Faithful 
attendants  at  social  meetings  have  had  occasion  to  regret  that  the 
zeal  of  some  of  their  weaker  brethren  has  grown  cold. 

*'  We  anticipate,  therefore,  barren  reports  from  the  churches.  Few 
baptisms  will  be  reported,  and  little  spiritual  life.  The  letters  will 
glow  with  patriotism,  but  will  say  little  of  growth  in  godliness." 

The  Witness,  the  Baptist  paper  of  Indiana,  has  a  similar  sad  tale 
to  relate.     It  says,  in  a  notice  of  a  recent  Association  in  that  State : 

"  The  letters  from  the  churches  indicated  great  barrenness  of  spir- 
itual life  and  power,  and  hence  a  decline  of  numbers.  There  seem 
few,  if  any,  marks  of  progress  in  any  of  our  Associations,  except  down- 
ward, and  there  certainly  seems  very  little  effort  to  turn  the  current. 
The  brethren  seem  unwilling  to  allow  themselves  time  to  even  make 
reckoning  with  themselves.  Very  few  seem  to  be  '  weeping  between 
the  porch  and  the  altar;'  very  few  are  ready  to  cry,  'Watchman, 
what  of  the  night  ?  '  and  very  few  watchmen  offer  any  response.  To 
our  mind  the  rapid  decline  of  our  churches  is  inevitable.     There  ap- 

♦  Watchman  and  Reflector,  Boston,  September,  1861. 


BAPTIST  CHITRCHES  AND  SLAVERY.  229 

pear  to  be  no  great  objects  brought  before  tbem,  and  pressed  upon  their 
hearts.  There  seem  to  be  no  laymen  or  ministers,  impressed  enough 
with  the  barren  state  of  things  to  bring  forward  any  great  issue." 

These  remarks  are  copied,  to  call  attention  to  the  closing  sen- 
tences of  the  last  article.  There  is  no  one  "  to  bring  forward  any 
great  issue;"  and,  alas!  the  progress  of  the  Church  is  down- 
wards. Here  is  the  true  secret,  we  fear,  of  the  spiritual  declen- 
sion of  the  churches.  During  the  last  half  century,  the  ministry 
have  brought  forward  several  "great  issues"  before  the  people. 
Among  these  issues,  slavery  has  been  preeminent;  but  it  can  no 
longer  serve  as  a  rallying  cry,  to  rouse  up  the  zeal  of  lax  profes- 
sors. Some  new  issue,  therefore,  is  demanded.  And  has  it  come 
to  this,  that,  in  a  world  of  fallen  men,  who  are  resting  under  the 
wrath  and  curse  of  an  oifended  Deity,  the  very  ministry  appointed 
to  reconcile  them  to  God  through  the  Gospel  of  his  Son,  have  to 
lament  that  they  can  find  no  "great  issue,"  of  sufficient  interest 
to  attract  their  perishing  fellow-men  to  the  Saviour !  Surely,  the 
editor  was  not  conscious  of  the  import  of  his  language.  He  could 
not  have  intended  to  convey  the  idea,  that  the  love  of  Jesus  has 
no  longer  any  attractions.  No  issue !  when  men  are  sinking  to 
perdition !  Why,  man,  there  is  no  theme,  no  issue,  like  that  of 
perdition  on  the  one  hand,  and  salvation  on  the  other.  Drop, 
then,  all  your  old  stale  issues ;  seek  no  new-fangled  ones,  the 
novelty  of  which  Avill  attract  men  to  your  standard ;  but,  like 
Paul,  resolve  to  preach  Christ  and  him  crucified ;  but  above  all 
things,  never  again  paralyze  the  piety  of  the  Church  by  political 
preaching. 

In  immediate  connection  with  these  remarks,  a  quotation  from 
the  pen  of  the  former  editor  of  the  Christian  Intelligencer,  written 
in  1861,  will  be  appropriate.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  editor  of 
1829  has  changed  his  views,  in  a  considerable  degree,  in  1861. 
With  age  comes  wisdom.     He  thus  announces  his  present  views : 

"  There  may  be  too  much  of  a  good  thing.  It  may  well  be  doubted, 
whether,  just  at  this  time,  many  ministers  of  the  Gospel  are  not  in 
danger  of  keeping  the  subject  of  slavery  too  much  before  their  own 
minds,  and  the  minds  of  their  hearers,  as  the  source,  and  the  only 
source,  of  our  national  troubles.     A  minister  may  preach  long  and 


230 


PULPIT  POLITICS. 


loud  against  slavery,  or  any  other  sin,  and  yet  not  bring  one  soul  to 
Christ.  In  the  present  crisis,  when  the  question  is  soon  to  be  tested, 
whether,  as  a  people,  we  have  enough  of  that  '  virtue  and  intelligence  * 
which  is  the  basis  of  free  government,  to  save  us  from  bringing  ruin 
on  ourselves,  a  minister  will  serve  his  country  best  by  teaching  his 
hearers  to  'fear  Grod,  and  keep  his  commandments.'  "* 

Section  VIL  —  Results  of  the  Foreign  Missionary  work  op 
THE  American  Churches,  as  compared  with  the  results  of 
THEIR  Domestic  Missions  among  the  Slaves  of  the  United 
States. 

1.  The  Methodist  Episcopal  Church.  —  This  religious  denom- 
ination had  become  deeply  enlisted  in  the  work  of  foreign  mis- 
sions before  its  division  into  two  bodies.  The  Church  North  is 
still  prosecuting  the  foreign  work  with  great  zeal.  The  Forty- 
second  Annual  Report  of  its  Missionary  Society,  1861,  presents 
the  following  tabular  statement  of  its  foreign  missions.  We  add 
to  it,  from  the  domestic  missions,  the  statistics  of  its  Indian  mis- 
sion—  the  whole  presenting  the  following  results: 


MISSIONS. 

MISSIONARIES. 

ASSISTANTS. 

NATIVE 
MEMBERS. 

AMERICAN 
MEMBERS. 

27 

5 

10 
3 

15 
6 
1 

21 

25 
13 

22 

4 

17 

13 

1 
19 

72 

54 
67 

1,637 
663 

1,171 

1,481 

8 
76 

79 

Bulgaria 

Scandinavia 

Indian  Missions 

Total 

88 

124 

3,664 

1,644 

The  American  members  in  the  African  mission,  are  the  colon- 
ists from  the  United  States.  The  same  class  of  members  in  the 
China,  India,  and  South  American  missions,  are  white  residents 
in  those  countries.  The  missions  in  Germany  and  Scandinavia, 
being  in  Christian  countries,  are  not  to  be  classed  with  heathen 
missions.  The  expenditures,  in  1860,  for  the  China  mission,  were 
$25,567;  the  foreign  German  mission,  $25,664;  the  India  mis- 


*  Christian  Instructor  and  Western  United  Presbyterian. 


FOREIGN  MISSIONS  OF  AMERICAN  CHURCHES  AND  SLAVERY.    231 


sion,  $30,642 ;  the  Liberia  mission,  $20,937 ;  the  Norvray  and 
Sweden  mission,  $6,093 ;  the  Bulgarian  mission,  $2,682 ;  and  the 
Buenos  Ayres  mission,  $146.     Total,  $111,731. 

The  first  introduction  of  Methodism  into  Liberia,  occurred 
in  connection  with  the  colonists,  about  forty  years  since ;  but 
the  mission  was  not  formally  organized  until  1832.  Something 
more  than  a  half  million  of  dollars  has  been  expended  on  this 
mission.  From  causes  assigned  by  Bishop  Scott,  and  quoted  else- 
where, the  success  of  the  missionaries  among  the  natives  has  not 
been  very  encouraging  —  there  being  at  present  only  seventy-two 
converts.  Deducting  the  German  and  Scandinavian  converts  from 
the  number  of  the  native  converts,  and  adding  thereto  the  Ameri- 
can colonists  in  Liberia,  and  the  whole  number  of  church  mem- 
bers which  should  be  estimated  in  this  connection  is  2,845. 

The  Methodist  Church  South,  including  the  members  in  the 
border  Conferences,  can  offset  this  by  showing  a  colored  member- 
ship of  over  215,000  ! 

2.  The  American  Baptist  Missionary  Union  is  the  agency 
of  the  Baptist  Churches  North,  for  conducting  their  missionary 
operations  in  the  foreign  field.  The  missions  of  this  Board,  ac- 
cording to  the  Annual  Report  for  1861,  stand  as  follows : 


m 

1           1  '    «  tn 

.     .          1 

1^ 

f^ 

5  a  ^ 

5 

■^    CO 

S  ?  = 

H 

Mt 

tA 

H 

«       <: 

^ 

WHERE  LOCATED. 

m 

o 
at 

CO 

© 

CO 

< 
!S 
O 

*"  w  £; 
a  PS  S 

^  ^^ 
"Km 

f;  u  ■< 

a 

u 

t& 

a 

to 

o 

S 

f» 

o 

S5 

14 

2 

17 

7 

311 

9 

36 
5 

37 

7 

387 
5 

288 
15 

16,174 
1,600 

N.  American  Indians... 

Europe 

2 

71 

861 

141 

79 

9,239 

Total 

18 

95 

1,181 

41 

44 

633 

382 

27,013 

The  Baptist  missionaries,  sent  to  Asia,  were  the  first  who  left 
the  United  States  for  a  heathen  country.  They  set  sail  in  1812. 
Nearly  fifty  years  have  elapsed  since  that  date,  and  their  missions 
in  Asia  now  number  16,174  converts.  Those  among  the  North 
American  Indians,  commenced  at  a  later  day,  have  1,600 ;  making 
a  total  membership,  in  the  Baptist  mission  churches,  in  their 
heathen  fields,  of  17,774. 


232  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

The  Southern  Baptist  Board  of  Missions,  have  their  fields 
of  labor  in  Africa,  and  in  the  Southern  States.  In  the  latter  field 
alone,  the  number  of  converts,  in  1859,  was  175,000  !  This,  how- 
ever, includes  the  whole  membership  in  all  the  Baptist  congrega- 
tions, missionary  as  well  as  anti-missionary.  In  Africa,  they 
have  had  no  better  success  than  other  churches. 

The  missions  of  the  Baptist  Churches  North,  were  established 
among  a  people  called  free.  Those  in  Asia  had  to  encounter  the 
difiiculties  attending  the  mission  work  among  an  idolatrous  popu- 
lation, speaking  a  foreign  language;  while  those  among  the  Indi- 
ans were  not  more  favorably  situated.  The  Northern  Board,  in 
conducting  its  missions,  had  the  advantage  of  being  supported  by 
a  more  numerous  people,  who  could  greatly  exceed  the  South  in 
the  amount  of  their  contributions.  It  had  the  further  advantage, 
also,  of  having  the  aid  of  the  South  for  many  years,  or  until  the 
Northern  and  Southern  churches  divided  on  the  question  of 
slavery.  Its  heathen  missions,  alone,  are  noticed  in  this  contrast, 
those  in  Europe  being  among  a  civilized  people. 

The  Southern  Board  had  to  send  its  missionaries  among  a  slave 
population,  where  the  world  at  large  averred  the  Gospel  could 
make  no  progress.  But  in  this  belief  the  World  Avas  mistaken. 
The  colored  people,  under  slavery,  had  never  formed  any  attach- 
ments to  the  religion  of  their  fathers ;  and  they  had  acquired  the 
use  of  the  English  language.  This  was  a  progress  vastly  beyond 
the  condition  of  the  population  of  Asia;  and  the  results  show  a 
corresponding  success  —  the  converts  in  the  missions  of  the  North- 
ern Board  being  17,774,  and  of  the  Southern  Board,  175,000  ! 

There  is  a  point  of  great  interest  here,  and  at  the  risk  of  some 
repetition  of  what  is  elsewhere  said,  we  call  attention  to  it  in  this 
connection.  The  slow  progress  of  the  mission-work  in  the  foreign 
fields,  so  far  as  natural  causes  operate,  are  the  results  of  the 
deeply-seated  systems  of  idolatry  which  prevail,  and  the  social 
practices  that  are  their  natural  out-growth:  all  of  which  are 
wholly  antagonistic  to  the  pure  principles  of  the  Gospel.  These 
have  to  be  uprooted  before  Christianity  can  succeed.  The  Ameri- 
can slaves  born  among  a  people  acknowledging  Christianity,  are 
unafi"ected  by  false  idolatrous  systems  of  religion,  and  are,  there- 
fore, more  accessible  to  Christian  instruction. 


POKEIGN  MISSIONS  OF  AMERICAN  CHURCHES  AND  SLAVERY.    233 

3.  The  Presbyterian  Board  op  Foreign  Missions.  —  This 
Board  is  the  agency  appointed  by  the  General  Assembly  Presby- 
terians, 0.  S.,  for  conducting  their  missions  in  the  foreign  field. 
Its  Report  for  1861,  gives  the  extent  of  its  missions,  with  the 
results  as  follows : 


m 

a 

a 

M 

a 

WHERE  LOCATED. 

i 

01 

a 

a 

i 

la 

i 

< 

a 

03 

» 

> 

Eh 

s" 

> 

>4 

o 

■^ 

E^ 

H 

'ii 

S  M 

H 

a 

n 

»   M 

E-. 

01 

•< 

Z 

< 

is 

03 

O 

Indian  Tribes 

7 

13 

15 

3 

62 

8 

708 

2,179 

Africa 

3 

9 

12 

12 

6 

242 

250 

India 

2 

1 
4 

17 
1 
5 

23 

6 

13 

3 

23 

6 
18 

48 

1 

17 

3,475 
31 

188 

259 

Siam 

8 

China • 

161 

1 

1 

1 

3 

1 

2 

4 

3 

20 

Total* 

19 

48 

74 

6 

126 

80 

4,664 

2,857 

These  missions  are  efficiently  sustained  by  the  contributions 
from  the  congregations  of  this  denomination.  No  Christian  peo- 
ple in  the  world  more  regularly,  zealously,  and  conscientiously 
sustain  their  religious  enterprises.  In  this  respect  the  Old  School 
Presbyterians  are  educated  up  to  a  commendable  degree  of  liber- 
ality, it  being  no  longer  necessary  to  employ  agents  for  the  col- 
lection of  funds. 

The  success  of  the  missions  of  this  Church  abroad,  has  not  been 
equal  to  the  success  of  its  less  systematic  efforts  at  home.  The 
foreign  field,  in  1861,  gives  but  2,857  converts  among  the  heathen; 
while  the  home  field,  in  1859,  gave  12,000  converts  among  the 
slaves. 

4.  The  American  Board  of  Commissioners  for  Foreign  Mis- 
sions.—  This  Board  derives  its  support,  mainly,  from  the  Con- 
gregationalists  and  New  School  General  Assembly  Presbyterians. 
It  has  been  in  existence  fifty  years,  and  has  just  issued  a  Memorial 
Volume,  for  1860,  in  celebration  of  its  Jubilee  Meeting.  The 
total  expenditure  of  the  Board,  from  its  organization  to  the  date 


*  The  mission  to  the  Jews  in  New  York,  of  one  minister,  and  that  to  Papal 
Europe,  are  omitted,  as  not  being  Pagan,  and  as  not  reporting  any  members. 


234 


PULPIT   POLITICS. 


of  the  issuing  of  this  volume,  or  in  the  first  fifty  years  of  its 
operations,  has  been  $8,633,381.  The  expenditure  for  1860  was 
$361,958;  and,  for  the  four  years  preceding,  an  average  of 
$217,680  per  annum.  This  Missionary  Association  is  probably 
the  best  supported  and  most  efiicient  Board  in  the  country,  and 
may  be  considered  the  model  institution  of  its  class. 

The  following  tabular  view  of  the  missions  of  the  Board,  in* 
eluding  the  number  of  churches  established,  the  number  of  con* 
verts  received  in  the  congregations  during  the  year,  the  present 
number  of  the  members  in  the  several  churches,  and  the  number 
of  converts  from  the  beginning,  will  afford  a  true  idea  of  the 
success  attending  the  efibrts  of  the  Association: 


MISSIONS. 

CHURCHE8. 

RECEIVED  THE 
LAST  YEAR. 

PRESENT 

NUMBER. 

NUMBER  FROM 
THE   BEGINNING. 

1 

7 

40 

3 

1 

13 
2 
5 

28 
9 
3 
5 

23 
1 
6 

12 
2 
3 

6 
226 

19 

61 
69 
11 

78 
46 
13 

573 

132 
5 

27 

15 

186 

1,277 

119 

10 

;!85 

39B 

74 

126 

1,012 

457 

28 

126 

14,413 

4 

248 

1,362 

91 

283 

38 
1,450 

157 

401 
466 

1,278 

3:. 

130 

43,758 

4 

Mosul 

Nestorian  Mission  ...... 

Mahratta  Mission 

Arcot  Mission,  (1857)... 
Madura  Mission  

Three  China  Missions. 
Amoy  Mission,  (1857).. 

Sandwich  Islands 

Micronesia  Mission 

Cherokee    (1859) 

Choctaws,  (1859) 

Dakotas  k  Ojibwas 

Senecas  <fe  Tuscaroras.. 

Total 

20,621 

The  number  of  ordained  missionaries  and  assistant  missionaries 
sent  forth  from  the  beginning  has  been  1,258  —  ordained  mis- 
sionaries 415,  physicians  not  ordained  24,  assistants  819  ;  males 
567,  females  691. 

5.  The  Board  of  Missions  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal 
Church  in  North  America  held  its  twenty-fourth  annual  and 
eighth  triennial  meeting  in  Richmond,  Virginia,  October,  1859. 
The  Report,  in  relation  to  the  foreign  fields,  exhibits  an  expendi- 
ture of  money,  in  the  several  missions,  which  indicates  a  great 


I^OIiErGN  MISSIONS  OF  AMERICAN  CHURCHES  AND  SLAVERY.    235 

degree  of  liberality,  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  this  church,  in 
the  support  of  Gospel  ordinances  in  the  heathen  world.  The  sev- 
eral amounts  stood  thus :  The  mission  in  Greece,  $3,300 ;  China, 
$19,902;  Africa,  $41,321 ;  South  America,  $100 ;  Japan,  $1,832. 
Total,  $66,455  —  fractions  omitted. 

"  Very  marked  changes  are  going  on  in  large  portions  of  the  con- 
tinent of  Africa.  Exploration  has  done  much  to  bring  to  light  that 
which  was  before  unknown,  and  to  exhibit  features  in  the  condition 
of  the  country  and  its  inhabitants,  encouraging  more  intimate  rela- 
tions with  those  engaged  in  business  and  commercial  pursuits,  and 
inviting  to  largely-increased  benevolent  and  missionary  operations."* 

In  relation  to  the  African  mission  under  the  charge  of  Bishop 
Payne,  this  devoted  missionary  writes,  in  October,  1861,  that  the 
mission  stands  thus:  communicants,  foreign  and  colonist,  211; 
native,  158:  total,  369.  Boarding  scholars,  colonist,  37;  native, 
103:  total,  140.  Day  scholars,  colonist,  133;  native,  250:  total, 
383.  Sunday-school  scholars,  colonist,  334;  native,  150:  total, 
484.  t 

The  China  mission  is  comparatively  of  recent  origin,  but  pre- 
sents encouraging  aspects.  It  consists  of  a  bishop,  3  presbyters, 
6  deacons,  2  native  deacons,  3  candidates  for  orders,  (2  foreign, 
1  native,)  12  female  missionaries :  total,  27.  Baptisms,  12  ;  com- 
municants, about  70.  As  there  have  been  but  12  baptisms,  it  is 
inferred  that  the  greater  number  of  these  communicants  are  for- 
eigners, residing  in  China. 

The  Board,  in  reference  to  Japan,  take  pleasure  in  announcing 
that,  in  point  of  time,  their  mission  was  the  first  one  actually  es- 
tablished in  that  empire. 

The  mission  in  South  America  is  also  in  its  infancy. 

The  statistics  of  the  Greek  mission  are  not  given  in  the  work 
from  Avhich  we  quote  the  foregoing  particulars.  |  From  the  small 
amount  appropriated  for  its  support,  it  is  inferred  that  it  is  an  in- 
fant mission. 

6.  The  American  Christian  Record,  for  1860,  has  the  following 

*  American  Christian  Record,  1860. 

t  Report  of  Bishop  Payne,  African  Repository. 

X  American  Christian  Record,  1860. 


286  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

notice  of  the  American  Missionary  Association.  It  refers  to 
the  report  of  1859  : 

"  The  missionaries  have  heen  instructed  to  lahor  for  the  overthrow 
of  slavery,  as  of  any  other  sin,  and  they  do  not  receive  slaveholders 
into  the  church,  nor  invite  them  to  communion. 

"  The  number  of  foreign  missions  was  8 ;  stations  and  out-stations 
29;  and  9  out-preaching  places.  Number  of  laborers  in  the  foreign 
field,  including  those  about  to  sail,  69.  .  .  .  The  Jamaica  mission  had 
7  stations,  3  out-stations,  and  2-4  missionary  laborers,  including  4  native 
assistants.  The  reports  exhibit  a  less  favorable  condition  than  in 
former  years.  .  .  .  The  Ojibue  mission  being  unpromising,  the  com- 
mittee recommended  its  relinquishment.  The  Ojibue  and  Ottowa 
mission  had  had  7  additions  to  the  church  membership  in  the  preced- 
ing eight  months Sixty  had  been  added  to  the  church  at  the 

Sandwich  Islands.  Several  Sunday-schools  and  two  churches  had 
been  formed  among  the  colored  population  of  the  Canada  mission, 
Mr.  Hotchkiss  had  added  18  to  the  churches  under  his  care,  in  a  little 
more  than  a  year.  The  Siam  mission  was  at  length  beginning  to  pre- 
sent  cheering   indications The  Coptic  mission  had  made  no 

progress  during  the  year,,  in  consequence  of  the  illness  of  Mr.  Mar- 
tin, who  had  asked  and  obtained  permission  to  retire." 

Of  the  African  mission  little  more  is  said,  in  the  work  from  which 
we  quote,  than  Avhat  has  been  already  stated.  No  statistics  of 
membership  are  given,  so  that  we  are  left  without  satisfactory 
data  from  which  to  judge  of  the  progress  of  the  foreign  mission- 
ary work  of  this  Board.  It  must  be  remarked,  however,  that 
with  the  exception  of  the  West  India,  the  African,  and  the  Can- 
ada mission,  the  fields  entered  upon  have  not  been  long  occupied. 
The  membership  in  the  West  Indies  is  elsewhere  stated  at  400, 
and  that  of  Africa  at  300.     Total,  700. 

7.  The  Reformed  Protestant  Dutch  Church  has  three  for- 
eign missions  under  its  care — the  Amoy,  the  Arcot,  and  the 
Japanese.  The  Amoy  mission  was  founded  in  1812,  and,  in 
1859,  was  composed  of  5  missionaries,  and  3  assistant  female 
missionaries,  with  8  native  helpers,  making  16  in  all.  There 
were,  in  1859,  under  the  care  of  the  mission,  185  communicants,  3 
parochial  schools,  and  4  theological  students  under  its  patronage. 

The  Arcot  mission  has  5  churches,  with  an  aggregate  of  146 


FOREIGN  MISSIONS  OF  AMERICAN  CHURCHES  AND  SLAVERY.    237 

members,  29  of  whom  were  received  during  the  year.  The  mis- 
sion is  composed  of  7  missionaries,  5  of  whom  belong  to  the 
Scudder  family,  so  eminent  for  their  devotion  to  the  cause  of 
their  Divin-e  Master;  and  6  female  assistant  missionaries  and  1 
male  assistant  —  in  all  14.  Total  communicants  in  these  two 
missions,  331. 

The  Japanese  mission  is  composed  of  3  missionaries  and  4  as- 
sistant missionaries.     This  mission  is  of  recent  orio-in. 

The  Moravians  of  the  United  States  act  in  concert  with  their 
brethren  throughout  Europe.  Their  missions  are,  therefore, 
omitted  in  this  statement  of  the  operations  of  the  American 
churches,  but  are  included  in  another  section,  referring  to  the 
missions  of  Protestant  Christendom. 

We  are  now  prepared  to  contrast  the  missions  of  the  American 
churches  among  the  heathen,  with  those  which  have  been  con- 
ducted among  the  slaves  of  the  United  States.  They  stand  as 
follows : 


DENOMINATIONS. 

HEATHEN  MIS- 
SIONS. 

Methodists,  (North) 

Baptists,  (North) 

2,845 
17,774 

2,857 

20,621 

439 

700 

331 

300 

Presbyterians,  (0.  S.) 

Protestant  Episcopal  Ch.. 
American  Missionary  As- 
sociation  

Reformed    Protestant 
Dutch  Church 

Mr.   King's,   and  others. 

Total 

45,867 

DENOMINATIONS. 

MISSIONS  IN 
SLAVE  STATES. 

Methodists,  (South)® 

215,000 

175,000 

12,000 

6,000 

7,000 
10,000 

20,000 
20,000 

Presbyterians,  (0.  S.) 

Presbyterians,  (N.  S.) 

Protestant  Episcopal  Ch., 

Christian  Church 

Cumberland    Presbyteri- 
ans   

Other  Denominations 

Total 

465,000 

If  we  deduct  from  the  converts  in  the  missions  of  the  Ameri- 
can Board,  the  church  members  in  the  Sandwich  Islands,  the 
remainder,  belonging  to  all  the  other  missions  of  the  Board,  will 
be  6,208,  or  only  about  the  same  number  that  the  New  School 
Presbyterians  lost  to  their  Assembly,  among  the  blacks  of  the 
South,  by  the  agitation  of  the  subject  of  slavery. 


*  This  includes  all  the  colored  membership  in  the  border  Conferences  of  the 
Church  North,  within  the  slave  States,  along  with  those  in  the  Church  South. 


238  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

Comments  upon  the  above  figures  are  not  required,  to  convince 
the  intelligent  reader  that  American  Slavery  presents  no  such 
obstacles  to  the  progress  of  the  Gospel  as  are  found  in  the  pagan 
world. 

•     Section  VIII.  —  General  results  of  the  Missionary  Efforts 

AMONG  THE  AFRICAN  RaCE,  IN  FREEDOM   AND  IN  SLAVERY,  PLACED 

IN  CONTRAST. 

We  are  now  prepared  to  look  at  results,  in  another  direction, 
and  to  contrast  the  success  of  the  Gospel  among  the  slaves  of  the 
United  States,  Avitli  the  progress  it  has  made  in  all  the  other  por- 
tions of  the  world,  where  the  missionary  has  extended  his  aid  to 
the  African  race. 

The  work  of  missions,  for  the  benefit  of  the  negro  race,  may 
be  considered  as  having  been  fairly  commenced,  only  a  short  time 
before  the  beginning  of  the  present  century.  The  Moravian  mis- 
sions had  their  origin  at  an  earlier  day ;  but  those  of  the  other 
denominations,  in  South  Africa,  the  West  Indies,  and  the  United 
States,  had  then  been  in  operation  only  a  little  more  than  a  dozen 
years.  The  missions  in  West  Africa  are  of  a  different  type  from 
all  the  others,  as  slavery  has  not  prevailed  in  either  Sierra  Leone 
or  Liberia.  The  British  emancipation  act  gave  freedom  to  both 
South  Africa  and  the  West  Indies.  The  South  African  missions 
have  had  their  own  peculiar  obstacles  to  overcome,  and  many  of 
them  are  yet  in  a  very  embarrassing  position.  The  contrast  for 
the  West  Indies  has  already  been  drawn,  between  the  periods  of 
slavery  and  freedom ;  and  the  facts  show  that,  with  the  advaiitages 
of  all  the  previous  missionary  labor  in  the  islands,  upon  which  to 
found  their  free  churches,  and  with  double  the  number  of  societies 
actively  at  work,  the  colored  membership,  in  these  islands,  is  now 
but  little  advanced  beyond  what  it  was  before  emancipation ;  and 
the  general  testimony,  contained  in  the  missionary  reports,  is, 
that  the  membership  does  not  increase. 

This  result  is  very  different,  indeed,  from  what  was  expected  by 
British  Christians,  while  laboring  for  West  India  emancipation, 
and  supplies  a  striking  example  of  the  lack  of  foresight  govern- 
ing their  actions. 


MISSIONS  UNDER  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  CONTRASTED.   239 

The  missions  in  the  West  Indies,  in  1858,  embraced  a  member- 
ship of  92,494,  belonging  to  the  several  Missionary  Associations, 
as  follows :  * 


SOCIETIES. 

Wesleyans 

English  Baptists 

Church  of  England 

London  Missionary  Society 

Moravians 

Scotch  Presbyterians 

American  Missionary  Association. 

Total 


MISSIONARIES. 

UEMBEBS. 

SCHOLARS. 

79 

7' 
36 

48,589 

1 18,009 

696 

18,247 
753 
384 

19 

87 

4,000 
X  36,441 

3,000 

23 
6 

3,900 
300 

3,000 
513 

256 

111,935 

25,861 

The  missions  in  South  Africa,  in  1858,  embraced  a  member- 
ship of  14,258,  belonging  to  the  several  missionary  societies 
operating  in  that  field,  as  follows :  § 


SOCIETIES. 

MISSIONARIES. 

MEMBERS. 

SCHOLARS. 

29 
32 

8 
14 
12 
39 
50 
21 

6 
14 

1,882 
4,301 

109 
1,183 

166 
-    4,970 

1,647 

3,483 

310 

188 
7,479 

418 

Berlin  Missionary  Society 

Total 

225 

14,258 

11,878 

In  addition  to  the  missionary  force  here  stated,  there  were  10 
European  or  American  assistants,  and  154  native  missionaries, 
and  672  native  assistants. 

According  to  the  Scotch  Record,  for  1861,  these  missions  must 
have  a  less  number  of  members  now,  than  in  1850,  before  the 
Cafiir  war  of  1851,  '52,  '53,  as  it  places  the  number  of  scholars, 
for  1861,  below  that  of  Baird's  Retrospect,  for  1850,  by  5,000. 

*  Encyclopgedia  of  Missions,  1858,  page  775. 
t  Includes  the  churches  not  now  aided  by  the  Society. 

t  These  are  later  statistics,  from  American  Christian  Record,  I860.     This  in- 
cludes the  Dauish  islands  as  well  as  the  British. 
§  Encyclopasdia  of  Minsions,  1868,  page  58. 


240  PULPIT  POLITICS, 

The  mission  of  the  London  Missionary  Society,  in  the  African 
Islands,  reports  a  membership  of  1,170. 

The  missions  in  West  Africa  include  those  of  Sierra  Leone 
and  Liberia,  and  have  a  membership  of  23,770.  * 

In  Canada,  the  mission  of  Rev.  Mr.  King,  in  1859,  had  a  mem- 
bership of  70,  and  an  attendance  of  200  to  300.  f  We  have  no 
other  statistics  from  Canada,  as  to  the  colored  churches,  but  have 
seen  a  newspaper  statement  that  the  membership  is  about  300. 

The  progress  of  African  evangelization,  then,  among  the  free 
colored  people  outside  of  the  United  States,  will  stand  as  follows : 

MEMBERS. 

West  Indies 111,935 

South  Africa 14,258 

African  Islands,  f 1,170 

West  Africa 23,770 

Canada,  (estimated,) 300 

Total  outside  of  the  United  States...; 151,433 

Total  converts  in  the  Slave  States  of  the  United  States 465,000 

Difference  in  favor  of  missions  in  the  United  States 203,567 

The  result  of  this  contrast  must  forever  silence  the  advocates 
of  the  British  theory  —  that  slavery  presents  an  insuperable  bar- 
rier to  African  evangelization.  But  these  contrasts  would  be 
incomplete,  were  we  to  stop  here.  The  Christian  world  feels 
encouraged  to  proceed  with  the  missions  in  heathen  countries. 
Look,  then,  at  the  following  section,  and  see  how  their  results 
compare  with  the  results  among  our  slaves. 

Section  IX.  —  Contrast  of  the  results  of  all  the  Mission- 
ary Force  employed  by  Protestant  Christendom,  with  the 
results  of  the  missions  in  the  Slave  States  of  the  United 
States. 

This  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  points  in  the  whole  of  our 
contrasts.  The  Protestant  missions,  among  heathen  nations,  are 
prosecuted  by  the  Protestant  Christian  denominations  throughout 
Europe  and  America.  These  missions  have  been  extended  to 
Asia,  Africa,  Pacific  Islands,  West  Indies,  and  North  American 

*  Scotch  Record,  1861. 

t  Address  of  Rev.  Mr.  King,  in  Glasgow,  Scotland,  December,  1859. 


SCOTTISH  AMERICAN  PRESBYTERIANISM  AND  SLAVERY.        241 

Indians.  Newcomb's  Encyclopedia  of  Missions,  for  1858,  gives 
the  whole  number  of  converts,  in  all  these  missions,  at  211,389 ; 
but  more  recent  estimates  make  the  number,  at  present,  approxi- 
mate 250,000. 

The  converts  in  the  slave  States  are  465,000,  and  exceed  the 
whole  of  the  converts  throughout  heathendom  by  215,000 ! 

Thus,  while  the  larger  number  of  religious  men,  throughout 
Christendom,  have  been  denouncing  American  slavery  as  incom- 
patible with  African  evangelization ;  a  handful  of  pious  men,  in 
the  slave  States,  regardless  of  the  reproaches  cast  upon  them, 
have  labored  for  the  salvation  of  the  slave,  with  a  success  nearly 
double  that  attending  the  efforts  of  all  the  other  missionaries 
throughout  the  heathen  world. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Elliott,  in  his  "  Great  Secession,"  on  this  point 
uses  the  following  language ;  in  speaking  of  the  success  of  the 
missionaries  of  the  Methodist  Church  South,  among  the  slaves : 

"  Their  missionary  labors  among  the  slaves  of  the  South  have  no 
parallel  in  the  world  at  this  day.  While  they  are  denounced  without 
stint  by  Northern  and  some  British  abolitionists  of  the  recent  school, 
they  are  doing  more  good,  practically  and  Scripturally,  for  the  en- 
lightenment, reformation,  elevation,  and  future  advantageous  emanci- 
pation of  the  slaves,  than  all  their  censurers  are." 

Section  X.  —  Contrast  of  the  success  of  the  Scottish 
American  Presbyterian  Churches,  with  that  of  the  Mis- 
sionaries IN  THE  Southern  Slave  States. 

Another  contrast,  here,  will  be  useful.  From  causes  known 
only  to  God  himself,  many  of  the  religious  denominations,  besides 
those  noticed  in  Section  VI.  of  this  Chapter,  have  made  no  such 
rapid  progress  as  might  have  been  expected  from  the  numbers, 
the  learning,  and  the  zeal  of  their  ministry.  The  Scotch  Presby- 
terian Churches  were  the  first  to  engage,  successfully,  in  the  work 
of  discarding  all  slaveholders  from  their  communion.  *  They 
once  had  a  stronghold  in  the  slave  States,  but  had  to  withdraw  to 
the  free  States,  on  account  of  the  rigidness  of  the  rules  they 

*  See  Chapter  VII.     It  is  true  that  the  Methodists,  at  the  North,  attempted 
the  same  thing,  at  an  earlier  day,  but  soon  gave  it  up. 

16 


242  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

adopted  against  slaveholding,  when  they  embarked  in  the  anti- 
slavery  crusade.  We  have  not  been  able  to  obtain  the  early 
statistics  of  these  denominations ;  but  in  1829,  the  Associate 
Church  had  10,141  members ;  the  Associate  Reformed  Synod  of 
the  West,  probably  not  so  many ;  and  the  Reformed  Presbyterian 
Church,  then  undivided,  a  much  less  number.  The  aggregate 
membership  was  about  25,000,  certainly  not  more  than  that  num- 
ber. In  the  year  following,  the  number  of  Africans  in  the  Chris- 
tian Church,  in  the  United  States,  was  about  140,000.  It  was 
under  these  circumstances,  that  the  Scotch  Presbyterian  Churches 
began  their  anti-slavery  excitement,  in  which  it  was  contended 
that  the  Gospel  could  not  prevail  among  the  slave  population, 
while  they  remained  in  bondage. 

The  years  1860  and  1861  bring  out  results  that  should  lead 
the  clergymen  of  these  denominations,  who  have  heretofore  taken 
such  high  anti-slavery  ground,  to  pause  and  reflect  on  the  results 
of  their  conduct.  In  1859,  the  number  of  ministers  was  525. 
Their  labors  have  been  devoted  to  the  white  population,  in  the 
free  States.  Beginning  before  the  American  Revolution,  they  have 
had  a  fair  field  of  labor  —  not  an  obstacle  existing  except  of  their 
own  creation.  Here  are  the  results  of  their  labors  on  the  one 
hand,  and  that  of  the  missionaries  among  the  colored  people,  in 
the  slave  States,  on  the  other  hand: 

MGMBEBS. 

United  Presbyterian  Church,  1861 58,781 

Eeformed  Presbyterian  Church,  (0.  S.,)  1861 8,000 

Eeformed  Presbyterian  Church,  (N.  S.,)  1861 10,000 

Total  membership  in  Scotch  Presbyterian  Churches,  *  ...    76,781 
Total  colored  converts  in  slave  States 465,000 

Excess  of  colored  members  over  Scotch  Presbyterians...  388,219 

On  which  side,  now  —  Scotch  Presbyterianism  or  slavery  —  do 
we  find  the  Gospel  most  fatally  hindered  in  its  progress  ?  On  the 
side  of  the  former,  the  converts  have  been  raised,  in  thirty  years, 
from  about  25,000  to  76,700 :  on  that  of  the  latter,  from  140,000 
to  465,000  ! 

And,  notwithstanding  these  results,  the  whole  of  these  denom- 

*  Presbyterian  Historical  Almanac,  1861. 


GENERAL  ASSEMBLY   PRESBYTERIANS   AND    SLAVERY.  243 

inations  are  still  pressing  their  old  theories  upon  public  attention, 
with  as  much  zeal  as  though  the  Gospel  had  been  utterly  excluded 
from  the  slave  States,  and  not  a  child  of  Africa  had  been  brought 
to  a  knowledge  of  the  Saviour ! 

Section  XI.  —  Contrast  of  the  Success  of  the  General 
Assembly  Presbyterians,  with  that  of  the  Missionaries  in 
THE  Southern  Slave  States. 

The  preceding  section  presents  very  strange  results,  indeed,  as 
compared  with  what  the  Northern  actors  in  the  abolition  drama 
expected  to  accomplish.  The  General  Assembly  Presbyterian 
Church  was  also  much  agitated  by  the  abolition  movement.  Those 
who  troubled  her  held  the  prevailing  abolition  theory,  that  slavery 
and  the  Gospel  are  incompatible ;  and  continued  to  press  the  ques- 
tion upon  the  attention  of  both  General  Assemblies,  even  up  to 
1861. 

In  1830,  this  Church  was  undivided,  and  had  a  membership  of 
173,329,  as  against  140,000  colored  church  members  in  the  slave 
States.  In  1859,  when  the  Church  was  divided  into  two  General 
Assemblies,  the  two  bodies  had  a  membership  of  417,589,  as  against 
453,000  colored  members  in  the  Churches  in  the  slave  States ! 
But,  in  this  membership  of  the  General  Assemblies  there  is  in- 
cluded, as  elsewhere  stated,  a  colored  membership  of  18,000;  leav- 
ing the  white  membership  of  these  two  bodies  somewhat  less  than 
400,000,  while  the  whole  colored  church  members  in  the  South 
were,  at  that  date,  more  than  450,000  ! 

Concluding  Section. — The  Christian  character  of  the  con- 
verts in  the  missions  among  the  heathen,  contrasted  with 
that  of  the  converted  slaves  in  the  United  States. 

In  the  earlier  periods  of  African  slavery  in  America,  the  utmost 
latitude  of  opinion  was  allowable,  in  speculating  about  the  moral 
elevation  of  the  slaves.  But 'little  was  then  known  of  the  char- 
acter of  the  negro  race,  and  still  less  of  the  laws  governing  the 
progress  of  Christian  missions  among  barbarous  populations.  The 
deep  moral  degradation  of  the  African,  throughout  the  world,  was 
calculated  to  enlist  the  sympathies  of  Christian  men.     In  project- 


244  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

ing  schemes  for  his  relief,  speculation  had  to  supply  the  office  of 
fact ;  and  all  Church  legislation  was  merely  a  random  venture  to- 
ward a  proper  discharge  of  what  was  felt  to  be  a  moral  duty — the 
Christian  instruction  of  the  colored  people.  In  relation  to  all  that 
was  done,  up  to  1820,  no  man  could  then  tell  whether  any  other 
measures,  than  those  projected,  were  more  likely  to  promote  the 
moral  progress  of  the  African  race.  As  time  rolled  on,  how- 
ever, light  began  to  break  in  upon  the  darkness,  and  at  the  moment 
when  the  abolition  excitement  began,  say  1830,  the  developments 
of  Providence  clearly  indicated,  to  unprejudiced  minds,  the  proper 
policy  to  be  pursued.  Many  parts  of  the  North  had  become 
crowded  with  free  negroes,  whose  deep  degradation  had  united  the 
public  in  an  effort  to  transfer  them  to  Africa.  Freedom,  without 
the  means  of  moral  culture,  had  proved  itself  of  no  value  to  the 
colored  man ;  while,  on  the  contrary,  slavery,  accompanied  by  re- 
ligious instruction,  had  given  the  Methodist  Church,  alone,  in 
1830,  a  colored  membership  of  nearly  70,000.  Of  these  Chris- 
tian converts,  only  1,280  were  in  the  free  States,  outside  of  the 
Philadelphia  Conference.  Thus,  the  Gospel  had  begun,  fairly,  to 
show  its  power  over  the  slave,  and  to  demand  of  Christians  a  united 
effort  for  their  conversion.  But,  instead  of  obeying  this  unequiv- 
ocal call  of  Divine  Providence,  the  Churches,  almost  with  one 
accord,  suffered  themselves  to  be  led  onward  in  efforts  to  secure 
equal  civil  rights  for  the  slaves,  instead  of  engaging  in  the  more 
practical  and  useful  work  of  preaching  to  them  the  Gospel,  as  a 
means  of  their  moral  elevation. 

As  an  apology  for  declining  to  cooperate  in  missions  among  the 
slaves,  it  has  been  denied  that  the  slave  converts  are  entitled  to 
be  considered  as  Christian,  either  in  their  intelligence,  morality, 
or  piety.  In  replying  to  this,  it  is  only  necessary  to  say,  that  if 
the  colored  members  of  the  Church  in  the  South  are  not  to  be 
classified  with  Christian  men,  then  the  converts  in  our  heathen 
missions  must  also  be  denied  a  place  in  the  Christian  Church,  as 
the  standard  of  Christian  morality  is  fully  as  high  in  the  former 
as  in  the  latter.  It  has  been  alleged,  also,  that  the  converts  re- 
ported in  the  Southern  Churches  have  been  gathered,  largely,  by 
negro  preachers,  who,  on  getting  up  excitements,  proceeded  to  en- 
roll all  who  offered,  regardless  of  their  having  any  just  apprecia- 


SLAVE  CONVERTS  CONTRASTED  WITH  HEATHEN  CONVERTS.    245 

tion  of  the  nature  of  the  step  they  were  taking.  But  this  is  not 
the  mode  in  which  the  work  has  been  accomplished.  The  laws,  in 
perhaps  all  the  slave  States,  prohibit  negro  preaching,  excepting 
in  some  rare  cases.  The  mission  work  is  performed  by  white 
ministers,  and  the  same  rules  are  observed  in  the  admission  of  mem- 
bers, and  in  their  after  subjection  to  discipline,  that  prevail  among 
the  white  congregations  of  the  respective  denominations  to  which 
the  missionaries  belong.  Quite  a  large  proportion  of  the  colored 
members,  it  must  also  be  stated,  belong  to  regularly  organized 
Churches  of  white  people;  and  are,  in  every  respect,  subjected  to 
the  same  rules  which  regulate  the  conduct  of  their  white  fellow- 
professors.  That  they  are  inferior  in  general  intelligence  to  the 
white  church  members,  will  readily  be  admitted.  But  that  they 
stand  fair  as  to  piety  and  purity  of  moral  character,  we  have 
testimony  from  a  source  which  is  entitled  to  the  confidence  of 
every  abolitionist.  The  Anii-Slavery  Standard,  of  a  late  date, 
has  the  following  in  reference  to  this  question  : 

"  Mr.  Edward  L.  Pierce,  one  of  the  Massachusetts  soldiers  who 
served  in  the  three  months'  campaign  under  G-en.  Butler,  contributes 
to  the  November  number  of  the  Atlantic  MontTily  an  interesting  arti- 
cle on  the  '  Contrabands  at  Fortress  Monroe.'  Mr.  Pierce  was  assigned 
to  the  exclusive  control  and  supervision  of  the  negroes,  directing  the 
hours  of  their  labor  and  their  rest,  without  interference  from  any  one ; 
and  hence  enjoyed  peculiar  facilities  for  observing  their  habits  and 
arriving  at  just  conclusions  in  regard  to  their  condition.  He  shows 
us  that  the  slaves  are  not  imbruted  savages,  but  an  intelligent  and 
docile  race,  'quite  equal,'  he  says,  'to  the  mass  of  the  Southern  pop- 
ulation,' if  not  so  thrifty  and  practical  as  the  Yankees.  We  copy  a 
few  passages  from  Mr.  Pierce's  excellent  narrative  : 

" '  There  was  one  striking  feature  in  the  contrabands  which  must 
not  be  omitted.  I  did  not  hear  a  profane  or  vulgar  word  spoken  by 
them  during  my  superintendence,  a  remark  which  it  will  be  difl&cult 
to  make  of  any  sixty-four  white  men  taken  together  anywhere  in  oui 
army.  Indeed,  the  greatest  discomfort  of  a  soldier,  who  desires  to  remain 
a  gentleman  in  the  camp,  is  the  perpetual  reiteration  of  language  which 
no  decent  lips  would  utter  in  a  sister's  presence.  But  the  negroes,  so 
dogmatically  pronounced  unfit  for  freedom,  were  in  this  respect  models 
for  those  who  make  high  boasts  of  civility  of  manners  and  Christian 
culture.     Out  of  the  sixty-four  who  worked  for  us,  all  but  half  a 


246  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

dozen  were  members  of  the  Church,  generally  the  Baptist.  Although 
without  a  pastor,  they  held  religious  meetings  on  the  Sabbaths  which 
we  passed  in  Hampton,  which  were  attended  by  about  sixty  colored 
persons  and  three  hundred  soldiers.  The  devotions  were  decorously 
conducted,  bating  some  loud  shouting  by  one  or  two  excitable  brethren, 
which  the  better  sense  of  the  rest  could  not  suppress.  Their  prayers 
and  exhortations  were  fervent,  and  marked  by  a  simplicity  which  is 
not  unfrequently  the  richest  eloquence.  The  soldiers  behaved  with 
entire  propriety,  and  two  exhorted  them  with  pious  unction,  as  chil- 
dren of  one  Father,  ransomed  by  the  same  Redeemer.'  " 

On  perusing  these  statements,  an  anti-slavery  clergyman  re- 
marked, exultingly,  that,  if  the  negroes  had  made  such  progress 
as  this,  they  should  be  free.  His  view  of  the  subject  is  of  a  piece 
with  much  of  the  hasty  generalization  prevalent  in  reference  to 
slavery.  But  it  by  no  means  follows  that  because  a  people,  rising 
from  barbarism,  have  become  sober,  orderly,  and  pious,  under 
slavery,  that  they  are,  therefore,  prepared  for  the  enjoyment  of 
independence.  On  this  subject,  the  American  Board  is  a  compe- 
tent witness.  Hear  what  it  says  in  reference  to  its  most  prominent 
mission  : 

"  The  Board  can  not  be  said  to  have  completed  the  work  of  any 
one  of  its  missions,  if  this  involve  the  idea  of  a  native  Christian 
community  able  to  stand  alone.  Yet  several  of  the  heathen  commu' 
nities  in  which  it  has  labored  have  been  Christianized,  in  the  popular 
acceptation  of   that  term.      The  Sandwich   Islands  have   been   thus 

Christianized The  nation  was  composed  of  thieves,  drunkards, 

and  debauches.  The  land  was  owned  by  the  king  and  his  chiefs,  and 
the  people  were  slaves.  Constitutions,  laws,  courts  of  justice,  there 
were  none,  and  no  conception  of  such  things  in  the  native  mind. 
Property,  life,  every  thing  was  in  the  hands  of  arbitrary,  irresponsible 
chiefs,  who  filled  the  land  with  discord  and  oppression.  But  that  peo- 
ple has  become  a  Christian  nation  ;  not  civilized,  in  the  modern  accept- 
ation of  the  term  ;  not  able,  perhaps,  to  sustain  itself  unaided  in  any 
one  great  department  of  national  existence.  Laws,  institutions,  civil- 
ization, the  great  compact  of  social  and  political  life,  are  of  slower 
growth  than  Christianity.  A  nation  may  be  Christian,  while  its  intel- 
lect is  but  partially  developed,  and  its  municipal  and  civil  institutions 
are  in  their  infancy.  In  this  sense,  the  Hawaiian  nation  is  a  Christian 
nation,  and  will  abide  the  severest  scrutiny  by  every  appropriate  test." 


SLAVE  CONVERTS  CONTRASTED  WITH  HEATHEN  CONVERTS.    247 

"  But,  so  much,  indeed,  was  the  blood  of  the  nation  polluted 

by  an  impure  commerce  with  the  world,  before  our  Christian  mission, 
that  the  people  have  a  strong  remaining  tendency  to  licentiousness, 
which  the  Grospel  will  scarcely  remove  till  a  more  general  necessity 
exists  for  industry  and  remaining  at  home.  The  weakness  of  the  nation 
is  here."* 

Nations  are  composed  of  individuals.  As  a  "  nation  may  be 
Christian,  while  its  intellect  is  but  partially  developed,  and  its 
civil  institutions  are  in  their  infancy :"  so  an  individual  may  be 
Christian,  without  possessing  the  necessary  intelligence  to  make 
him  a  safe  member  of  civil  society  —  a  proper  judge  of  the  laws 
necessary  to  its  protection  and  progress.  This,  in  the  opinion  of 
the  whites  at  the  South,  is  precisely  the  condition  of  the  Christian 
converts  among  the  blacks ;  and  constitutes  a  reason  why  they 
will  not  assent  to  emancipation. 

In  comparing  the  condition  of  the  converts  gathered  into  the 
mission  churches  of  the  American  Board,  with  the  moral  stand- 
ard prevailing  among  Church  members  in  Christian  countries,  it 
says  : 

"  The  fact  undoubtedly  is,  that  visible  irregularities  and  disorders,  and 
even  certain  immoralities,  are  more  to  be  expected  in  churches  gath- 
ered from  among  the  heathen,  than  in  the  churches  of  Christendom  ; 
and  they  are,  at  the  same  time,  more  consistent  with  grace  in  the 
Church,  than  in  countries  that  have  long  enjoyed  the  light  and  influ- 
ence of  the  Gospel The  popular  sentiment  at  home  is  believed 

to  have  required  too  much  of  the  missions.  A  standard  has  been  pre- 
scribed for  their  ultimate  success,  which  renders  their  satisfactory  ter- 
mination quite  impossible,  or  at  best  throws  it  into  the  far,  uncertain 
future.  The  Christian  religion  has  been  identified,  in  the  popular 
conception  of  it,  with  a  general  diffusion  of  education,  industry,  civil 
liberty,  family  government,  and  social  order,  and  with  the  means  of  a 
respectable  livelihood  and  a  well-ordered  community.  Hence  our 
idea  of  piety  in  native  converts  has  generally  involved  the  acquisition 
and  possession,  to  a  great  extent,  of  these  blessings;  and  our  idea  of 
the  propagation  of  the  Gospel  by  means  of  missions  is,  to  an  equal 
extent,  the  creation  among  heathen  tribes  and  nations  of  a  state  of 

*  "Memorial  Volume,"  pages  253,  254,  to  which  the  reader  is  referred  for 
details. 


248  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

society  such  as  we  enjoy.  And  for  this  vast  intellectual,  moral,  social 
transformation  we  allow  but  a  short  time.  We  have  expected  the 
first  generation  of  converts,  even  among  savages,  to  come  pretty  fully 
into  our  fundamental  ideas  of  morals,  manners,  political  economy,  so- 
cial organization,  justice,  equity,  —  although  many  of  these  are  ideas 
which  old  Christian  communities  have  been  ages  in  acquiring.  If  we 
have  discovered  that  converts  under  the  torrid  zone  go  half  clothed, 
are  idle  on  a  soil  where  a  small  amount  of  labor  supplies  their  wants, 
sometimes  forget  the  apostle's  cautions  to  his  converts, '  not  to  lie  one 
to  another,'  and  'to  steal  no  more,'  in  communities  where  the  grossest 
vice  scarcely  affects  the  reputation,  and  are  slow  to  adopt  our  ideas  of 
the  rights  of  man,  we  at  once  doubt  the  genuineness  of  their  conver- 
sion, and  the  faithfulness  of  their  missionary  instructors."* 

What  are  we  to  infer  from  all  this,  but  that  the  standard  among 
the  converts  from  heathenism,  in  the  mission  churches  of  the 
American  Board,  is,  in  some  respects,  lower  than  we  find  it  among 
Church  members  at  home  ;  and  that  it  is  not  to  be  expected  that 
converts  from  heathenism  should,  in  a  single  generation,  attain  a 
position,  in  every  respect,  equal  to  that  which  the  Churches  in 
Christian  countries  have  gained  after  centuries  of  religious  train- 
ing. But  this  admission  of  the  Board  is  not  intended  to  create 
the  impression  that  the  converts  in  their  missions  are  not  true 
Christians ;  nor  is  the  admission  that  the  slave  converts  are  not, 
in  some  respects,  the  equals  of  the  white  professors  of  religion, 
intended  as  an  admission  that  they  are  not  true  disciples  of 
Christ. 

The  further  admission  of  the  Board  is  as  important  as  it  is 
true :  that  laws,  institutions,  civilization,  the  great  compact  of  so- 
cial and  political  life,  are  of  slower  growth  than  Christianity ;  and 
that,  notwithstanding  the  Christian  character  of  some  of  their  mis- 
sions, the  intellectual  development  made  by  the  population  is  not 
in  proportion  to  their  religious  progress  ;  and  that,  therefore,  they 
are  not  prepared  to  stand  alone,  unsupported  by  the  counsel  and 
control  of  a  superior  race.  This  is  exactly  the  view  entertained, 
of  the  negro  population  of  the  South,  by  all  considerate  men.  As 
a  race,  not  only  in  the  South,  but  throughout  the  world,  the  blacks 
have  made  no  such  advances  beyond  their  original  barbarism,  as 

*  Memorial  Volume,  pages  250,  261. 


SLAVE  CONVERTS  CONTRASTED  WITH  HEATHEN  CONVERTS.  249 

to  be  able  to  sustain  civilized  institutions  ■without  the  direction 
and  control  of  the  superior  races.  It  is  so  in  the  West  Indies 
and  Sierra  Leone,  where  all  civil  affairs  are  under  the  control  of 
the  British ;  it  is  so  in  Liberia,  where  the  American  Colonization 
Society  still  lends  its  friendly  aid ;  it  is  so  everywhere ;  and  why 
should  the  opposite  rule  be  demanded  for  the  United  States  ?  We 
thank  the  American  Board  for  its  timely  testimony  in  relation  to 
the  workings  of  Christian  missions  among  the  barbarous  races. 
It  gives  encouragement  to  believe  that  our  slave  converts  are  not 
behind  their  fellow-converts  in  heathen  lands. 

But  it  is  urged,  as  an  argument  for  emancipation,  that  the 
means  of  religious  progress  are  not  adequately  supplied  to  the 
slave  population  of  the  South.  The  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  and 
oral  instruction  in  the  Sabbath-schools  — including  the  memorizing 
of  the  Catechism  and  portions  of  Scripture  —  embrace  about  all  the 
means  of  instruction  now  publicly  afforded  to  the  slaves.  Is  this 
plan  of  teaching  sufficient  to  enlighten  a  people  born  in  the  midst 
of  a  Christian  civilization,  where  they  have  been  uninfluenced  by 
pagan  superstitions  and  idolatry  ?  Let  us  again  refer  to  the  Amer- 
ican Board  for  the  results  of  their  experience  on  this  point : 

"  There  has  been  a  growth  of  experience  and  skill  in  the  conduct 
of  missions  during  the  past  half  century.  It  is  indeed  true  that  our 
fathers,  at  the  outset,  gave  the  preeminence  to  the  preaching  of  the 
Gospel,  in  their  theory  of  missions,  as  really  as  do  their  successors. 
Thus  they  wrote  as  far  back  as  the  year  1813,  and  nothing  stronger 
can  be  said  now :  '  Important  as  the  distribution  of  the  Scriptures 
among  the  heathen,  in  their  own  language,  is  held  to  be  by  us  and  by 
the  Christian  public  generally,  it  should  never  be  forgotten  that  the 
preaching  of  the  Gospel^  in  every  part  of  the  earth,  is  indispensable  to 
the  general  conversion  of  mankind.  Though  the  Scriptures  alone 
have,  in  many  individual  cases,  been  made  the  instrument  of  regener- 
ation, yet  we  have  no  account  of  any  very  extensive  diffusion  of  Christ- 
ianity except  where  the  truths  of  the  Scriptures  have  been  preached. 
Were  the  heathen  generally  anxioiis  to  receive  the  Scriptures  and  to 
learn  divine  truth,  they  would,  like  the  Ethiopian  eunuch,  apply  for 
instruction  to  those  who  had  been  previously  acquainted  with  the  same 
Scriptures,  and,  when  asked  if  they  understood  what  they  had  read, 
would  reply,  '  How  can  we,  except  some  man  should  guide  us  ? '  The 
distribution  of  the  Bible  excites  inquiry,  and  often  leads  those  who 


250  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

receive  that  precious  book  to  atteod  public  worship  in  the  sanctuary. 
But  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  is,  after  all,  the  grand  means  appointed 
by  Infinite  Wisdom  for  the  conversion  and  salvation  of  men.  With- 
out this,  the  Scriptures,  however  liberally  distributed,  will  have  com- 
paratively little  effect  among  any  people,  whether  Pagan  or  nominally 
Christian.'  And  again,  in  1817:  'The  translation  and  dispersion  of 
the  Scriptures,  and  schools  for  the  instruction  of  the  young,  are  parts, 
and  necessary  parts,  of  the  great  design.  But  it  must  never  be  for- 
gotten, or  overlooked,  that  the  command  is,  to  '  preach  the  Gospel  to 
every  creature,'  and  that  the  preaching  of  the  word,  however  foolish 
it  may  seem  to  men,  is  the  grand  mean  appointed  by  the  wisdom  of 
God  for  the  saving  conversion  of  the  nations.' 

"From  this  practical  view  of  the  work,  taken  by  the  Board  at  the 
opening  of  its  career,  there  has  been  no  intentional  departure,  either 
by  the  Prudential  Committee  or  by  the  missions.  Schools  and  the 
press  have  always  been  regarded  as  subordinate  to  preaching.  When 
agriculture  and  the  mechanic  arts  have  also  been  taught,  as  in  the  In- 
dian missions,  and  at  first  on  the  Sandwich  Islands,  it  has  been  as  a 
subordinate  means.  At  the  same  time,  there  has  been  a  tendency  in 
the  more  important  of  the  auxiliary  influences  to  transcend  their 
proper  limits.  Book-making  has  sometimes  acquired  an  undue  promi- 
nence, especially  in  the  early  periods,  when  some  brethren  may  have 
found  it  easier  to  translate  the  Scriptures  than  to  preach  in  a  foreign 
tongue,  and  when  preaching  yielded  little  apparent  fruit,  and  schools 
were  easily  multiplied,  and  tracts  and  books  could  be  circulated  to  any 
extent.  In  the  chapter  on  the  difficulties  in  obtaining  the  Board's 
charter,  it  was  seen  how  translating  and  circulating  the  Scriptures  then 
preponderated,  in  the  public  mind,  over  preaching  as  a  means  of  con- 
verting the  heathen. 

"  The  subordinate  agencies  have  been  gradvially  falling  into  their 
places,  and  it  is  reasonable  to  expect,  under  the  lead  of  the  Great 
Captain,  that  the  progress  of  the  Gospel  will  be  more  rapid  in  the 
second  half-century  than  it  has  been  in  the  first." 

The  remarks  of  the  Board  on  this  topic  are  quoted  entire.  The 
preaching  of  the  Gospel,  in  its  opinion,  is  the  grand  means 
appointed  by  Infinite  Wisdom  for  the  conversion  and  salvation  of 
men.  Schools,  the  press,  agriculture,  mechanic  arts,  circulating 
the  Scriptures,  are  viewed  as  subordinate  means.  According  to 
this  view  —  and  its  accuracy  will  not  be  denied  —  the  slave  popu- 
lation are  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  grand  means  appointed  for 


SLAVE  CONVERTS  CONTRASTED  WITH  HEATHEN  CONVERTS.    251 

the  conversion  and  salvation  of  men.  They  have  the  Gospel 
preached  to  them  ;  they  also  enjoy  the  subordinate  means  to  a 
limited  extent;  and  are  in  constant  training  in  the  pursuits  of 
agriculture  or  the  mechanic  arts  —  a  training  essential  to  progress 
in  civilization.  Upon  the  whole,  their  means  of  improvement  are 
fully  equal  to  those  possessed  by  the  people  of  the  primitive 
churches,  or  their  successors,  down  to  the  time  of  the  discovery 
of  the  art  of  printing,  and  the  general  diffusion  of  education  by 
common  schools.  If,  then,  the  slaves  enjoy  as  great  privileges  as 
the  primitive  Christians,  and  have  supplied  to  them  the  grand 
means  necessary  to  success  in  modern  missions,  why  should  it  be 
thought  a  strange  thing  that  they,  also,  should  have  accepted  the 
offered  salvation,  and  been  transformed,  in  the  spirit  of  their  minds, 
into  the  divine  image  of  Jesus,  in  knowledge,  righteousness,  and 
true  holiness.* 

*  Among  the  various  arguments  employed  to  prove  the  necessity  of  abolishing 
slavery,  there  is  one,  remaining  unnoticed,  to  which  attention  must  be  called. 
The  seeming  slow  progress  of  the  Gospel,  in  heathen  lands,  is  accounted  for  on 
the  principle  that  the  missionaries  belong  to  a  country  tolerating  slavery;  and 
that,  before  success  can  be  expected,  slavery  must  be  abolished  in  our  country. 
A  speaker  in  a  religious  convention  states  the  case  as  follows: 

"We  have  a  pure  Gospel  to  send,  but  we  disgrace  it.  If  our  Christianity 
was  in  pure  hands,  it  would  be  effective.  But  we  have  in  our  land  covetous- 
ness,  drunkenness  and  slavery.  They  to  whom  we  would  send  the  Gospel  hear 
of  these  things,  and  they  mock  us."  * 

During  the  same  meeting  another  speaker  said: 

"  There  are  three  millions  of  human  beings  in  bondage  in  this  land  to  whom 
the  word  of  God  can  not  be  preached.  Our  fearful  complicity  in  this  giant 
wrong  is  one  great  reason  why  God  has  made  the  heavens  as  iron  and  the 
earth  as  brass."  t 

Strange,  that  these  reverend  gentlemen  should  be  so  illy  informed,  or  rather 
that  they  should  allow  their  prejudices  to  mislead  them  so  egregiously. 
What!  Slavery  now  an  obstacle  to  foreign  missions,  when  it  presented  no 
barrier  in  the  days  of  the  Apostles  and  their  successors !  The  ministers  of  the 
Gospel  at  this  day,  must  not  be  allowed  to  shield  their  own  inefl5ciency  by  any 
such  plea.  Rome  had  sixty  millions  of  slaves  at  the  dawn  of  the  Christian 
Era;    and  yet  the  Gospel  spread  abroad  with  great  rapidity.      It  is  not  the 

*  Address  of  Eev.  J.  B.  Johnson,  before  the  Convention  of  the  Scottish  American  Presbyterian 
Churches,  Xenia,  Ohio,  March,  1857. 
tEev.  R.  A.  Brown. 


252  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

That  the  standard  of  Christian  character  among  the  converted 
slaves,  is  as  high  as  that  of  the  converts  in  the  foreign  naissions, 
can  not  be  doubted  when  the  circumstances  are  considered  in 
which  the  two  classes  are  placed  —  the  one  growing  up  amidst  the 
elevating  maxims  of  Christian  civilization,  the  other  under  the 
debasing  customs  of  heathenism.  The  reasons  offered  for  ignor- 
ing the  missionary  labors  among  the  slaves  at  the  South,  on  ac- 
count of  any  existing  imperfections  among  the  Christian  converts, 
will  apply  with  equal  force  to  missions  among  the  heathen.  If 
the  one  should  be  abandoned  on  account  of  inefficiency,  the  other 
should  no  longer  be  prosecuted,  for  the  reason  of  their  more  lim- 
ited success.  But  if  both  have  been  successful,  as  is  true  beyond 
all  doubt,  then  the  prayers  and  contributions  of  Christians  should 
not  be  withheld  in  behalf  of  the  one  any  more  than  of  the  other. 

A  word  as  to  the  difference  in  the  success  of  the  Gospel  among 
our  slave  population,  as  compared  with  the  heathen  populations 
addressed  by  our  foreign  missionaries.  Isaac  Taylor,  as  previous- 
ly quoted,  states,  that  — 

"  Christianity  at  first  went  wherever  a  preparation  had  been  made 
for  its  reception  by  the  scattering  and  settlement  of  the  Jewish  race, 
and  by  the  preexistent  diffusion  of  the  Scriptures  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, in  the  Greek  language.  Within  these  limits  the  Grospel  seated 
itself,  and  there  it  held  its  position  with  more  or  less  of  continuity  ; 
and  beyond  the  same  limits  it  was,  indeed,  carried  forth,  and  it  won 
its  triumphs ;  but  soon  it  lost  its  hold ;  soon  it  retreated,  and  disap- 
peared, leaving  only  some  scattered  and  scarcely  appreciable  frag- 
ments on  its  spots,  to  denote  the  course  it  had  taken."* 

It  is  a  point  of  great  interest  to  know  why  it  was  that  Chris- 
abolition  of  slavery  that  is  so  much  needed,  as  a  ministry  imbued  with  the 
spirit  of  the  Apostles  —  a  ministry  that  will  give  heed  to  teaching  the  Word, 
instead  of  preaching  politics.  But  the  assertion  that  slavery  is  a  barrier  to 
the  progress  of  the  Gospel  in  heathen  countries,  is  not  move  strange  than  the 
declaration  that  the  Gospel  can  not  be  preached  to  the  three  millions  of  slaves 
in  the  Southern  States!  We  scarcely  know  how  to  view  such  declarations  as 
we  have  here  quoted.  These  speakers  did  not  intend  to  tell  untruths,  or  pre- 
sent false  deductions  from  historical  facts;  and,  yet,  that  they  did  so,  is  abund- 
antly evident  from  the  testimony  that  has  been  produced.  It  is  from  such 
careless,  such  criminal  conduct,  that  the  public  have  been  misled. 

*  Isaac  Taylor's  Wesley  and  Methodism,  page  293. 


SLAVE  CONVERTS  CONTRASTED  WITH  HEATHEN  CONVERTS.     253 

tianity  failed  in  establishing  itself  permanently,  excepting  where 
the  Jews  and  the  translations  of  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  had  im- 
parted to  the  population  some  knowledge  of  the  true  God.  An 
editorial  in  a  religious  paper,  under  charge  of  the  professors  in 
an  eminent  theological  seminary,  says,  that  one-half  of  the  con- 
verts in  the  Roman  Empire  were  slaves ;  *  and  this  statement 
coincides  with  the  opinions  of  the  historian  Gibbon.  Many  of 
these  slaves,  doubtless,  had  been  brought  from  the  surrounding 
nations,  where  Christianity  aftex'ward  failed  to  maintain  a  foot- 
hold, t  Why  was  it  that  those  who  were  captives  in  Rome,  so 
much  more  readily  received  the  Gospel,  than  those  of  their  coun- 
trymen who  had  not  been  enslaved?  It  can  only  be  accounted 
for  on  the  principle,  that  their  residence  in  Rome  was  a  means  of 
bringing  them  under  the  influence  of  the  teachings  which  had  pre- 
pared both  Jews  and  Romans  for  the  reception  of  the  Gospel.  In 
this  result  we  have  a  very  significant  fact;  and  one  that  is  ap- 
plicable to  the  slave  population  of  the  United  States.  It  enables 
us  to  answer,  intelligibly,  the  question,  why  there  should  have 
been  nearly  double  the  number  of  converts  in  the  slave  States, 
from  the  ranks  of  the  African  race,  that  there  are  in  all  the  mis- 
sions of  Protestant  Christendom  established  throughout  the  heathen 
world.  The  Africans  under  American  slavery,  like  the  captives 
in  Rome,  have  had  a  preparation  for  the  reception  of  the  Gospel, 
in  consequence  of  their  contact  with  a  people  possessing  a  knowl- 
edge of  the  true  God,  and  of  the  way  of  salvation  through  faith 
in  his  Son. 

But  this  lesson  from  Roman  history,  confirmed  by  the  results 
under  American  slavery,  has  still  more  important  bearing,  as 
affecting  the  question  of  the  conversion  of  the  world.     Our  mis- 

*  Christian  Herald  and  Presbyterian  Recorder,  Cincinnati  and  Chicago. 

t  We  have  recently  seen  a  statement,  made  on  the  floor  of  Congress,  that 
Christianity  entered  Africa  only  where  the  Roman  arms  controlled  the  popula- 
tion; that  there  it  greatly  flourished  as  long  as  the  Roman  power  prevailed; 
but  that,  when  Rome  declined,  and  her  power  was  no  longer  maintained  in 
Africa,  Christianity  also  declined,  and  finally  disappeared.  Rev.  J.  L.  Wilson, 
long  a  missionary  in  Africa,  on  the  Gaboon,  has  expressed  the  opinion  that  the 
great  want  of  Africa,  to  render  it  accessible  to  the  Gospel,  is  the  establishment 
of  civil  government.  It  would  seem  then  that  God  puts  honor  on  his  own 
ordinances — civil  government  and  the  Church. 


254  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

sionary  systems  are  doing  for  idolatrous  nations  a  preparatory 
work  far  more  important  than  the  Jews  did  for  Rome.  The  sacred 
Scriptures,  now  complete,  are  being  translated  into  the  languages 
of  every  nation  under  the  sun  ;  and  the  day  seems  dawning  when 
the  kingdom  of  Christ  shall  have  universal  dominion  in  the  earth. 
A  comprehensive  view  of  the  agencies  at  work  in  the  propaga- 
tion of  Christianity,  and  the  certainty  of  the  results  which  must 
follow  the  general  circulation  of  the  Scriptures  and  the  preaching 
of  the  Gospel,  makes  the  heart  of  the  Christian  swell  with  emotions 
too  great  for  utterance,  and  should  lead  the  man  who  would  raise 
a  finger  to  obstruct  its  progress  among  any  class  of  men,  slave  or 
free,  to  doubt  whether  the  love  of  Christ  pervades  his  soul. 


CHAPTER    IV, 


AFRICAN  SLAVERY  AND  AFRICAN  EMANCIPATION,  IN  THEIR  EFFECTS, 
RESPECTIVELY,  UPON  THE  NATIONAL  WELFARE  OF  THE  CAU- 
CASIANS. 

Thus  far,  mainly,  the  investigations  have  had  reference  to  the 
moral  and  religious  effects  produced  upon  the  African  race,  in 
their  connection  with  the  Caucasian,  whether  as  bondmen  or  freed- 
men.  The  object  in  view  would  be  imperfectly  accomplished, 
without  an  examination  of  the  effects  which  the  blacks,  under 
slavery,  and  emancipation,  respectively,  have  had  upon  the  eco- 
nomical and  political  welfare  of  the  countries  into  which  they  have 
been  introduced.  When  this  is  done,  it  will  afford  a  useful  lesson 
on  the  dangers  of  premature  emancipation,  and  the  hasty  enfran- 
chisement of  uncivilized  men,  upon  the  progress  of  civil  liberty  and 
the  safety  of  civil  government. 

Section  I.  —  Effects  of  Emancipation  in  Brazil,  Mexico, 
AND  the  South  American  Republics. 

At  the  time  of  the  prohibition  of  the  slave  trade  by  England 
and  the  United  States,  Brazil  belonged  to  Portugal,  and  the  re- 
maining South  American  provinces  and  Mexico  to  Spain.  The 
most  active  period  of  the  slave  trade,  as  already  shown,  was  that 
which  succeeded  its  prohibition,  and  that  which  followed  West  In- 
dia Emancipation.  All  the  slaves  exported  westward  from  Africa, 
during  this  epoch,  were  taken  to  the  Spanish,  Portuguese,  and 
French  colonies  of  South  America  and  the  West  India  islands. 
This  gave  them  a  very  considerable  African  population  —  the  slaves 
of  Brazil,  in  1850,  being  equal  in  number  to  those  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  number  in  the  Spanish  islands  falling  but  little 
short  of  one-third  of  that  number.     The  French  colonies,  at  the 

(255) 


256  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

time  of  emancipation,  in  1848,  had  a  colored  population  of  416,755, 
of  whom  257,009  were  slaves. 

Now,  what  have  been  the  results  with  these  our  neighbors  ? 
Brazil  has  never  emancipated  her  slaves.  She  remains  a  stahle, 
progressive,  and  prosperous  government,  as  compared  with  the 
countries  by  which  she  is  surrounded,  although  her  slave  popula- 
tion is  double  that  of  the  white  citizens. 

Cuba,  still  belonging  to  Spain,  has  never  emancipated  its  slaves, 
but  continues  to  augment  their  numbers  by  means  of  the  slave 
trade.  Its  productiveness  is  regularly  on  the  increase,  and  its 
economical  prosperity  unsurpassed  by  any  equal  extent  of  terri- 
tory in  the  world. 

Mexico,  in  1813,  threw  off  the  yoke  of  Spain,  and  declared 
herself  a  Republic.  But  the  attempt  of  Iturbide  to  restore  a  des- 
potism, raising  up  a  race  of  military  chieftains  for  his  overthrow, 
afterwards  produced  a  struggle  for  power,  resulting,  in  1824,  in 
the  prohibition  of  the  slave  trade,  and  the  adoption  of  a  Constitu- 
tion declaring  free  all  born  after  that  date.  Pedraza  being  elected 
President,  Santa  Anna,  at  the  head  of  the  military,  interposed, 
and  placed  in  the  presidential  chair  the  defeated  candidate,  Guer- 
rero, who  — to  strengthen  himself,  and  the  better  to  resist  an  inva- 
sion from  Spain,  then  in  process  of  execution  —  issued  a  decree, 
September,  1829,  emancipating  all  slaves. 

Thus  was  liberty  and  equality  at  once  secured  to  the  blacks  of 
Mexico,  and,  under  the  law,  the  African,  in  a  moment,  made  the 
equal  of  the  descendants  of  the  proud  Castillians  who  had  con- 
quered Montezuma  ;  *  and  thus,  also,  was  another  instance  of 
emancipation  effected  under  circumstances  where  it  was  requii*ed 
by  a  political  necessity,  just  as,  in  England,  it  was  demanded 
by  a  conjectural  economical  necessity.  But  in  neither  case  was 
the  good  of  the  black  man  the  principal  motive  urged  to  give  to 
him  his  freedom  —  it  being  in  the  one  case  to  secure  troops  to  sus- 
tain a  usurper,  in  the  other  with  the  belief  that  free  labor  would 
be  more  profitable  than  slave  labor. 

And  what  have  been  the  results  of  the  Mexican  expedient  to 
gain  a  political  advantage,  by  placing  the  Afi'ican  on  terms  of 


*  See  "  Ethiopia,"  page  102. 


EFFECTS  OF  EMANCIPATION  IN  BRAZIL,  MEXICO,  &C.  257 

equality,  side  by  side  with  the  Caucasian?  Happily,  the  conse- 
quences have  been  depicted  by  a  master  hand,  in  the  abolition 
ranks.  We  refer  to  the  late  Judge  Jay,  who  thus  drew  the  pic- 
ture of  Mexico  to  the  life,  in  1846 : 

"  The  republic  of  Mexico  had  long  been  the  prey  of  military  chief- 
tains, who,  in  their  struggle  for  power,  and  the  perpetual  revolutions 
they  had  excited,  had  exhausted  the  resources  of  the  country.  With- 
out money,  without  credit,  without  a  single  frigate,  without  commerce, 
without  union,  and  with  a  feeble  population  of  seven  or  eight  millions, 
composed  chiefly  of  Indians  and  mixed  breeds,  scattered  over  immense 
regions,  and  for  the  most  part  sunk  in  ignorance  and  sloth,  Mexico 
was  certainly  not  a  very  formidable  enemy  to  the  United  States."  * 

In  addition,  Judge  Jay  states  that  the  exports  from  Mexico,  in 
1842,  were,  exclusive  of  gold  and  silver,  only  one  million  and  a 
half  of  dollars.  It  has  increased  but  little  since  that  period,  owing 
to  its  being  torn  and  distracted  by  almost  constant  wars,  and  be- 
cause it  has  none  of  the  elements  of  progress  in  its  present  state 
of  society. 

Here,  now,  we  have  the  results  of  the  practical  application,  by 
the  Mexicans,  of  the  doctrine  that  all  men  are  created  free  and 
equal !  Indians,  negroes,  whites,  were  all  declared  equal  at  the 
ballot-box  ;  and  scarcely  a  single  President,  elected  by  the  popular 
vote  since  that  event  occurred,  has  ever  been  able,  for  any  con- 
siderable time,  to  maintain  himself  in  his  seat.  Such  has  been 
Mexican  emancipation,  and  such  its  results  ! 

The  condition  of  the  South  American  Republics  is  so  nearly 
like  that  of  Mexico,  that  details  in  relation  to  the  results  of  their 
emancipation  schemes  m'ay  be  spared.  The  portrait  of  Mexico, 
with  some  slight  modifications,  may  stand  for  the  whole  group  ;  and 
its  state  of  society  may  be  inferred  from  the  character  of  its  pop- 
ulation.    Mr.  Jay  states  it  as  follows  : 

Whites 1,000,000 

Mixed  Breeds 2,009,509 

Negroes 6,000 

Indians '. 4,000,000 

Total 7,015,509 

•Jay'a  Review  of  the  Mexican  War. 

17 


258  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

The  wisdom  and  foresight  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Republic  of 
the  United  States,  averted  such  evils  as  have  afflicted  Mexico,  by 
not  committing  the  folly  of  commingling  barbarism  and  civiliza- 
tion, on  equal  terms,  in  the  Constitution.  Had  they  emancipated 
the  negroes,  and,  like  Mexico,  admitted  both  negroes  and  Indians 
to  citizenship,  the  United  States,  to-day,  might  have  been  little 
better,  in  its  moral  and  civil  condition,  than  Mexico  has  been  for 
years.  By  the  course  which  we  adopted,  the  emigrants  from  Eu- 
rope, with  their  labor,  skill,  capital,  and  intelligence,  flocked  to  our 
shores,  instead  of  to  the  milder  climates  of  Mexico  and  South 
America.  Thus  we  were  strengthened  while  they  remained  weak 
and  distracted  —  the  ignorance  and  degradation  of  their  barbarous 
population  rendering  it  a  suitable  instrument,  in  the  hands  of  am- 
bitious military  adventurers,  for  the  disturbance  of  the  public  peace. 
Had  the  course  of  Mexico,  toward  her  uncivilized  population, 
been  productive  of  the  greatest  good  to  the  cause  of  humanity,  it 
would  afi'ord  a  justification  of  her  action.  But  no  one  familiar 
with  the  facts  will,  for  a  moment,  deny  that  the  great  body  of 
our  slaves  are  better  provided  for,  and  have  made  more  rapid 
advances  in  civilization,  than  the  mongrel  breeds  of  Mexico ;  and 
yet,  the  Indians,  mixed  breeds,  and  negroes,  have  long  been  in  the 
possession  of  the  privileges  of  citizenship  in  that  Republic  —  have 
long  had  all  the  rights  which  abolitionists  claim  for  the  slave, 
without  any  of  the  blessings  which,  they  insist,  will  necessarily 
follow  in  the  wake  of  emancipation. 

Another  remark  or  two  may  be  useful  here,  in  reference  to  the 
subject  of  emancipation.  Human  freedom  is  the  richest  of  bless- 
ings, where  men  are  prepared  for  it ;  but  it  may  be  productive  of 
serious  evils  when  prematurely  conferred.  Take  an  example,  in 
another  relation  of  life :  the  inheritance  of  wealth  is  a  boon  that 
may  bring  lasting  happiness  ;  but  the  law  wisely  forbids  its  trans- 
fer to  the  heir,  until  he  has  attained  an  age  when  it  is  supposed 
he  must  be  capable  of  using  it  prudently.  The  negro  and  Indian 
races  are  to  be  considered  as  minors  in  their  relations  to  the  free- 
dom guarantied  in  civilized  society,  and  the  great  mass  of  them,  at 
present,  and  most  likely  for  ages  to  come,  as  wholly  incapable  of 
using  it  safely.  The  time  may  come  when  it  will  be  otherwise ;  but, 
till  then,  the  prudent  Christian  will  not  be  in  haste  to  disturb  existing 


EFFECTS   OF  EMANCIPATION  EN  HATTI.  259 

relations.  Dr.  Livingstone,  who  has  enjoyed  the  very  best  op- 
portunities for  studying  the  condition  of  African  society,  recom- 
mends this  course  of  policy  to  the  British  nation,  in  its  efforts  to 
promote  cotton  culture  in  Africa.  Slavery  there  is  general,  and 
must  be  let  alone,  if  increased  cultivation  be  desired.  *  The  peo- 
ple of  Britain,  after  immense  sacrifices  in  the  cause  of  African 
freedom,  are  now  forced  to  acquiesce  in  this  policy.  This  point 
will  be  referred  to  again. 

Section  II.  —  Effects  of  Emancipation  in  the  Island  of 
Hayti. 

In  Hayti,  the  negroes  found  themselves  freemen,  before  they 
were  prepared  to  profit  by  the  change.  It  is  not  claimed  that 
they  would  have  been  better  in  slavery.  Their  masters  had  done 
nothing  for  their  moral  advancement ;  and  a  thousand  years,  under 
such  treatment  as  they  had  endured,  would  have  still  found  them 
savage.  But  freedom  to  savage  Africans,  like  the  freedom  of  the 
savage  Indians,  does  not,  necessarily,  become  an  element  of  pro- 
gress in  civilization.  We  have  a  proof  of  this  in  the  economical 
results  of  Haytien  emancipation.  We  are  aware,  however,  that 
too  much  importance  may  be  attached  to  the  production  of  wealth, 
as  indicating  an  increasing  civilization ;  and,  yet,  it  is  the  best 
evidence  the  world  can  have  on  that  subject.  Abolitionists  readily 
avail  themselves  of  it  as  an  argument  for  emancipation,  when  the 
statistics  are  supposed  to  be  on  their  side.  But  while  increasing 
production  certainly  shows  that  intelligence  guides  cultivation, 
the  subordinate  operatives  may  be  acquiring  intelligence  in  no 
greater  degree  than  the  mules  they  drive.  Such  was,  in  general, 
the  slavery  of  the  British  West  Indies  ;  and  such  is  now,  specially, 
the  slavery  of  Cuba  and  Brazil.  The  truth  is,  that  increasing 
ability  to  export  the  products  of  slave  labor,  is  no  proof  that  the 
slaves,  themselves,  are  advancing  in  civilization.  It  only  shows 
that  the  ruling  class,  by  judicious  management,  are  making  slave 
labor  a  profitable  system.  On  the  other  hand,  where  a  free  peo- 
ple, who  are  the  owners  of  the  soil,  are,  froni  year  to  year,  aug- 

*•  The  Doctor  suggests  that  to  make  labor  effective,  the  present  condition  of 
Bociety  must  be  left  undisturbed. 


260  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

menting  the  amount  of  their  exports  and  imports,  or  increasing 
their  manufacturing  as  well  as  their  agricultural  industry,  it  is 
proof  positive  that  they  are  advancing  in  civilization.  But  where 
a  community  of  free  people,  for  a  long  series  of  years,  fail  to  in- 
crease the  amount  of  their  exports,  and  do  not  manufacture  their 
own  fabrics  and  implements,  it  is  evident  that  they  lack  ordinary 
industry  and  energy  and  can  not  be  progressing  in  civilization. 
And  further  :  where  a  country  has  once  shown  itself  as  possessing 
extensive  sources  of  wealth,  and  then  suddenly  loses  nearly  all  its 
capacity  for  production,  without  any  diminution  in  the  fertility 
of  its  soil,  the  cause  of  the  decline  must  be  sought  for  in  the 
changed  condition  of  the  people. 

Hayti  furnishes  an  illustration  of  the  correctness  of  the  pre- 
ceding observations.  That  island  was  exceedingly  productive 
before  emancipation ;  but  its  productions  were  the  fruits  of  com- 
pulsory labor,  under  the  control  of  superior  intelligence.  Its  ex- 
ports, then,  were  very  large  —  being  equal  to  three-fifihs  of  the 
produce  of  all  the  French  West  India  colonies.  They  amounted, 
in  value,  to  more  than  $50,000,000;  and  the  island,  in  return, 
consumed,  of  French  manufactures,  more  than  $49,430,000.  * 
This  statement  has  reference,  only,  to  the  French  part  of  the 
island,  which,  in  1789,  had  a  population  of  30,826  whites,  27,548 
free  colored  persons,  f  and  480,000  slaves  employed  in  agriculture. 
The  Spanish  part  of  the  island  employed  only  15,000  slaves  in 
agriculture.  X  '  ^ 

"  The  political  troubles  of  Hayti  began  in  1790,  between  the  mulat- 
toes  and  whites,  the  slaves  remaining  industrious,  quiet,  and  orderly. 
But  in  August,  1792,  the  slaves  joined  in  the  rebellion,  and  the  mas- 
sacre of  the  whites  commenced.  The  most  dreadful  scenes  of  cruelty 
and  bloodshed  continued  to  be  enacted  until  1801,  when  a  constitution 
was  adopted,  and  the  island,  under  the  name  of  Hayti,  formally  pro- 
claimed an  independent  neutral  power.  §  At  the  close  of  this  year, 
Bonaparte  made  an  effort  to  reconquer  the  island,  and,  in  order  to 

*  Blackwood's  Magazine,  1848,  page  6. 
t  Westminster  Review,  1850,  page  261. 
f  Macgregor,  page  1162. 

§  St.  Domingo  was  the  the  name  by  which  the  island  was  known  previous  to 
this  date. 


EFFECTS   OF  EMANCIPATION  IN  HAYTl.  261 

succeed,  the  French  General,  Le  Clerc,  first  attempted  to  restore  the 
planters  to  their  former  authority  over  the  negroes,  many  of  whom, 
in  the  preceding  struggles,  had  been  granted  their  freedom ;  but,  fail- 
ing in  this,  he  was  forced,  as  a  last  resort,  on  the  25th  of  April,  1802, 
to  '  proclaim  liberty  and  equality  to  all  the  inhabitants,  without  regard 
to  color.'  The  Haytien  chieftains,  Touissant,  DessalineS)  Christophe, 
etc.,  being  immediately  deserted  by  the  blacks,  were  forced  to  submit, 
and  the  French  sovereignty  was  again  recognized  throughout  Hayti. 
As  a  first  step  to  deprive  the  people  of  their  efficient  leaders,  Le  Clerc 
seized  Touissant  and  his  family,  in  the  night,  about  the  middle  of 
May,  and  hurried  them  on  board  a  vessel,  which  sailed  immediately 
for  France.  *  This  act  of  perfidy  at  once  aroused  the  population  to 
resistance  ;  and  the  French,  after  a  loss  of  40,000  men  by  disease 
and  war,  and  being  menaced  by  a  British  fleet,  were  compelled  to 
capitulate,  November,  1803,  and,  with  a  remnant  of  the  army,  of  only 
8,000  men,  beg  leave  to  depart  from  the  island.  Dessalines  now  as- 
sumed the  authority,  and  a  general  massacre  of  the  remaining  French 
inhabitants  took  place."  f 

The  intellect  of  the  island  had  disappeared  amidst  the  savage 
butcheries  that  occurred,  and  with  it  the  capacity  of  the  popula- 
tion for  productive  industry.  J     Look  at  the  facts  as  presented  in 


*  Confined  to  a  loathsome  dungeon,  he  died  the  next  year. 

t  See  Life  of  Benjamin  Lundy,  and  also  Macgregor,  as  condensed  in  "Ethi- 
opia." 

X  The  loss  of  Hayti  to  France  subjected  Napoleon  to  the  necessity  of  furnishing 
a  supply  of  sugar  for  the  nation.  The  cultivation  of  the  beet-root  was  encour- 
aged, and  by  this  means,  together  with  the  increased  production  of  cane  sugar 
in  the  other  French  islands,  the  supply  was  kept  up.  In  1848,  the  consump- 
tion of  sugar  in  France,  of  all  kinds,  was  290,000,000  lbs.;  of  which  140,000,- 
000  lbs.  were  of  beet-root  sugar  produced  at  home.  The  emancipation  of  the 
slaves  in  the  French  islands  took  place  in  1848.  In  1840,  they  produced  of 
cane  sugar,  161,500,000  lbs.  For  the  first  nine  months  of  1847,  the  year  pre- 
ceding emancipation,  they  supplied  168,884,177  lbs.,  showing  a  continuous 
increase  under  slavery;  but  no  sooner  had  emancipation  fairly  been  inaugura- 
ted, than,  as  was  the  case  in  the  British  West  India  islands,  a  decrease  of  cul- 
tivation followed,  so  that  for  the  first  nine  months  of  1849,  they  supplied  only 
96.929,336  lbs.,  being  a  falling  off  to  the  extent  of  71,854,841  lbs.  in  the  first 
nine  months  of  freedom.  These  results  have  thrown  the  French  people  more 
and  more  upon  the  consumption  of  beet-root  sugar,  so  that,  with  a  heavy 
duty  on  foreign  sugars,  they  at  present  consume  but  very  little  slave-grown 
sugar. 


262 


PULPIT  POLITICS. 


the  relative  amounts  of  the  exports,  before  and  after  the  freedom 
of  the  island  was  secured  :  * 


TEARS. 

SUGAR,  LBS. 

COFFEE,  LBS. 

COTTON,  LBS. 

REMARKS. 

1789 

141,089,931 

163,318,810 

18,534,112 

5,443,765 

3,790,300 

2,517,289 

600,934 

200,451 

14,920 

5,106 

2,020 

32,864 

1,097 

16,199 

741 
1,363 

76,835,219 
68,151,180 
43,420,270 
26.065,200 
29,240,919 
.35,137,759 
29,925,951 
24,235,372 
33,802,837 
44,269,084 
36,034,300 
32,189,784 
48,-352,371 
37,662,672 
30,845,400 
49,820,241 
7.889,092 
46,126,272 
.34,114,717 
t  33,600,000 

7,004,274 

6,286,126 

2,480,340 

474,118 

216,103 

346,839 

820,563 

592,368 

332.256 

1,028,045 

815,697 

620,972 

1,649,717 

1,072,555 

1,013,171 

1,635,420 

922,575 

1,591,454 

Island  tranquil. 
Whites  &  mulatto's  at  war. 
Slaves  freed  in  1793. 
Boyer  in  power. 

Exports  for  whole  Island. 
Eepublic  declared. 

1790 

1801 

1818 

1819 

1820 

1821  

1822 

1823 

1824 

1825 

1826 

1835 

1836 

1837 

18,38 

1839 

1840 

1841 

1848 

The  independence  of  Hayti  dates  from  the  year  1803.  Its 
population  at  this  time  was  348,000,  X  being  132,000  less  than 
the  slave  population  in  1789.  The  preceding  statistical  table  ex- 
hibits the  effects  of  the  freedom  of  the  negroes  upon  the  economi- 
cal interests  of  the  island  in  a  very  suggestive  form.  The  soil, 
after  the  revolution,  was  owned  by  the  blacks  themselves,  and  it 
had  lost  none  of  its  fertility ;  and,  yet,  the  exports  soon  ran  down, 
in  all  the  articles  requiring  constant  labor,  to  nearly  nothing. 
Even  coflFee  §  which  grows  almost  unaided,  suffered  an  enormous 

*  Macgregor,  London  Edition,  1847.  t  Campbell  Arnott  &  Co. 

J  Macgregor,  page  1152.  The  history  is  given  more  at  large  iu  "Ethiopia." 
§  In  remarking  on  the  productions  of  Dominicana,  Mr.  Harris,  in  his  "  Sum- 
mer on  the  borders  of  the  Carribeean  Sea,"  explains  why  it  is  that  the  article 
of  Cotfee  is  still  exported  to  a  considerable  extent,  while  all  other  productions 
have  been  almost  entirely  discontinued.  "  There  is  some  CoflFee,  which  grows 
wild  in  abundance  through  the  island  and  on  the  mountains,  and  is  collected 
and  shipped.  After  the  abandonment  of  the  Coffee  plantations,  the  trees  con- 
tinued to  grow  thick  on  them,  and  finally  spread  into  the  woods  and  on  to  the 
mountains,  where  they  now  grow  wild  in  great  quantities.  Lacking  the  proper 
culture,  its  quality  is  not  the  best,  but  the  climate  and  soil  is  capable  of  pro- 
ducing it  unexcelled  by  any  in  Porto  Rico  or  any  of  the  West  Indies  or  Brazil. 
The  writer  is  informed,  however,  that  there  are  a  few  Coffee  plantations  under 
culture  about  St  Domingo  City." 


EFFECTS   OF  EMANCIPATION  IN  HAYTI.  263 

diminution.     The  subsequent  history  of  Hayti  is  interesting,  aa 

illustrating  the  instability  of  its  government : 

"  The  reign  of  the  first  emperor,  Dessalines,  was  short  and  turbulent, 
and  his  designs  against  the  mulattoes  cost  him  his  life.  After  the 
death  of  Dessalines,  1807,  General  Christophe  was  made  chief  magis- 
trate, and,  in  1811,  crowned  himself  King  Henry  I.  Meanwhile  the 
mulattoes,  having  cause  to  distrust  him  also,  elected  General  Petion  to 
preside  in  the  southwest,  which  he  did  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  his 
constituents,  by  many  of  whom  he  is  still  affectionately  remembered. 
He  died  in  1818.  Christophe  shot  himself  in  1820.  In  1822,  Boyer, 
who  had  been  elected  President  in  1818,  united  the  whole  island 
under  his  government." 

The  revolution  of  1842,  which  caused  Boyer  to  flee,  placed 
Reviere  in  the  Presidency.  Two  years  after,  the  Dominicans 
overpowered  Reviere,  and  in  February,  1844,  reestablished  their 
government,  or  rather  the  present  government  of  Dominicana. 
In  1849,  Solouque,  the  President  of  Hayti,  undertook  to  recon- 
quer Dominicana,  but  was  defeated  by  General  Santana,  its  Pres- 
ident. *  The  subsequent  history  of  Hayti  is  familiar  to  the  intel- 
"•ligent  reader.  After  passing  through  the  farcical  scene,  under 
Solouque,  of  calling  itself  an  empire,  with  an  emperor  wearing  a 
royal  crown  of  a  half  million's  value,  it  is  once  more  revolutionized, 
and  declared  a  republic,  under  Geffard.  The  other  portion  of  the 
island,  Dominicana,  has  recently  been  threatened  by  the  Spanish 
government,  and  may  be  permanently  reiinnexed  to  that  crown. 

Between  1820  and  1829,  a  brisk  emigration  from  the  United 
States  to  Hayti,  was  conducted,  which  transferred  8,000  free  col- 
ored persons  to  that  island ;  but  no  good  came  of  it,  the  moral 
condition  of  the  population  being  such,  that  the  emigrants,  unsus- 
tained  by  the  whites  who  sent  them,  soon  sunk  to  the  level  of  the 
natives. 

The  standard  of  morals  and  intelligence  is  very  low,  indeed,  in 
Hayti  and  Dominicana ;  but  we  shall  omit  the  details  of  facts, 
here,  as  not  necessary  to  our  purpose.  In  referring  to  the  igno- 
rance and  degradation  of  the  population,  we  mean  no  disparage- 

*  These  historical  statements  are  mainly  derived  from  a  small  work,  by  Mr. 
J.  Dennis  Harris,  Emigration  Agent  for  Hayti,  entitled  "  A  Summer  on  the 
borders  ©f  the  Carribeean  Sea,"  1860.    The  author  is  a  respectable  colored  man. 


264  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

ment  of  the  African  race,  in  the  sense  that  the  Haytiens  are  to  be 
censured  for  their  ignorance.  In  Africa  the  race  is  barbarous. 
Under  the  slavery  of  St.  Domingo,  no  adequate  provision  existed 
for  their  elevation.  Freedom  brought  with  it  no  institutions  of 
learning  for  the  population  in  general.  Their  rulers  have  been 
military  despots — necessarily  so;  —  and  the  youth,  like  their 
fathers,  have  risen  into  manhood  under  circumstances  that  pre- 
cluded the  possibility  of  progress. 

From  the  best  information  possessed,  it  is  safe  to  affirm,  that 
the  slaves  of  the  United  States  are  greatly  in  advance,  morally 
and  intellectually,  of  the  free  negro  population  of  Hayti.  *  This 
assertion  will  not  be  disputed ;  and  the  fact  is  not  stated  to  afford 
an  argument  in  behalf  of  slavery,  but  only  to  illustrate  the  truth 
of  the  position  taken  by  Franklin,  that  mere  emancipation  does 
not  necessarily  elevate  the  negro  in  the  scale  of  humanity. 
Slavery  and  freedom  are  both  alike  in  this  respect,  where  no 
means  of  intellectual  and  moral  culture  are  provided.  Conse- 
quently, there  may  be  progress  under  slavery,  while  the  intellect 
may  be  at  a  dead  stand-still  under  freedom.  It  is  in  this  respect, 
mainly,  that  the  colored  race  in  the  United  States  have  dijOfered 
80  widely  from  their  fellows  in  all  other  countries.  Limited  as  the 
means  of  improvement  may  be,  which  are  afforded  to  the  Ameri- 
can slave,  they  are  very  greatly  superior  to  the  advantages  en- 
joyed by  an  equal  number  of  the  blacks  in  any  other  portions  of 
the  world. 

A  word  of  explanation  is  needed  in  relation  to  the  present 
economical  interests  of  Hayti.  The  amount  of  its  exports,  down 
to  1848,  are  given  on  a  preceding  page.  Its  total  foreign  exports, 
at  present,  are  not  accessible,  but  its  traffic  with  the  United  States, 
which  is  understood  to  be  its  principal  market,  for  the  year  end- 
ing June  30,  1860,  was  as  follows :  The  total  value  of  imports 
into  the  United  States,  from  Hayti,  was  $2,062,723,  of  which 
$1,679,657,  was  for  15,621,751  lbs.  of  coffee ;  while  the  exports 
to  Hayti,  from  the  United  States,  were,  in  value,  $2,441,905,  chiefly 
provisions.  The  exports  to  Dominicana  were  only  $156,054,  and 
the  imports  from  it,  $283,098. 

*The  term  "Hayti,"  is  used  here  to  designate  the  whole  Island  of  St.  Do- 
mingo- 


EFFECTS   OF   EMANCIPATION   IN   WEST   INDIES.  265 

The  effects  of  emancipation  upon  Mexico,  the  South  American 
Republics,  and  Hayti,  in  retarding  their  progress,  interrupting 
their  peace,  and  destroying  their  prosperity,  can  now  be  readily 
understood  by  intelligent  men.  On  this  question  there  is  no  longer 
any  difference  of  opinion. 

Section  III.  —  Effects  of  Emancipation  in  the  British 
West  India  Islands. 

As  regards  the  British  West  Indies,  there  is,  however,  consider- 
able difference  of  opinion,  both  in  Europe  and  the  United  States, 
in  relation  to  the  effects  of  emancipation,  and  many  contradictory 
statements-have  appeared.  Generally,  the  subject  has  been  argued 
in  reference  to  the  economical  interests  involved — some  insisting 
that  emancipation  has  been  an  economical  failure ;  others,  that  it 
has  been  an  economical  success.  The  truth  can  only  be  discovered 
by  a  careful  examination  of  the  leading  facts,  in  the  history  of  the 
British  West  Indies,  under  both  slavery  and  freedom.  This  we 
shall  proceed  to  do. 

The  subject  necessarily  divides  itself  into  four  parts  :  the  pro- 
ductiveness of  the  islands  previous  to  the  suppression  of  the  slave 
trade  in  1808 ;  their  productiveness  from  that  date  to  the  passage 
of  the  emancipation  act  in  1833;  their  productiveness  under  the 
apprenticeship  system  from  1834  to  1838 ;  and  their  productive- 
ness under  freedom  from  1839  to  the  present  date,  as  indicated  by 
the  exports. 

The  statistics  can  not  be  obtained  for  the  whole  of  the  British 
islands,  for  each  one  of  these  periods  ;  for  this  reason,  and  because 
it  best  represents  the  results  of  emancipation,  the  island  of  Ja- 
maica is  taken.  It  is,  by  far,  the  largest  of  the  whole  group,  and 
has  been  unaffected  by  great  density  of  population,  or  the  intro- 
duction of  coolie  labor.  Sugar  being  the  principal  production  of 
the  island,  the  exports  of  that  commodity  alone  are  given.  The 
same  degree  of  reduction  occurred  as  to  rum  also,  which  has  always 
been  an  important  article  of  export.  To  save  space,  the  average 
exports  for  several  years  together,  in  most  cases,  are  presented; 
but  in  no  instance  are  the  figures  so  collated,  as  to  give  an  erro- 
neous impression.  The  few  years  given  separately  were  extraor- 
dinary ones,  being  either  above  or  below  the  general  average : 


266 


PULPIT   POLITICS. 


Exports  of  Sugar  from  the  Island  of  Jamaica.  * 


TEARS.  POUNDS. 

1772  to  1775 123,979,700 

1788  to  1791 143,794,837 

1793  to  1798 145,598,850 

1799  to  1803 193,781,140 

1804  alone 177,436,750 

1805  alone 237,751,150 

1806  alone 231,656,650 

1807  to  1808 197,963,825 

1809  to  1810 180,963,825 


YEARS.  POUNDS. 

1811  alone 218,874,6ii0 

1812  to  1821 153,706,280 

1822  to  1832  153,760,431 

1833  to  1835 131,129.100 

1836  alone 75,9y0.950 

1839  to  1843 67.924,800 

1846  to  1848 67,539,200 

1856  to  1858 46,456,592 

1859  to  1860 


To  comprehend  the  bearing  of  the  foregoing  statistics,  it  must 
be  borne  in  mind  that  the  slave  trade  was  prohibited  in  1808,  and 
all  supplies  of  labor  from  Africa  suspended ;  that  in  1833  the 
emancipation  act  was  passed,  leaving  the  negroes,  after  August 
1st,  1834,  in  the  condition  of  apprentices  :  and,  finally,  that 
emancipation  was  fully  effected  in  1838,  since  which  the  cultiva- 
tion of  the  island  has  depended  upon  the  labor  of  the  negroes 
alone  —  no  coolies,  to  any  effective  extent,  having  been  imported 
into  Jamaica  by  the  planters.  The  island  has  thus  been  depend- 
ent upon  the  emancipated  blacks  for  its  cultivation,  and  has  been 
losing  its  ability  to  export,  from  year  to  year,  until,  in  the  three 
years  ending  with  1858,  its  sugar  exportation  was  reduced  to  an 
annual  average  of  46,456,000  pounds,  or  more  than  191,000,000 
pounds  less  than  what  it  was  in  1805.  The  effect  upon  the  pro- 
duction of  cotton  was  equally  disastrous  —  the  exports  of  that  arti- 
cle in  1800  being  17,000,000  pounds,  and  in  1840  but  427,000 
pounds. 

Recently,  however,  a  certain  class  of  writers  —  while  admitting 
that  the  prosperity  of  the  West  India  islands  had  been  greatly 
reduced  for  some  time  after  emancipation  —  have  represented 
them  as  rapidly  recovering  from  their  depressed  condition ;  and 
that  they  are  now  exporting  a  greater  amount  of  products  than 
they  had  done  while  slavery  prevailed.     The  Amekican  Mission- 

*  These  statistics,  up  to  1836,  are  taken  from  a  table  in  Martin's  British  Col- 
onies, a  work  of  great  research,  the  facts  of  which  are  derived  from  ofiBcial 
sources.  The  exports  for  1839  to  1843,  and  1846  to  1848,  are  from  the  letters 
of  Mr.  Bigelow,  of  the  N.  Y.  Evening  Post,  in  Littell's  Living  Age,  1850,  No. 
309,  p.  125  ;  and  those  from  1856  to  1858  are  from  the  London  Economist,  July 
16,  1859. 


EFFECTS   OF   EMANCIPATION  IN   WEST   INDIES.  267 

ARY  Association,  in  its  report  for  1857,  gives  currency  to  the 
assertion  that  "  they  yield  more  produce  than  they  ever  did  dur- 
ing the  existence  of  slavery."  Mr.  C.  Buxton,  in  the  Edinburgh 
Review,  April,  1859,  insists  that  — 

Existing  facts  "show  that  slavery  was  bearing  our  colonies  down  to 
ruin  with  awful  speed  ;  that  had  it  lasted  but  another  half  century, 
they  must  have  sunk  beyond  recovery.  On  the  other  hand,  that  now, 
under  freedom  and  free  trade,  they  are  growing  day  by  day  more  rich 
and  prosperous ;  with  spreading  trade,  with  improving  agriculture,  with 
a  more  educated,  industrious,  and  virtuous  people ;  while  the  comfort 
of  the  quondam  slaves  is  increased  beyond  the  power  of  words  to 
portray. 

"  Now  all  this  seems  very  encouraging;  but  how  such  language  can 
be  used,  without  its  being  considered  as  flatly  contradicting  well-known 
facts,  and  what  the  American  Missionary  Association,  Mr.  Bigelow, 
and  others,  have  heretofore  said,  will  seem  very  mysteriovis  to  the 
reader.  And  yet,  the  assertions  quoted  would  seem  to  be  proved,  by 
taking  the  aggregate  production  of  the  whole  British  West  India 
islands  and  Mauritius,  *  as  the  index  to  their  commercial  prosperity. 
But  if  the  islands  be  taken  separately,  and  all  the  facts  considered,  a 
widely  difi'erent  conclusion  will  be  formed,  by  every  candid  man,  than 
that  the  improvement  is  due  to  the  increased  industry  of  the  negroes. 
On  this  subject  the  facts  can  be  drawn  from  authorities  which  would 
scorn  to  conceal  the  truth  with  the  design  of  sustaining  a  theory  of 
the  philanthropist.  This  question  is  placed  in  its  true  light  by  the 
London  Economist^  July  16, 1859,  in  which  it  is  shown  that  the  appar- 
ent industrial  advancement  of  the  islands  is  due  to  the  importation  of 
immigrants  from  India,  China,  and  Africa  by  the  '  coolie  trafiic,'  and 
not  to  the  improved  industry  of  the  emancipated  negroes.  Says  the 
Economist : 

"  '  We  find  one  of  the  Emigration  Commissioners,  Mr.  Murdock,  f 
in  an  interesting  memorandum  on  this  subject,  giving  us  the  following 
comparison  between  the  islands  which  have  been  recently  supplied 
with  immigrants,  and  those  which  have  not : 


*  Mauritius  is  not  in  the  West  Indies,  as  the  maps  will  show,  but  in  the  Indian 
Ocean. 

t  The  statement  was  made  at  a  meeting  which  met  to  consider  the  evils  of  the 
Chinese  and  coolie  system  of  immigration  into  the  West  Indies  and  Mauritius. 


268 


PULPIT  POLITICS. 


ISLANDS. 
Mauritius 

Number  op  Im- 
miohants. 

Sugar,    pounds. 
The   3  Years 

BEFORE     IMMI- 
GBATION. 

sugab,    pounds. 
The     last    3 
Yeabs. 

209,490 
24,946 
11,981 

217,200,256 

178,626,208 

91,110,768 

469,812,784 
250,715,584 
150,579,072 

British  Guiana .*. 

Trinidad 

"  '  Witli  these  are  contrasted  the  results  in  Jamaica,  where  there  has 
been  very  little  immigration.  In  the  three  years  after  apprenticeship, 
Jamaica  produced  202,973,568  pounds  of  sugar,  while  in  the  last  three 
years  corresponding  to  the  last  column  of  the  above  table,  the  pro- 
duction of  sugar  was  only  139,369,776  pounds. ' 

"  Here,  now,  is  presented  the  key  to  the  mystery  overhanging  the 
British  West  Indies.  Men,  high  in  station,  have  asserted  that  West 
India  emancipation  has  been  an  economic  success ;  while  others, 
equally  honorable,  have  maintained  the  opposite  view.  Both  have 
presented  figures,  averred  to  be  true,  that  seemed  to  sustain  their  dec- 
larations. This  apparent  contradiction  is  thus  explained.  The  first 
take  the  aggregate  production  in  the  whole  of  the  islands,  which,  they 
say,  exceeds  that  during  the  existence  of  slavery ;  *  the  second  take 
the  production  in  Jamaica  alone,  as  representing  the  whole  ;  and  thua 
the  startling  fact  appears,  that  the  sugar  crop  of  the  last  three  years 
in  Jamaica,  has  fallen  63,603,000  pounds  below  what  it  was  during  the 
first  three  years  of  freedom.  This  argues  badly  for  the  free  negroes; 
but  it  must  be  the  legitimate  fruits  of  emancipation,  as  no  exterior 
force  has  been  brought  into  that  island  to  interfere,  materially,  with 
its  workings.  In  Mauritius,  Trinidad,  and  British  Guiana,  it  will  be 
seen  that  the  production  has  greatly  increased  ;  but  from  a  very  differ- 
ent cause  than  any  improvement  in  the  industry  of  the  blacks  who  had 
received  their  freedom  —  the  increase  in  Mauritius  having  been  more 
than  double  what  it  had  been  when  the  production  depended  upon 
them.  The  sugar  crop,  in  this  island,  for  the  three  years  preceding 
the  introduction  of  immigrant  labor,  was  but  217,200,000  pounds; 
while,  during  the  last  three  years,  by  the  aid  of  210,000  immigrants,  it 
has  been  run  up  to  469,812,000  pounds. 

"  Taking  all  these  facts  into  consideration,  it  is  apparent  that  West 
India  emancipation  has  been  a  failure,  economically  considered.  The 
production  in  Jamaica,  where  it  has  depended  upon  the  labor  of  the 


*  Tliey  must  refer  to  slavery  in  its  later  years,  after  the  suppression  of  the 
slave  trade.  Previous  to  that  event,  the  production  of  Jamaica  was  more  than 
76  per  cent,  greater  than  at  present. 


EFFECTS    OF   EMANCIPATION   IN   WEST   INDIES.  269 

free  blacks  alone,  has  materially  declined  since  the  abandonment  of 
slavery,  and  is  not  so  great  now  as  it  was  during  the  first  years  of  free- 
dom ;  and,  so  far  is  it  from  being  equal  to  what  it  was  while  slavery 
prevailed,  and  especially  while  the  slave  trade  was  continued,  that  it 
now  falls  short  of  the  production  of  that  period  by  an  immense  amount. 
In  no  way,  therefore,  can  it  be  claimed,  that  the  cultivation  of  the 
British  West  India  islands  is  on  the  increase,  except  by  resorting  to 
the  pious  fraud  of  crediting  the  products  of  the  immigrant  labor  to 
the  account  of  emancipation  —  a  resort  to  which  no  conscientious 
Christian  man  will  have  recourse,  even  to  sustain  a  philanthropic 
theory." 

In  confirmation  of  the  statements  here  given,  in  relation  to  the 
falling  off  in  the  productions  of  Jamaica,  it  is  only  necessary  that 
the  declaration  of  the  Colonial  Minister  should  be  given,  as  it  ap- 
peared in  the  New  York  Tribune,  and  was  thence  transferred  to 
the  Ame7'{can  Missionary,  February,  1859  : 

"  The  Colonial  Minister  says  :  '  Jamaica  is  now  the  only  important 
sugar-producing  colony  which  exports  a  considerably  smaller  quantity 
of  sugar  than  was  exported  in  the  time  of  slavery,  while  some  such 
colonies,  since  the  passage  of  the  emancipation  act,  have  largely  in- 
creased their  product/  " 

But  it  is  claimed  that  an  exception  exists  in  the  island  of  Bar- 
badoes,  the  exports  of  which  having  been  considerably  increased 
without  the  aid  of  coolie  labor.  As  we  shall  elsewhere  refer  to  this 
point,  it  need  only  be  remarked  here,  that  that  island  is  a  small 
one  —  22  miles  in  length  by  14  in  breadth  —  and  has  been  very 
densely  populated  for  the  last  hundred  years.  Its  population  now 
numb'ers  about  800  to  the  square  mile.  *  When  emancipation 
came,  the  negroes  had  no  waste  land,  like  their  brethren  in  Ja- 
maica, upon  which  to  squat ;  but  had  to  remain  on  the  plantations, 
as  the  only  means  of  earning  their  bread,  f 

These  investigations  need  not  be  prosecuted  any  further.  Men 
of  intelligence  will  no  longer  claim  that  any  miracle  has  occurred 
in  the  British  West  Indies,  to  demonstrate  the  moral  duty  and  eco- 
nomical advantages  of  emancipation.     A  people  degraded  like  the 

*  "  Cotton  is  King"  gives  full  particulars  on  this  point. 
t  London  Economist. 


270  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

blacks  of  these  islands  were  when  liberated,  never  have  become 
producers,  in  agriculture,  to  an  extent  much  beyond  the  supply  of 
their  absolute  necessities.  They  have  not  done  it  in  the  United 
States,  in  Canada,  in  Mexico,  the  South  American  Republics,  or 
Hayti.  They  never  will  do  it  as  long  as  the  world  stands.  They 
must  be  educated  before  they  can  rise  to  the  dignity  of  enlightened 
freemen,  capable,  from  their  own  voluntary  industry,  of  supplying 
a  large  surplus  of  products  to  commerce.  Indeed,  the  apology 
offered  for  the  abolition  of  West  India  slavery,  by  prominent 
British  writers,  is  no  longer  based  upon  the  economical  benefits 
resulting  from  that  measure.  The  downward  tendency  of  the  pro- 
ductiveness of  the  islands,  where  negro  labor  alone  is  employed, 
is  fully  admitted  ;  but  the  advantages  of  emancipation,  it  is  now 
claimed,  exist  in  the  fact  that  free  labor  can,  at  present,  be  intro- 
duced to  an  extent  equaling  the  demands  of  the  owners  of  estates 
—  a  policy  that  was  impracticable  as  long  as  slavery  existed.  The 
free  labor  referred  to,  it  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add,  consists  of 
imported  coolies  !  As  long  as  slavery  prevailed,  say  these  writers, 
free  labor  could  not  be  introduced,  because  freemen  could  not  labor 
by  the  side  of  slaves  —  the  control  of  the  two  classes  requiring 
widely  different  systems  of  management. 

We  repeat  a  previous  remark.  The  domestic  exports  of  a  coun- 
try are  not  always  to  be  taken  as  a  true  measure  of  the  personal 
comforts  or  moral  progress  of  its  population.  This  proposition 
has  been  claimed  as  having  an  illustration  in  the  West  Indies. 
While  admitting  the  diminution  of  exports,  it  is  asserted  that  the 
comforts  of  a  population  are  greatly  enhanced  by  the  consumption 
of  an  increased  amount  of  their  own  productions.  On  this  ques- 
tion, however,  some  dispute  has  arisen.  As  the  utmost  fairness  is 
the  author's  aim,  no  other  testimony,  to  any  considerable  extent, 
than  that  of  anti-slavery  men,  will  be  used  on  this  point,  nor  shall 
even  that  be  extensively  paraded. 

Mr.  BiGELOW,  of  the  New  York  Evening  Post,  spent  a  winter  in 
Jamaica,  and  became  well  acquainted  with  its  condition  and  pros- 
pects. Since  his  return,  he  has  still  watched  the  progress  of 
events  in  the  island  with  anxious  solicitude.  In  reviewing  the 
returns  published  by  the  Jamaica  House  of  Assembly,  in  1853,  in 
reference  to  the  ruinous  decline  in  the  agriculture  of  the  island, 


I 


EFFECTS   OF   EMANCIPATION   IN   WEST   INDIES.  271 

and  stating  the  enormous  quantity  of  lands  thrown  out  of  cultiva- 
tion, since  1848,  the  Post  said  : 

"  This  decline  has  been  going  on  from  year  to  year,  daily  becoming 
more  alarming,  until  at  length  the  island  has  reached  what  would  ap- 
pear to  be  the  last  profound  of  distress  and  miser}'', when 

thousands  of  people  do  not  know,  when  they  rise  in  the  morning, 
whence  or  in  what  manner  they  are  to  procure  bread  for  the  day." 

The  London  Times,  of  about  the  same  date,  in  speaking  of  the 
results  of  emancipation  in  Jamaica,  says  : 

"  The  negro  has  not  acquired,  with  his  freedom,  any  habits  of  indus- 
try or  morality.  His  independence  is  but  little  better  than  that  of  an 
uncaptured  brute.  Having  accepted  few  of  the  restraints  of  civiliza- 
tion, he  is  amenable  to  few  of  its  necessities  ;  and  the  wants  of  his 
nature  are  so  easily  satisfied,  that  at  the  current  rate  of  wages,  he  is 
called  upon  for  nothing  but  fitful  or  desultory  exertion.  The  blacks, 
therefore,  instead  of  becoming  intelligent  husbandmen,  have  become 
vagrants  and  squatters,  and  it  is  now  apprehended  that  with  the  fail- 
ure of  cultivation  in  the  island  will  come  the  failure  of  its  resources 
for  instructing  or  controlling  its  population.  So  imminent  does  this 
consummation  appear,  that  memorials  have  been  signed  by  classes  of 
colonial  society  hitherto  standing  aloof  from  politics,  and  not  only  the 
bench  and  the  bar,  but  the  bishop,  clergy,  and  ministers  of  all  denom- 
inations in  the  island,  without  exception,  have  recorded  their  convic- 
tion, that,  in  the  absence  of  timely  relief,  the  religious  and  educational 
institutions  of  the  island  must  be  abandoned,  and  the  masses  of  the 
population  retrogade  to  barbarism." 

The  remedy  for  the  existing  evils,  as  proposed  by  prominent 
British  writers,  is  to  force  the  free  colored  people  into  habits  of 
greater  industry  by  the  introduction  of  coolie  labor.  The  London 
Economist  recently  said : 

"  We  have  always  been  warm  advocates  of  the  Coolie  immigration 
into  the  West  Indies.  We  are  convinced  that  by  no  other  plan  can 
the  population  of  these  fertile  islands  be  increased  up  to  the  high- 
pressure  point  at  which  alone  Africans  can  be  induced  to  labor  hard. 
Barbadoes  is  the  only  highly  successful  island  among  our  West  India 
colonies,  because  Barbadoes  is  so  fully  peopled  that  the  negroes  are 
compelled  to  work  for  their  subsistence,  and  to  work  hard.     Wo  can 


272  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

not  lay  too  great  stress,  as  Mr.  Buxton  wisely  said,  on  the  duty  of 
aiding  the  overflowing  population  of  China  and  India  to  fill  up  the 
vacuum  in  our  West  India  colonies.  We  know  now  this  can  be  done 
without  inhumanity  and  with  the  greatest  advantage  to  both  the  coolie 
and  the  English  planter.  And  it  is  the  part  of  common  sense  and 
good  judgment  to  do  it  as  effectually  as  we  have  already  done  it  in  the 
Mauritius,  and  as  speedily  as  possible."* 

This,  then,  is  the  remedy  proposed  for  saving  the  British  islands 
from  the  effects  of  emancipation.  The  negro  will  not  work  volun- 
tarily. The  whip  must  no  longer  be  applied  to  compel  him  to  do 
so  ;  but  work  he  must,  or  British  trade  and  commerce  and  British 
revenues  will  suffer.  Experience  has  suggested  the  remedy.  The 
negroes  of  Barbadoes  "  work  hard,"  because  where  800  men  have 
to  gain  a  subsistence  from  the  space  of  640  acres  of  land,  they 
must  work  in  earnest  or  starve ;  and  they  must  labor,  too,  accord- 
ing to  some  efficient  system,  devised  by  intelligence,  or,  even  then, 
a  subsistence  can  not  be  gained  from  the  soil.  The  proposition 
is,  that  the  other  islands  shall  be  rendered  productive,  as  Barba- 
does was  during  the  prevalence  of  the  slave  trade,  by  crowding 
them  with  laborers.  It  is  proposed  that  they,  too,  shall  be  over- 
populated,  so  as  to  keep  the  inhabitants  constantly  at  the  starva- 
tion point ;  and  thus  instead  of  prompting  them  to  action,  as  under 
slavery,  by  the  "  beneficent  whip,"  to  force  them  into  industry,  as 
freemen,  by  the  philanthropic  application  of  hunger  ! 

Such  are  the  measures  deemed  necessary,  by  British  writers,  to 
remedy  the  evils  growing  out  of  the  benevolence  of  Great  Britain 
toward  the  African  race  !  She  resolved  that  the  negroes  should 
no  longer  be  coerced  into  industrious  habits,  and  now  she  is  com- 
pelleci  to  starve  them  to  it,  otherwise  her  own  people  at  home 
must  be  brought  to  suffering  for  want  of  the  productions  which 
they  can  supply. 

The  injurious  effects  of  African  emancipation,  upon  the  national 
prosperity  of  the  Caucasians,  can  now  be  comprehended. 

*  London  Economist,  1861. 


CHAPTER   V. 

WEST  INDIAN    EMANCIPATION   A   TOTAL    FAILURE    IN  ITS   EXPECTED 

RESULTS. 

Section  I. — General  Condition  of  the  British  West  India 
Islands  at  this  Moment. 

Since  the  completion  of  the  foregoing  chapters,  the  work  of 
William  G.  Sewell,  Esq., — "  The  Ordeal  of  Free  Labor  in  the 
West  Indies," — has  been  laid  before  us.*  There  had  long  been 
much  of  mystery  overhanging  the  free  labor  systems  of  the  British 
West  Indies.  Mr.  Sewell  has  turned  aside  the  vail  more  fully 
than  any  other  writer  consulted,  and  has  given  the  public  a  can- 
did statement  of  facts  which  came  under  his  own  observation. 
But  he  looks  at  everything  from  the  "  free  soil "  and  "  free 
labor  "  point  of  view ;  so  that,  though  he  finds  ruin  overwhelm- 
ing the  planters,  and  many  grievous  evils  existing  among  the 
blacks,  he  yet  claims  that  they  are  not  the  results  of  emancipa- 
tion, or  if  they  are,  that  even  death  is  preferable  to  slavery. 

Beginning  with  Barbadoes,  he  says :  "  It  must  be  borne  in 
mind,  that,  protected  by  her  small  area,  and  dense  population — 
a  population  larger  to  the  square  mile  than  that  of  China — Bar- 
badoes, since  emancipation,  has  not  suffered  for  the  want  of  labor 
like  other  colonies.  To  this  cause  more,  perhaps,  than  to  any 
other,  she  owes  her  present  wonderful  prosperity."! 

In  another  paragraph,  the  author  explains  the  mode  by  which 
the  planters  secure  the  labor  of  the  free  negroes : 

"At  the  time  of  emancipation  the  slaves  were  left  in  possession  of 
their  houses  and  allotment  lands,  which  they  continued  to  occupy  after 

*  Mr.  Sewell  traveled  in  the  West  Indies  as  correspondent  for  the  New  York 
Times.  t  Sewell,  page  31. 

18  (273) 


274  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

their  term  of  apprenticeship  had  expired.  In  Barbadoc?  the  tenant 
worked  for  the  landlord  at  twenty  per  cent,  below  the  common  market 
rate,  and  his  service  was  taken  as  an  equivalent  for  rent.  But  the 
practice  produced  endless  difficulties  and  disagreements ;  the  law  did 
not  bear  out  the  planter,  and  another  system  was  introduced.  Under 
the  new  practice,  still  in  force,  a  laborer  has  a  house  and  land  allot- 
ment on  an  estate  for  which  he  pays  a  stipulated  rent ;  but  he  is  under 
an  engagement  besides,  as  a  condition  of  renting,  to  give  to  the  estate 
a  certain  number  of  days'  labor,  at  certain  stipulated  wages,  varying 
from  one-sixth  to  one-third  less  than  the  market  price.  The  rate  of 
wages  for  field  labor,  in  Barbadoes,  is  about  twenty -four  cents  per  day ; 
but  the  laborer,  fettered  by  the  system  of  tenancy-at-will,  is  compelled 
to  work  for  his  landlord  at  twenty  cents  per  day.  He  is,  tJierefore,  vir- 
tually a  slave  ;  for  if  he  resists  the  conditions  of  his  bond,  he  is  ejected  by 
summary  process,  and  loses  the  profit  he  hoped  to  reap  on  his  little  stock."* 

But  why  should  freemen  submit  to  such  exactions  ?  The  reason 
is  explained  in  a  subsequent  paragraph  : 

"  I  must  again  repeat  that  Barbadoes  oflfers  a  solitary  exception  to 
the  general  argument.  The  population  here,  as  I  have  said,  is  extremely 
dense,  averaging  eight  hundred  persons  to  the  square  mile,  and  partly 
from  an  aversion  of  the  negro  to  leave  his  home,  partly  from  his  fear, 
still  easily  excited,  of  being  sold  into  slavery,  no  material  emigration 
from  the  island  has  ever  taken  place.  In  Barbadoes,  therefore,  labor 
has  been  always  abundant,  and  the  island,  which  out  of  106,000  acres 
has  100,000  under  cultivation,  presents  the  appearance  of  a  perfect 
garden.  Land,  as  I  shall  hereafter  show,  averages  $500  an  acre ;  and 
when  it  is  added  that  the  land  which  brings  such  a  price  is  purchased 
for  agricultural  purposes  only,  we  have,  in  the  fact,  conclusive  evidence 
of  most  remarkable  prosperity.  All  this,  practically  considered,  is 
owing,  in  a  greater  degree,  to  an  adequate  laboring  population,  than  to 
the  special  benefits  of  abolition,  as  illustrated  in  an  anti-slavery  society's 
annual  report.  But  no  credit  is  due  to  the  Barbadian  plantocracy  for 
retaining  that  adequate  laboring  population  in  their  employ.  To  the 
latter  it  ivas  the  option  of  work  at  low  wages,  and  on  most  illiberal 
terms,  or  starvatio7i."f 

Again,  on  this  point,  Mr.  Sewell  says  :  "  Barbadoes  is  so  thickly 
inhabited  that  work  or  starvation  is  the  only  choice. "J     And  again, 

*  Sewell,  page  31.  t  Ibid.,  page  33.  J  Ibid.,  page  106. 


■i 


ECONOMICAL    FAILURE    OF   WEST    INDIAN   EMANCIPATION.      275 

in  contrasting  the  free  negroes  of  Jamaica  with  those  of  Barba- 
does,  he  says  :  "  I  do  maintain,  without  any  hesitation,  that  the 
Creole  of  Jamaica  works  as  diligently  as  the  Creole  of  Barbadoes ; 
but  with  this  difference — that  the  former  works  for  himself,  while 
the  latter  works  only  for  a  master — that  the  work  of  the  one  is 
more  profitable  because  it  is  well-directed  and  economized,  while 
the  work  of  the  other  is  less  profitable  because  it  is  ill-directed 
and  wasted."* 

From  these  statements,  there  is  no  escaping  the  conclusion, 
that  emancipation,  while  giving  a  nominal  freedom  to  the  blacks, 
has  really  left  the  population  almost  as  much  in  the  power  of  the 
planter  as  it  was  under  slavery.  And,  yet,  after  saying  all  that 
has  been  quoted,  when,  in  another  place,  the  author  comes  to 
compare  Cuba,  Jamaica,  and  Barbadoes,  he  says  : 

"  Barbadoes  offers  the  most  perfect  example  of  free  labor,  and  of  the 
capacity  and  willingness  of  the  African  to  work  under  a  free  system. "f 
.  .  .  .  "  Now  Barbadoes  is  a  living  proof  that  the  negroes  do  work 
under  a  free  system. "J  ..."  The  doctrine  of  emancipation,  that 
free  labor  is  cheaper  than  slave  labor,  is  proved  to  demonstration. "§ 

Antigua,  with  70,000  acres  of  land,  of  which  58,000  acres  are 
owned  by  large  proprietors,  was  found  by  emancipation  in  a  sim- 
ilar position,  as  regards  density  of  population,  with  Barbadoes. 
The  planters  in  Antigua  dictate  the  terms  of  labor,  like  those  of 
Barbadoes,  and  pay  even  less  wages  than  those  of  the  former 
island.  "  In  Antigua,  a  field  laborer  scarcely  earns,  on  an  aver- 
age, twenty  cents  per  diem  ;  in  Barbadoes,  he  earns  from  twenty- 
two  to  twenty-five  cents  ;  and  in  Trinidad,  he  earns  thirty  cents."|| 

The  present  population  of  Ba-rbadoes  is  estimated  at  140,000.^ 
Sugar  is  the  principal  production.  Its  exports,  for  a  series  of 
years,  are  given  thus  :** 

1720  to  1800,  annual  average 23,000  lihds. 

1800  to  1830,        "  "         20,000     " 

1835  to  1850,         "  "         .....26,000     " 

1851  to  1858,         "  "         43,000     " 

*  Sewell,  page  273.  t  Ibid-,  p.  272.  t  Ibid.,  p.  273. 

§  Ibid.,  p.  273.  II  Ibid.,  page  146.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  60. 

**  Ibid.,  pp.  62-3.  Note. — From  1826  to  1830,  the  average  weight  of  a  hogshead 
wasl2cwt.;  from  1830  to  1850, 14cwt.;  and  is  now  from  15  to  16,  and  even  17  cwt. 


276 


PULPIT     POLITICS. 


In  1858,  alone,  the  exports  Avere  50,778  hhds.,  being  the  larg- 
est crop  ever  produced  in  the  island,  and  more  than  twice  as 
much  as  the  annual  average  exports  from  1800  to  1830,  during 
most  of  which  time  the  slave  trade  was  forbidden  and  hence,  no 
supply  of  labor  obtained  from  that  source.  From  1720  to  1808, 
the  slave  trade  prevailed,  and  the  exports,  consequently,  were 
larger.  This  was  the  result  in  all  the  islands — a  diminution  of 
production  following  the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade.  In  Bar- 
badoes  and  Antigua,  alone,  has  any  increased  production,  to  any 
considerable  extent,  followed  emancipation.  In  these  islands 
only,  the  overcrowded  state  of  the  population  leaves  the  labor- 
ers under  the  necessity  of  submitting  to  starvation  or  engaging 
in  work  for  the  planters.  For  this  reason  these  two  islands  are 
naturally  grouped  together  in  these  investigations.  Barbadoes 
being  the  larger  island,  and  its  crowded  condition  having  en- 
abled it  to  export  more  sugar  under  freedom  than  under  slavery, 
it  has  been  cited  as  a  triumphant  proof  that  free  labor  is  more 
productive  than  slave  labor ;  and  many,  without  examination, 
have  accepted  the  fact  as  the  grandest  truth  of  the  nineteenth 
century. 

But  let  us  see  what  will  become  of  this  boasting  about  the 
superiority  of  free  labor,  by  contrasting  its  productiveness  with 
that  of  the  slave  labor  in  the  United  States.  The  exports  of 
Barbadoes,  given  above,  begin  with  1720  and  end  with  1858. 
Sugar  is  the  principal  article  of  growth  in  Barbadoes,  and  cot- 
ton in  the  United  States.  The  home  consumption  of  each  may 
'be  left  out  of  view,  and  the  exports  alone  given  in  contrast. 
Cotton,  however,  was  not  an  article  of  regular  export  until  1791. 

We  must  commence,  therefore,  with  that  date,  and  take  it  at 
regular  intervals  of  ten  years  to  the  present  date  —  except  as  to 
additions  of  a  year  or  tAvo  as  explanatory.  The  amounts  are 
given  in  pounds  : 


1791 189,316 

1800 17,789,803 

1810 93,900,000 

1820 127,800,000 

1830 298,459,102 


1840 743,941,061 

1849 1,026,602,269 

1850 «  635,381,604 

1859 1,372,755,006 

1860 1,767,686,339 


•  The  crop  of  1850  was  a  short  one. 


ECONOMICAL   FAILURE   OF  WEST   INDIA    EAlANCIPATION.       277 

The  contrast  between  the  rate  of  increase  here  and  in  the  sugar 
statistics  of  Barbadoes,  must  put  an  end  to  all  boasting.  Here 
the  reader  sees  what  can  be  done  by  a  slave  population,  well  fed, 
well  housed,  and  with  proper  medical  attendance.  The  slave 
trade  furnishes  no  aid  here,  nor  has  Coolie  labor  lent  a  hand,  and 
yet  the  increase  is  enormous.  It  will  not  do  any  longer  to 
attempt  to  impose  upon  an  intelligent  public  the  oft-repeated 
tale  —  as  applicable  to  the  negro  race  —  that  free  labor  is  more 
productive  than  slave  labor.  The  negro  question  can  not  at 
present  be  argued  on  that  principle ;  and  it  never  should  have 
been  placed  upon  that  ground. 

From  the  industrial  we  turn  to  the  moral  condition  of  the 
island.  On  this  subject,  Mr.  Sewell  presents  a  horrible  picture 
of  degradation : 

"  I  can  not  speak  as  highly  of  the  morality  of  the  laboring  popula- 
tion of  Barbadoes  as  I  can  of  their  industry.  The  clergy  may  publish 
church  and  school  statistics,  which,  I  admit,  go  to  show  that  scholars 
and  churchmen  multiply.  But  statistics  on  such  subjects  are  not  of 
much  importance  when  they  run  counter  to  common  every-day  expe* 
rience.  To  prove  that  the  vicious  put  on  a  religious  demeanor  with 
their  Sunday  coat,  and  will  listen  patiently  to  a  tedious,  incomprehen- 
sible sermon,  only  makes  the  case  worse.  It  is  shown  that  since  eman- 
cipation the  higher  crimes  are  less  frequently  committed  than  they  were 
before.  Crimes  of  violence  are  almost  unknown,  and  in  the  streets, 
thanks  to  efficient  police  regulations,  the  most  perfect  order  is  preserved ; 
but  crimes  of  calculation,  thieving,  swindling,  and  the  minor  vices,  have 
apparently  increased.  I  speak  from  prison  statistics;  and  it  must  be 
borne  in  mind  that  over  a  large  number,  if  not  all,  of  these  oflFenses  the 
planter  formerly  had  exclusive  jurisdiction,  and  they  were  never  known 
beyond  the  precincts  of  his  own  estate.  It  is,  therefore,  unfair  to  make 
any  deductions  from  the  criminal  records  of  the  present  day,  and  com- 
pare them  with  those  of  the  past,  when  no  just  comparison  can  be  insti- 
tuted. But  I  have  seen  exhibitions  of  unrestrained  passion,  of  cruelty, 
and  of  vice,  to  which,  in  a  state  of  slavery,  the  negro  would  never  be 
permitted  to  give  vent.  I  have  seen  parents  beat  their  children  in  such 
an  inhuman  manner  as  to  make  me  feel  that  liberty  to  them  was  a  curse 
to  all  over  whom  they  were  allowed  to  exercise  any  authority  or  control. 
I  am  speaking  now  of  what  is  the  rule  rather  than  the  exception  among 


278  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

the  lowest  class  of  the  negro  population.  Among  their  other  vicea, 
immorality  and  promiscuous  intercourse  of  the  sexes  are  almost  univer- 
sal. From  the  last  census,  it  appears  that  more  than  half  of  the  child- 
ren born  in  Barbadoes  are  illegitimate.* 

"Against  the  middle  class  —  as  a  class  —  the  imputation  of  unfaith- 
fulness to  the  marriage  vow  could  not  be  maintained ;  but  among  the 
laboring  people,  morality,  not  now  through  ignorance  and  compulsion, 
but  from  choice,  remains  at  the  lowest  ebb.  I  leave  the  reader  to  draw 
what  inference  he  pleases  from  such  a  state  of  things.  I  simply  report 
facts.  But  it  seems  to  me  that  the  moral  grounds  of  the  abolitionist 
for  removing  the  restrictions  of  slavery,  are,  in  Barbadoes,  at  least,  the 
very  worst  that  could  be  selected.  Morality  has  not  kept  pace  with 
material  progress.  Making  every  allowance  for  the  influence  of  cli- 
mate, there  is  still  no  palliation  tor  such  a  superabundance  of  vice."f 

On  the  subject  of  education,  it  is  remarked  :  "  Education  in  Barba- 
does is  confined  to  those  who  have  the  means  to  pay  for  the  luxury  of 
knowledge ;  and  though  statistics  show  a  marked  progress  since  the 
date  of  emancipation,  it  is  rather  the  progress  of  a  class  than  of  the 
whole  population But  all  the  schools  are  under  church  influ- 
ence, and  are  necessarily  imbued  with  church  prejudices  ;  and  were 
education  on  such  a  system  much  more  extended  than  it  really  is,  one 
would  scarcely  look  for  any  wholesome  diifusion  of  popular  instruc- 
tion."! 

In  relation  to  social  customs,  it  is  said :  "  The  distinctions  of  caste 
are  more  strictly  observed  in  Barbadoes  than  in  any  other  British  West 
India  colony.  No  person,  male  or  female,  with  the  slightest  taint  of 
African  blood,  is  admitted  to  white  society.  No  matter  what  the  stand- 
ing of  a  father,  his  influence  can  not  secure  for  his  colored  off"spring 
the  social  status  that  he  himself  occupies;  and  the  rule  is  more  rigidly 
carried  out  among  women  than  it  is  among  men.  The  amalgamation 
of  the  two  races  is,  nevertheless,  very  general,  and  illicit  intercourse  is 
sanctioned,  or  at  least  winked  at,  by  a  society  which  utterly  condemns  and 

abhors  a  marriage  between  two  people  of  difierent  colors The 

amalgamation  of  the  African  and  Anglo-Saxon,  and  the  exclusivenesa 
of  the  latter,  have  thus  combined  to  build  up  the  half-castes,  and  make 
them  somewhat  of  a  distinct  people  —  a  people  neither  African  nor 
European,  but  more  properly  West  Indian.     This  class  —  the  middle 

*  Sewell,  p.  41.  t  Ibid.,  p.  42.  t  Ibid.,  42. 


ECONOMICAL   FAILURE   OF  WEST  INDIA    EMANCIPATION.       279 

class — is  already  very  large  and  intelligent,  and  is  rapidly  increasing. 
It  is  composed  of  small  landed  proprietors,  of  business  men,  clerks  in 
public  and  private  establishments,  editors,  tradesmen,  and  mechanics."* 

In  addition  to  the  exports  of  sugar  from  Barbadoes  and  Anti- 
gua, it  is  claimed  that  many  minor  productions  are  now  exported 
which  were  not  cultivated  during  slavery;  and  that,  therefore, 
the  foreign  goods  consumed  in  the  islands  is  a  better  index  to  the 
actual  prosperity  and  comfort  of  the  population.  Judged  by  this 
rule,  the  following  results  are  presented :  "  Turning  now  to  the 
imports  of  Barbadoes,  I  find  that  their  average  annual  value, 
from  1822  to  1832,  was  about  £600,000  sterling.  In  1845,  the 
imports  amounted  in  value  to  £682,358  sterling ;  and  in  1856,  to 
£840,000,  of  which  about  £640,000  were  consumed  in  the 
islands."  t 

As  no  intimation  is  given  of  any  re-exports  having  been  made 
in  1822  to  1832,  of  the  foreign  imported  articles,  we  are  at  a  loss 
to  know  whether  the  whole  of  the  importations  of  that  date  were 
consumed  in  the  islands  ;  if  so,  then  the  present  consumption 
is  an  increase  of  only  £40,000  on  that  of  the  former  period. 

In  Antigua,  from  1822  to  1832,  the  average  annual  value  of 
imports  was  £130,000  sterling;  and  in  1858,  £266,364  —  being 
more  than  double  its  former  imports.  J 

The  educational  progress  of  Antigua  has  been  more  favorable 
than  in  Barbadoes.  "It  further  appears  that  education  has  raised 
the  standard  of  morality  in  Antigua.  Marriages  are  much  more 
frequent  than  they  used  to  be,  and  concubinage  is  discounten- 
anced. The  number  of  illegitimate  births  averages  53  per  cent. 
In  some  other  islands,  it  exceeds  100  per  cent."  § 

The  middle  and  lower  classes,  in  Antigua,  are  entirely  excluded 
from  the  polls  by  a  high  property  qualification,  thus  leaving  all 
legislation  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the  whites. ||  The  popu- 
lation of  this  island  equals  three  hundred  and  eighteen  to  the 
square  mile.^  The  black  population,  for  twenty  years  past,  has 
diminished  at  the  rate  of  a  half  per  cent,  per  annum,  although 


*  Sewell,  p.  68.  t  Ibid.,  p.  63.  J  Ibid.,  p.  145. 

i  Sewell,  p.  143.  II  Ibid,,  p.  150.  <f  Ibid.,  p.  152. 


280  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

the  island  is  remarkably  healthy.  The  mortality  is  greater  now 
than  in  the  days  of  slavery ;  and  the  mortality  is  less  on  estates, 
at  present,  than  it  is  in  the  villages  where  the  laborers  reside  on 
their  OAvn  lands,*  In  Barbadoes,  the  census  returns  are  not  very 
satisfactory,  but  no  material  increase  has  taken  place  there  since 
emancipation  ;f  so,  then,  it  would  appear,  that  a  decrease  of 
population  is  the  law  of  freedom  in  the  West  Indies — the  other 
islands,  mainly,  as  it  will  be  seen,  having  also  suffered  a  dimin- 
ution of  population.  This  result,  we  are  told,  has  arisen  from 
the  fact,  that  "  the  life  of  a  field  laborer  has  been  made  so  dis- 
tasteful to  the  peasant  that  the  possession  of  half  an  acre,  or  the 
most  meager  subsistence  and  independence,  seem  to  him,  in  com- 
parison with  estate  service,  the  very  acme  of  luxurious  enjoy- 
ment."J 

One  fact  must  be  noted  here.  The  plantation  labor  required 
of  these  blacks  is,  with  a  slight  difference  in  wages,  exactly  what 
the  Coolie,  in  other  islands,  accepts  as  a  munificent  inheritance  ; 
and  what  Mr.  Sewell,  as  we  shall  see,  considers  one  of  the  most 
beneficent  schemes  for  the  civilization  of  the  Pagans  of  the  East 
Indies  who  may  be  transferred  to  the  West  Indies. 

From  all  the  facts  before  us,  we  must  conclude,  that  emanci- 
pation, in  Barbadoes  and  Antigua,  has  utterly  failed  in  producing 
the  favorable  results  anticipated  from  that  measure  by  the  Eng- 
lish philanthropists.  They  never  conceived  it  possible  that, 
under  the  freedom  they  were  conferring,  the  black  population 
of  these  islands  would  be  forced  to  labor  for  the  planters  or 
starve,  and  that  their  condition,  instead  of  being  improved,  would 
be  virtually  that  of  slaves.  Much  less  did  they  look  to  emanci- 
pation as  resulting  in  a  decrease  of  population,  threatening  the 
ultimate  extinction  of  the  African  race  in  the  islands,  and  creat- 
ing a  demand  for  the  transfer  of  other  laborers  from  abroad,  to 
prevent  the  estates  from  being  rendered  useless.  Nothing  at 
all  of  this  was  anticipated,  as  will  be  evident  by  a  perusal  of  the 
book  of  the  good  Mr.  Gurney,  describing  what  he  saAV  in  the 
West  India  Islands  soon  after  emancipation.  With  the  light  of 
time  cast  in  full  blaze  upon  the  British  scheme  of  abolition,  no 

»  Sewell,  pp.  154,  156,  t  Ibid.,  pp.  60,  61.  t  Ibid.,  p.  154 


ECONOMICAL  FAILURE   OP   WEST  INDIAN   EMANCIPATION.     281 

one  .can  noTV  read  the  book  of  Mr.  Gurney  without  marveling 
how  one  so  good  could  be  so  credulous. 

But  we  must  pass  on  to  the  other  islands,  and  see  how  far  they 
meet,  or  fail  in  meeting,  British  expectation,  as  to  the  results 
of  emancipation.  And  first,  of  the  smaller  British  West  India 
Islands.  In  noticing  this  class  of  islands,  the  references  will 
be  limited  to  the  points  of  importance  in  the  investigation  on 
hand. 

St.  Vincent  and  her  Grenadine  dependencies,  which,  before 
emancipation,  exported,  on  an  average,  25,000,000  lbs.  sugar, 
now  export  only  16,000,000  or  17,000,000  lbs.*  The  population 
of  St.  Vincent,  in  1831,  amounted  to  27,000,  and  now  stands  at 
30,000.t  This  estimate  is  for  1859,  so  that,  in  twenty-eight  years, 
there  has  been  an  increase  of  population  amounting  to  only  3,000, 
or  a  little  over  one  hundred  per  annum ;  whereas,  if  the  increase 
had  been  equal  to  that  of  the  slaves  in  the  United  States,  it 
would  have  been  more  than  seven  hundred  a  year,  and  the  popu- 
lation now  have  been  doubled.  "  There  are  now  encouraging 
prospects  that,  even  in  the  cultivation  of  sugar,  St.  Vincent  Avill 
soon  be  restored  to  its  former  prosperity.  The  island  has  already 
made  preparations  for  the  importation  of  Coolie  labor. "|  The 
cultivation  and  export  of  minor  products  has  increased  ;  but  the 
imports  of  foreign  products,  as  indicating  increasing  comforts  in 
living,  are  not  given.  "Out  of  a  population  of  30,000,  there  is 
an  average  church-attendance  of  8,000.  There  is  little  provision 
for  educational  purposes,  and  no  effort  was  made  to  enlighten 
the  people  until  1857,  when  the  legislature  established  a  board 
of  education.  In  that  year,  the  school-attendance  was  about 
2,000."§ 

Grenada,  which  exported  22,000,000  lbs.  of  sugar  before  eman- 
cipation, now  exports  something  less  than  half  that  amount.  ||  The 
decline,  in  Grenada,  commenced  as  far  back  as  1776.  "  The  total 
population  of  Grenada  is  now  about  33,000,  an  increase  of  three 
or  four  thousand  over  the  population  of  1827."^  "  Grenada  has 
taken  the  lead  of  St.  Vincent  in  the  importation  of  Coolie  la- 

*  Sewell,  p.  75.  t  Ibid.,'  p.  79.  t  Ibid.,  p.  82. 

?  Sewell,  p.  81.  ||  Ibid.,  p.  75.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  86. 


282  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

borers."*  In  1857,  the  imports  amounted  to  £109,000,1  against 
£78,000,  £73,000,  and  £77,000,  during  the  years  .immediately 
preceding  emancipation.^  "  The  average  church-attendance 
throughout  the  island  was,  in  1857,  over  8,000,  against  7,000 
before  emancipation ;  but  the  school-attendance  is  comparatively 
small,  being  only  1,600.  Education,  among  the  Creoles  of  Gren- 
ada, has  been,  up  to  this  time,  at  a  very  low  ebb,  for  it  has  been 
looked  upon  with  jealousy  and  distrust."§     .... 

Tobago,  in  1819,  had  15,470  registered  slaves;  in  1832,  there 
were  but  12,091,  while  the  number,  including  non-effectives,  for 
whom  compensation  was  claimed  by  Tobago  proprietors, 'was  only 
10,500.  The  present  estimated  population  is  15,674,  of  which 
one  hundred  and  sixty  are  whites.  The  production  of  sugar,  in 
this  island,  is  now  from  three  to  four  thousand  hogsheads,  against 
seven  thousand  some  twenty-five  years  ago.||  The  average 
church-attendance,  in  Tobago,  is  large,  being  forty-one  per  cent, 
of  the  entire  population.  There  is  an  average  school-attendance 
of  1,600.^ 

St.  Lucia,  in  1816,  had  16,285  registered  slaves,  and  in  1836, 
the  number  was  reduced  to  13,291.  The  population  is  now  25,- 
307,  of  whom  nine  hundred  and  fifty-eight  are  whites.  The  sugar 
exports  of  St.  Lucia,  in  1857,  amounted  to  6,261,875  lbs.  against 
an  average  yearly  export  of  from  three  to  five  millions  before 
emancipation.  The  Metairee  system  prevails  in  this  island,  and 
is  productive  of  favorable  results — the  profits  of  the  production 
being  divided  with  the  laborer,  and  tenancy-at-will  being  dis- 
.pensed  with.** 

Dominica,  prior  to  emancipation,  had  a  population  of  18,650, 
and  in  1844,  the  last  census,  it  had  22,220 — there  being  included 
in  the  number  eight  hundred  and  fifty  whites.  In  1858,  this  isl- 
and exported  6,262,841  lbs.  sugar,  against  an  annual  average  of 
6,000,000  lbs.  before  emancipation.  The  total  imports,  in  1858, 
were  valued  at  £84,906,  against  an  average  of  £62,000  for  five 

*  Sewell,  p.  89. 

t  Mr.  Sewell's  book  has  it  marked  $,  which  must  be  an  error. 

%  Sewell,  p.  89.  §  Ibid.,  p.  87.  ||  Ibid.,  p.  90. 

%  Ibid.,  p.  91.  «*  Ibid.,  pp.  92,  93. 


ECONOMICAL   FAILURE   OF   WEST   INDIAN   EMANCIPATION.     28B 

years  preceding  emancipation.  About  2,600  children,  on  an 
average,  receive  instruction  in  the  different  schools.* 

Nevis,  in  1830,  had  a  population  of  9,250,  and  has  now  9,570. 
In  1858,  this  island  exported  4,400,000  lbs.  of  sugar,  against  an 
annual  average  of  5,000,000  lbs.  before  emancipation.  More  than 
two-thirds  of  the  population,  between  the  ages  of  five  and  fifteen, 
are  receiving  instruction.! 

MoNTSERRAT,  at  present,  has  a  population"  of  7,033,  being  a 
decrease  of  some  300  on  the  population  of  1828.  The  exports 
of  sugar  from  this  island,  in  1858,  were  1,308,720  lbs.,  against 
an  annual  average  of  1,840,000  lbs.  prior  to  emancipation. 
"The  value  of  imports,  in  1858,  was  £17,844 ;  and  between  this 
figure  and  the  average  value  of  imports  before  emancipation, 
there  appears  to  be  no  marked  variance."  | 

St.  Kitts,  according  to  the  census  of  1858,  has  a  population 
of  20,741 ;  and  seems  to  have  decreased  nearly  3,000  since  1830. 
In  1858,  this  island  exported  9,853,309  lbs.  of  sugar,  against  an 
annual  average  of  12,000,000  lbs.  before  emancipation.  There 
are  2,704  scholars  receiving  instruction  in  the  schools.  § 

The  British  Virgin  Islands  have  a  population  of  5,053  per- 
sons ;  but  the  statistics  of  their  former  numbers  are  not  given. 
Most  of  them  are  rocky  islets,  unsuited  to  cultivation.  Tortola 
is  their  capital.  The  islands  annually  export  stock,  sheep  and 
goats,  lime,  charcoal,  salt,  vegetables,  some  five  or  six  thousand 
pounds  of  cotton,  and  about  two  hundred  thousand  pounds  of 
sugar.  The  vessels  that  visit  these  islands  are  of  inferior  ton- 
nage, and  their  principal  trade  is  with  St.  Thomas. 

The  foregoing  statements  include  the  number  of  the  popula- 
tion, the  amount  of  exports,  and  the  amount  of  imports,  as  far 
as  given,  for  the  several  islands  named,  together  with  the  church 
and  school-attendance,  wherever  it  is  given  by  Mr.  Sewell.  The 
following  tabular  statement  of  the  exports  and  the  population  of 
the  several  islands,  before  and  after  emancipation,  places  the 
figures  in  contrast,  and  affords  a  true  idea  of  the  facts.  The 
highest  estimates  of  Mr.  Sewell  are  taken,  and  the  islands  only 
included  which  are  complete  in  their  statistics  : 

•  Sewell,  p.  161.       t  Ibid.,  p.  162.       t  Ibid.,  pp.  162,  163.       §  Ibid.,  p.  163. 


284 


PTTLPIT  POLITICS. 


ISLANDS. 


St.  Vincents,  etc lbs. 

Grenada lbs. 

St.  Lucia lbs. 

Dominica lbs. 

Nevis lbs. 

Montserrat lbs. 

St.  Kitts ..lbs. 


exp'ts  before 

EMANXIPATION. 

PRESENT 
EXPORTS. 

POPUL.\TION 
BEFORE   EM.VNC. 

PRESENT 
POPULATIOH. 

25,000,000 
22,000,000 
5,000,000 
6.000,000 
5,000,000 
1,840,000 
12,000,000 

17,000,000 

11,000,000 
6,261,875 
6,262,841 
4,400,000 
1,308,720 
9,883,309 

27,000 

29,000 

30,000 

33,000 

18.650 
9,250 
7,333 

23,700 

22,220 
9,670 
7,033 

20,741 

76,840,000 

66,116,745 

114,933 

122,664 

Another  point  needs  examination  here.  The  increased  con- 
sumption of  foreign  imported  goods  is  given  by  Mr.  Sewell,  as 
indicating,  in  dollars  and  cents,  the  increased  comfort  of  the  free 
population  at  present,  as  compared  with  the  deprivation  to  which, 
while  in  slavery,  it  was  subjected.  The  islands  only  are  given 
for  which  the  statistics  are  complete.  The  recent  imports  are 
for  1857  and  1858: 


ISLANDS. 


Grenada,  average  3  yrs.. 
Dominica,  "  5  "  .. 
Nevis,  "  10  "  .. 
Montserrat 


IMPORTS 
BEFORE 
EMANCIP. 


$380,000 

300,000 

142,500 

89,220 


populat'n 

BEFORE 
EMANCIP. 


29,000 

18,650 

9,250 

10,000 


IMPORTED 

IMPORTS 

POPULA- 

IMPORTED 

COMFORTS 

AT 

TION  AT 

COMFORTS 

PER  HEAD. 

PRESENT. 

PRESENT. 

PER  HEAD. 

$13.10 

$.545,000 

33,000 

$16.51 

16.08 

422,530 

22,220 

19.01 

15.40 

183,505 

9,570 

19.06 

8.92 

89,220 

7,033 

12.68 

Here,  now,  are  the  facts.  The  foreign  imports  into  these 
islands,  immediately  preceding  emancipation  —  that  is,  during 
the  last  years  of  slavery  —  equaled  in  value  an  average  of  ^13.37 
per  head,  for  the  whole  population,  white  and  black ;  now,  under 
freedom  and  free  labor,  the  imports  have  risen  to  $16.81 — being 
an  increase  of  barely  $3.44  per  head.  That  is  to  say,  emancipa- 
tion has  brought  to  each  individual,  providing  an  equal  division 
be  made,  the  means  of  increasing  his  comforts  yearly,  beyond 
what  he  enjoyed  under  slavery,  to  the  extent  of  less  than  three 
and  a  half  dollars! 

But,  even  this,  small  as  it  is,  would  be  very  encouraging  as  a 
beginning,  were  it  not  for  certain  other  existing  facts.  By  refer- 
ring to  the  table  of  figures  immediately  preceding  the  last  one,  it 
will  be  seen  that  there  has  been  a  decrease  in  the  population  of 


ECONOMICAL   FAILURE   OF   WEST   INDIA  EMANCIPATION.       285 

two  of  tliem,  and  a  very  small  increase  in  a  third,  while  the  other 
three  have  fallen  very  far  short  of  the  ordinary  rate  of  increase 
in  populations  comfortably  fed  and  housed.  Taking  this  tendency 
to  decrease  in  the  black  population,  and  their  probable  consequent 
extinction  in  the  future,  into  account,  and  adding  thereto  the 
wretchedly  meager  increase  of  their  means  of  procuring  comforts 
under  freedom,  it  is  impossible  to  come  to  the  conclusion  that 
emancipation,  in  these  smaller  islands,  has  been  a  success  at  all 
approximating  what  was  expected  by  the  British  people. 

Mr.  Sewell,  however,  comes  to  a  diiferent  conclusion,  viewing 
the  matter  from  his  stand-point;  and  to  this  theory  of  his  we 
shall  refer  again.  In  the  meantime,  we  shall  proceed  to  another 
of  the  British  islands. 

Trinidad,  says  Mr.  Sewell, 

"  Has  been  surnamed  the  Indian  Paradise,  and  as  far  as  external 
beauty  may  entitle  it  to  pre-eminence,  it  is  magnificent!}'  pre-eminent 
in  this  Western  Archipelago.  In  point  of  size  —  containing  over  2,000 
square  miles  —  Trinidad  is  the  largest  British  West  India  island  after 
Jamaica ;    and,   in   positional   importance,  from    its   proximity  to  the 

Venezuelan  coast,  it  is  only  second  to  Cuba The  whole 

island,  in  its  physical  character,  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  that  it 

is  possible  to  imagine With  only  a  present  population  of 

70,000  or  80,000  souls,  Trinidad  can  sustain  a  million.*  Its  soil  is 
of  exceeding  richness,  and  of  the  million  and  a  quarter  acres  which 
cover  its  surface,  twenty-nine  thirtieths  are  fit  for  cultivation.  Its 
resources  are  immense.  Every  product  of  the  tropics,  and  many  fruits 
and  vegetables  of  the  temperate  regions,  can  be  grown  here ;  and  a 
laboring  population  is  only  wanted  to  develop  the  wealth  that  lies  hid- 
den in  forests  tenanted  still  by  some  scattered  representatives  of  the 
ancient  Carib.  The  island,  as  I  shall  hereafter  show,  is  fast  receiving 
that  laboring  population ;  and,  since  the  immigration  of  Indian  coolies 
commenced,  it  has  sprung  from  a  condition  of  hopeless  lethargy  into 
one  of  activity  and  life — an  example  and  a  guide  to  the  other  colonies. 
Within  the  last  few  years,  the  extension  of  sugar  cultivation  has  been 
very  great,  and  the  improvement  still  goes  on."f 

It  seems,  then,  that  Trinidad,  notwithstanding  its  great  natural 


*  Some  estimates  place  the  population  at  100,000.  t  Sewell,  p.  101. 


286  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

advantages,  had  sunk  into  a  condition  of  "  hopeless  lethargy," 
under  emancipation,  and  that  it  was  only  aroused  into  "activity 
and  life  "'  by  the  introduction  of  coolie  labor.  But  Mr.  Sewell 
must  be  allowed  to  describe  its  condition  more  fully : 

'Cotton,  coffee,  and  tobacco  can  all  be  cultivated  in  Trinidad;  but 
the  first  two  could  not,  by  any  possibility,  be  made  as  profitable  to  the 
planter  as  sugar,  and  the  cultivation  of  the  last  is  not  encouraged."* 
"  There  have  been  imported  into  the  colony,  during  the  last  thirteen 
years,  about  18,000  Eastern  laborers  —  principally  coolies — a  popula- 
tion which  is  fast  giving  to  the  island  its  only  want,  a  laboring  class. "j" 
Trinidad,  even  under  slavery,  never  had  anything  like  an 
adequate  laboring  population.  Barbadoes  is  so  thickly  inhabited  that 
work  or  starvation  is  the  laborer's  only  choice.  In  Trinidad,  land  is 
exceedingly  rich,  plentiful,  and  cheap,  while  labor  is  scarce  and  extrav- 
agantly high; I  in  Barbadoes,  land  is  dear,  and  labor  is  comparatively 
cheap.  So  that  it  is  impossible  to  make  the  case  of  Barbadoes  appli- 
cable, in  any  one  particular,  to  Trinidad,  or  vice  versa.  The  only  sim- 
ilarity between  the  two  islands  is,  that  sugar  forms  the  staple  produc- 
tion of  both;  and  that  both  have  been  successful,  though  from  very 
different  causes,  under  a  free-labor  system." 

That  is  to  say,  Barbadoes  secures  to  itself  a  plentiful  supply 
of  labor,  by  making  work  or  starvation  the  laborer's  only  choice; 
Trinidad  secures  to  itself  an  increase  of  labor,  not  from  the  free 
negroes  of  the  island,  but  by  the  importation  of  coolies. 

The  island  of  Trinidad  was  originally  settled  by  the  Spanish, 
and  came  into  the  possession  of  the  English,  by  conquest,  in  1797. 

"The  majority  of  the  people  of  Trinidad  are  negroes  and  half-castes. 
They  include  Creoles  of  this  and  other  islands,  brought  here  in  the  days 
of  slavery  and  since ;  native  Africans  imported  as  free  laborers  from 
Sierra  Leone ;  Africans  taken  from  captured  slavers ;  and  a  few  hund- 
red liberated  slaves,  who  emigrated  to  this  island,  about  sixteen  years 
ago,  from  the  United  States.  Many  of  these  people  are  nearly,  and 
some  are  perfectly  white,  and  the  census,  probably  from  the  fear  of 
giving  offense,  does  not  classify  the  population  according  to  color.  For 
convenience  sake,  I  shall  speak  of  all  the  colored  inhabitants  of  the 


*  Sewell,  p.  101  t  Ibid.   106.  t  The  wages  are  30  cents  per  day. 


ECONOMICAL    FAILURE    OP  WEST   INDIA    EMANCIPATION.       287 

island  as  Creoles  of  African  descent.  Their  number,  according  to  the 
best  information  I  can  obtain,  is  in  the  neighborhood  of  50,000.  On 
looking  back  to  the  period  immediately  preceding  emancipation,  we 
find  the  total  number  of  slaves  to  have  been  21,000,  and  the  free  col- 
ored about  16,000.  Of  the  former  class  not  more  than  11,000  were 
field  laborers.  To-day,  the  number  of  Trinidadian  Creoles,  attached 
to  sugar  and  cacao  estates,  is  not  more  than  5,000."* 

To  remedy  this  defect  in  labor,  and  extricate  themselves  from 
their  difficulties,  the  planters  encouraged  inter- colonial  immigra- 
tion, by  giving  bounties  for  every  laborer  brought  by  captains 
of  vessels  to  Trinidad.  Immigrants  were  also  obtained  from  the 
United  States  and  Africa.  The  total  importation  of  negroes, 
(including  Creoles  from  other  islands,)  Africans,  and  Americans, 
amounts  to  20,000 ;  and  if  they  could  have  been  retained,  says 
Mr.  Sewell,  "  they,  with  the  Creole  laborers  of  Trinidad,  would 
have  sufficed  at  least  for  immediate  want.  But  many  of  them 
returned  home ;  others  bought  land  for  themselves,  or  engaged 
in  trade,  or  as  domestics ;  and  the  remnant  of  this  immigration, 
and  of  the  native  Trinidad  laboring  force,  now  working  on  the 
sugar  and  cacao  properties,  does  not  exceed  13,000  estate  and 
day  laborers."! 

Here  we  get  some  light  to  explain  the  causes  operating  to 
produce  an  increase  of  exports  from  Trinidad.  Under  slavery, 
there  were  not  more  than  11,000  slaves  employed  as  field  laborers. 
The  coolies  imported,  during  the  last  thirteen  years,  amount  to 
18,000.  Add  these  to  the  13,000  Trinidad  laboring  forces  of  all 
classes,  and  it  gives  31,000  at  present,  against  11,000  previous 
to  emancipation  —  an  increased  laboring  force  of  nearly  two- 
thirds  ! 

With  all  this  additional  labor,  the  results  are  as  follows  :  "  Sta- 
tistics show  conclusively  that  the  increase  is  principally,  if  not 
wholly,  due  to  the  importation  of  foreign  labor,  for  it  is  only 
since  the  importation  was  commenced  in  earnest  that  the  im- 
provement is  to  be  noticed."!  The  exports,  before  and  after  the 
introduction  of  coolies,  stood  thus,  as  given  by  Mr.  Sewell : 

*  Sewell,  pp.  107,  108.  t  Ibid.,  pp.  117,  118,  119.  t  Ibid.,  p.  138. 


288 


PULPIT   POLITICS. 


BEFORE   IMMIGRATION.  ,  ,    , 

TEARS.  hhds. 

1842 20,606 

1843 24,088 

1844 21,800 

1845 25,399 


AFTER    IMMIGRATION.  ,  ,    , 

TEARS.  hnds. 

1854 27,987 

1855 31,693 

1856 34,411 

1857 35,523 

1868 37,000 


"  The  highest  average  exportation  before  emancipation,  during  the 
same  number  of  years,  was  25,000  hhds.  of  very  inferior  weight,  not 
equal  to  20,000  hhds.  of  the  present  day."* 

The  island,  it  must  be  remembered,  only  came  into  the  pos- 
session of  England  eleven  years  before  the  prohibition  of  the 
slave  trade.  In  1783,  fourteen  years  previous  to  its  capture  by 
Great  Britain,  it  had  a  population  of  only  2,763,  of  whom  2,032 
were  Indians.  In  1793,  the  population  had  increased  to  17,718, 
of  whom  10,009  were  slaves.f  Trinidad,  unlike  the  other  British 
West  Indian  islands,  had  not  a  sufficient  slave-labor  force  to  give 
any  great  productiveness  to  the  island  before  1808,  when  the 
prohibition  of  the  slave  trade  prevented  any  further  supply. 
This  will  account  for  the  inferiority  of  the  exports  of  the  island 
under  slavery,  as  compared  with  the  other  islands. 

The  necessity  for  continuous  labor,  in  Trinidad,  is  thus  ac- 
counted for  by  Mr.  Sewell : 

"Perhaps  in  no  island  was  impending  ruin,  consequent  upon  eman- 
cipation, so  glaring,  so  palpable,  so  apparently  certain,  as  it  was  in 
Trinidad  after  the  liberation  of  the  slaves.  Unlike  other  Carribean 
Islands,  the  seasons  in  Trinidad  are  purely  tropical,  divided  into  rainy 
and  dry.  The  latter  only  lasts  five  months,  and  if  the  planter  has  not 
completed  his  crop  operations  by  the  1st  of  June,  his  loss  is  certain 
and  irremediable.  For  this  reason,  steady  labor  in  Trinidad,  during 
crop  season,  was  and  is  of  paramount  importance,  and  the  planters  had 
every  reason  to  be  alarmed  that,  in  this  island,  above  all  others,  the 
effect  of  emancipation  would  be  to  depi'ive  them  of  that  continuous 
labor  with  which  they  were  so  scantily  supplied.  .  .  ,  The  labor- 
ers, as  soon  as  they  were  free,  asked,  and  for  a  time  received,  higher 
wages  than  the  planters,  incumbered  as  their  property  was  by  debt, 


*  Sewell,  pp.  138,  139. 


t  Ibid.,  p.  105. 


ECONOMICAL   FAILURE   OP  WEST   INDIA    EMANCIPATION.       289 

could  afford  to  pay ;  and  when  this  rate  of  wages  was  subsequently 
reduced,  the  majority  of  the  emancipated  deserted  the  estates  to  better 

their  condition,  and  to  seek  a  more  independent  livelihood 

Instead  of  endeavoring  to  promote  a  good  understanding  between  them- 
selves and  their  laborers,  the  planters  adopted,  and  still  retain,  in  Trin- 
idad, the  odious  system  of  tenancy-at-will.  The  laborer  who  lives  on 
an  estate  is  compelled  to  work  for  that  estate,  and  no  other,  on  peril 
of  summary  ejection,  with  consequent  loss  of  the  crop  which  he  has 
raised  on  his  little  allotment.  He  is  still  in  a  position  of  virtual  slav- 
eri/,  and  it  is  a  matter  which  can  excite  no  surprise  that,  after  eman- 
cipation, those  who  had  the  means  to  purchase  parcels  of  ground,  should 
have  preferred  to  leave  the  estates.*  .  .  .  They  accordingly  did 
leave  the  estates ;  and,  in  a  few  years  after  abolition,  the  majority  of 
the  entire  laboring  force — itself  always  inadequate  to  the  wants  of  the 
large  and  rapidly  developing  colony  —  were  lost  to  the  proprietary. 
Several  estates,  for  want  of  necessary  labor,  were  deserted,  and,  at  one 
time,  it  seemed  probable  that  sugar  cultivation,  in  Trinidad,  would  be 
altogether  abandoned. "f 

About  4,000  of  the  liberated  Creoles  remained  on  the  cacao 
estates,  but  very  few  of  them  on  the  sugar  plantations.  The 
7,000  who  left  the  estates,  Mr.  Sewell  believes,  have  very  mate- 
rially improved  their  condition — five-sixths  of  them  having  be- 
come proprietors  of  from  one  to  ten  acres,  which  they  now  own, 
and  which  they  grow  in  provisions  for  themselves  and  families. 
To  supply  their  other  wants,  they  give  casual  labor  to  the  estates, 
especially  in  crop  time.|  Those  who  forsook  the  field  for  trade, 
Mr.  S.  says,  by  joining  themselves  to  the  free  Creoles  of  the 
island,  have  formed  ^n  extensive  class  engaged  in  mercantile 
and  mechanical  pursuits — from  keeping  a  store  down  to  selling 
a  sixpence  worth  of  mangoes  in  the  streets — -and,  by  bringing  up 
their  children  to  these  callings,  have  given  an  excess  of  traders 
and  mechanics  to  the  island.  In  several  instances,  great  suc- 
cess has  attended  their  efi"orts  at  money-making. § 

Throughout  all  his  remarks,  Mr.  Sewell  is  disposed  to  apolo- 

*  In  another  place,  where  a  fuller  statement  is  made,  Mr.  Sewell  says  that 
a  portion  of  the  liberated  slaves  squatted  on  the  public  lauds  belonging  to  the 
crown. 

t  Sewell,  p.  110.  t  Ibid.,  p.  111.  ?  Ibid.,  p.  113. 

19 


290  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

gize  for  the  free  negro,  and  to  defend  him  from  the  charge  of 
indolence — attributing  the  ruin  of  the  island  to  the  mismanage- 
ment of  the  planters,  and  not  to  emancipation.  Here,  however, 
he  makes  a  statement,  explanatory,  which  relieves  the  planter 
from  the  charge  of  being  a  hard  task-master :  "  It  is  true  that 
the  Trinidad  planter  exacts  no  rent  from  the  laborer  on  his 
estate,  and  supplies  him  Avith  medical  attendance  ;  but  the  la- 
borer, in  return,  is  compelled  to  work  for  the  estate  alone,  and 
for  five  cents  a  day  less  than  the  current  rate  of  wages.  It  may 
be  urged,  with  truth,  that  house-rent  and  medical  attendance  are 
worth  more  than  five  cents  a  day;  but  for  these  privileges  the 
laborer  is  required  to  give  up.  his  independence,  and  I  do  not 
think  it  natural  that  even  the  negro  should,  of  his  own  free 
choice,  prefer  the  exchange."* 

The  industrious  and  intelligent  laborer  never  imagines  he  has 
lost  his  independence  because  his  employer  requires  the  fulfill- 
ment of  his  contracts.  It  is  only  the  indolent  who  are  restless 
under  voluntary  engagements,  and  are  disposed  to  break  away 
from  regular  industry  to  lead  lives  of  desultory  labor,  for  the 
sake  of  independence.  Judged  by  this  rule,  the  negroes  can  not 
take  the  first  rank  as  laborers. 

But,  with  their  emancipation  —  with  their  release  from  the 
shackles  of  slavery — with  the  liberty  of  going  hither  and  thither 
at  will — with  the  enjoyment  of  the  most  unbounded  freedom  — 
have  the  Trinidad  negroes  made  any  moral  progress?  This  is, 
after  all,  the  great  question,  and  the  one  by  which  all  human 
measures  must  be  tried.  Liberty  is  of  no  value,  if  it  secures  not 
the  moral  elevation  of  those  upon  whom  it  is  conferred.  On  this 
subject,  Mr.  Sewell  says  : 

*'  The  moral  condition  of  the  people  whom  I  have  thus  briefly  en- 
deavored to  trace  from  the  time  of  slavery  down  to  the  present  day,  has 
not  kept  pace  with  their  material  prosperity  ;  and  all  I  have  said  of  Bar- 
badians, in  a  former  chapter,  under  this  particular  head,  may,  with  still 
greater  force,  be  applied  to  Trinidadians.  The  amalgamation  of  the 
European  and  African  races  is  even  more  general  in  Trinidad  than  in 

•  Sewell,  p.  119. 


ECONOMICAL    FAILURE    OF    WEST    INDIAN    EMANCIPATION.      291 

Barbadoes ;  and  though  marriage  between  whites  and  people  of  color 
is  not  opposed  here  with  anything  like  the  feeling  it  meets  with  in 
Barbadian  society,  yet  I  find,  on  examination,  that,  in  Port-of- Spain, 
the  ratio  of  births  is  100  legitimate  to  136  illegitimate  —  an  exhibition 

of  morality  considerably  below  that  of  Havana Taking 

up  the  matter  of  crime,  I  find  that  the  annual  average  of  convicted 
offenders,  for  the  last  five  years,  is,  for  felony,  63  ;  for  misdemeanor, 
865;  and  for  debt,  230;  against  a  much  lower  average  before  emanci- 
pation  Trinidad,  like  all  the  other  islands,  is  lamentably 

behind  the  age  in  educational  science  ;  and  there  is  ample  room  to  hope 
that  when  knowledge  becomes  more  general,  crime  will  decrease.  Edu- 
cational statistics  do  not  show  that  there  is  any  great  eagerness,  on  the 
part  of  the  Creole  population,  to  learn,  or,  on  the  part  of  their  rulers^ 
to  place  the  means  of  instruction  within  their  reach.  Before  emanci- 
pation, the  number  of  children  attending  public  and  private  schools  was 
above  a  thousand  ;  last  year,  the  average  of  children  attending  all  the 
schools  and  seminaries  was  considerably  under  three  thousand,  account- 
ing for  little  more  than  the  natural  increase  of  the  population 

In  regard  to  church  statistics,  I  have  no  means  of  ascertaining  the  num- 
ber of  persons  who  attend  places  of  Divine  worship  in  this  island  ;  but 
were  they  in  my  possession,  I  should  not  have  much  faith  in  them  as  an 
evidence  of  the  moral  or  religious  tone  of  the  community.  To  judge 
from  appearances,  the  creole  inhabitants  of  Port-of-Spain  are  even  fonder 
than  Barbadians  of  showing  off  their  Sunday  garments."  * 

Section  II. —  Some  interesting  Facts  and  Speculations  in 

REFERENCE    TO    THE    INTRODUCTION    OF    COOLIES    INTO    THE    WeST 

Indies. 

But  another  subject  demands  attention,  in  connection  witli  the 
history  of  emancipation,  and  its  disastrous  results  in  Trinidad. 
The  workings  of  the  coolie  system  of  labor  has  been  involved  in 
much  obscurity,  and  contradictory  accounts  of  its  nature  and 
effects  have  prevailed.  Mr.  Sewell  is  very  full  on  this  question, 
and  offers  arguments  in  favor  of  the  system  quite  in  harmony 
with  the  reasons  presented  by  American  slaveholders  for  the 
renewal  of  the  slave-trade  —  its  benefits  as  a  civilizing  agency. 

•  Sewell,  pp.  114,  115,  116. 


292  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

The  reader  will,  doubtless,  be  interested  in  seeing  what  can  be 
said  in  favor  of  this  system  : 

"  The  first  ship  with  Chinese  immigrants  arrived  in  the  harbor  of  the 
Port-of-Spain  in  1845.  But  the  importation  of  Indian  coolies  was  soon 
substituted  for  that  of  China.     The  experiment  remained  for  some  time 

doubtful But  now  that  it  has  been  fairly  and  fully  tested, 

the  advantages  to  the  colony  of  this  importation  of  Indian  labor  are 
so  thoroughly  established  that  no  one  who  visits  Trinidad  in  1859,  after 
having  seen  her  in  1846,  can  hesitate  to  believe  that,  not  only  has  the 
island  been  saved  from  impending  ruin,  but  a  prospect  of  future  pros- 
perity has  been  opened  to  her  such  as  no  British  island  in  these  seas 
ever  before  enjoyed  under  any  system,  slave  or  free."* 

It  appears,  from  this  statement,  that  the  coolie  system,  in  the 
opinion  of  Mr.  Sewell,  is  much  more  effective  than  either  negro 
free  labor,  or  negro  slave  labor,  and  he  expresses  the  hope  that 
it  will  be  continued  as  a  measure  alike  beneficial  to  the  laborer 
and  his  employer,  and  that  the  outcry  against  coolie  immigration 
will  not  be  allowed  to  prevail  ;f  and  why  should  it,  as  "  it  is 
merely  the  removing  of  British  subjects  from  one  portion  of  the 
empire  to  another,  and  Avhere  the  prospects  of  the  laborer  are 
infinitely  better  and  brighter ?"|  These  coolies  "are  perfectly 
free  men  and  women,  and,  at  their  own  option,  leave  the  squalid 
filth  and  misery  in  which  they  have  been  accustomed  to  live,  on 
a  promise,  guaranteed  by  government,  of  a  free  passage  to  the 
West  Indies,  certain  employment,  and  fair  remuneration  for  their 
services.  .  .  .  They  live  on  the  estates,  rent  free,  in  com- 
fortable cottages ;  if  sick,  they  receive  medical  attendance  with- 
out charge ;  and  their  wages  are  five  times  more  than  they  could 
earn  at  home."§  .  .  .  "  The  coolie  works,  on  an  average, 
nineteen  and  a  half  days  during  the  month,  and  receives  $5.35."1| 
"  I  heard  of  a  coolie,  the  other  day,  who  returned, 
after  a  residence  in  the  island  of  ten  or  twelve  years,  with 
$9,000 ;"  ^  as  this  is  more  than  six  times  the  amount  of  his 
wages,  even  at  the  highest  rates,  it  would  be  interesting  to  know 
how  so  much  money  came  into  his  possession. 

*  Sewell,  p.  120.  t  Ibid.,  p.  121.  J  Ibid.,  p.  122. 

i  Ibid.,  p.  123.  II  Ibid.,  p.  127.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  125. 


ECONOMICAL  FAILURE   OF   WEST  INDIAN   EMANCIPATION.     293 

The  terms  upon  which  the  coolies  are  employed  may  be  learned 
from  the  legislative  enactments  upon  the  subject. 

"  By  a  colonial  ordinance,  passed  in  1854,  the  Indian  immigrants 
who  have  arrived  subsequent  to  that  period  are  only  entitled  to  a  free 
return  after  a  residence  of  ten  years.  .  .  .  The  'indenture,'  of 
which  I  have  spoken,  is  the  contract  of  service  into  which  the  immi- 
grant enters  with  his  employer,  and  may  be  general  or  specific  in  its 
obligations,  according  to  option.  The  immigrant  is  indentured  for  three 
years.  As  soon  as  that  period  has  expired,  he  can  release  himself  from 
any  subsequent  indenture,  by  paying  $1.20  to  the  agent-general  for 
every  month  that  may  be  wanting  to  complete  his  term.  After  the 
immigrants  have  fulfilled  the  obligations  to  which  they  bound  them- 
selves, they  receive  a  certificate  of  what  is  called  '  industrial  residence/ 
which  empowers  them  to  act  as  independently  as  they  choose  for  the 
future.  .  .  .  After  they  have  fulfilled  their  terms  of  service,  many 
voluntarily  renew  their  contracts."  *  •* 

Mr.  Sewell  continues  : 

"  The  blessing  of  giving  labor  and  life  to  the  colony  is  scarcely  equal  to 
the  blessing  that  this  immigration  scheme  has  conferred  upon  the  coolie 
himself."  .  .  .  "A  poor  pagan,  he  is  brought  in  contact  with  civ- 
ilization, and  soon  forgets  and  abandons  the  gross  superstitions  in  which 
he  was  wont  to  put  his  faith.  Under  this  system  of  immigration  more 
might  be  done  toward  Christianizing  and  civilizing  the  people  of  India 
in  one  year  than  has  been  done  by  all  the  missionaries  that  ever  emi- 
grated to  the  East  under  the  influence  of  the  most  enthusiastic  zeal. 
The  coolies  who  go  back  after  an  industrial  residence,  go  back  to  spread 
abroad  the  seeds  of  civilization  and  Christianity,  and,  on  this  ground, 
the  free  return,  granted  by  the  government,  may  be  advocated  with 
some  show  of  reason."  f 

This  is  truly  an  encouraging  picture  of  the  coolie  system  in 
its  moral  bearings,  and  commends  itself  to  the  consideration  of 
the  Foreign  Missionary  Societies  of  all  nations.  To  accomplish 
more  in  one  year  than  has  been  done  by  the  whole  of  them  for 
the  last  fourscore  years,  would  be  worth  the  effort !  But  Mr. 
Sewell  fails  in  explaining  one  thing,  and  this  may  prevent  the 

*  Sewell,  pp.  125,  126.  t  Ibid.,  p.  128. 


294  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

Christian  world  from  profiting  by  his  suggestion.  He  has  failed 
to  explain  why  it  is,  if  the  potency  of  Trinidad,  as  a  school  of 
morals  and  civilization,  is  so  great,  that  it  has  manifested  so 
little  of  its  power  upon  its  own  negro  population ! 

But  the  advantages  to  the  island  are  so  great,  that  Mr.  Sewell 
seems  never  tired  of  referring  to  them  : 

"  The  coolies  have  saved  the  island  from  ruin,  but,  so  far,  they  have 
not  nearly  supplied  its  wants."*  .  .  .  "  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say, 
and  no  one  in  this  island  will  express  a  contrary  opinion,  that  immi- 
gration has  been  the  salvation  of  Trinidad.  It  is  a  blessing  both  to 
the  employer  and  the  employed.  This  is  no  vague  assertion ;  it  can  be 
demonstrated  ;  first,  by  an  exhibition  of  the  improved  and  improving 
condition  of  the  laborer ;  secondly,  by  the  increased  demand  for  his 
services ;  thirdly,  by  the  extension  of  sugar  cultivation  on  the  island ; 
and  fourthly,  by  the  augmentation  of  its  trade."!  •  •  •  "  ^^  seems 
to  have  been  decreed  in  the  Providence  of  God  that  these  fair  and  fer- 
tile islands  should  ultimately  become  an  asylum  for  millions  of  wan- 
derers from  heathenesse  ;  and  the  scheme  of  immigration,  instead  of 
being  condemned,  should  be  upheld,  defended,  and  perfected  by  phil- 
anthropists, above  all  others,  as  a  plan  most  happily  devised  for  the 
elevation  of  a  degraded  people,  and  for  the  restoration  to  prosperity  of 
a  splendid  inheritance."  | 

Mr.  Sewell  shows,  by  figures  which  he  presents,  that  the  cost 
of  slave  labor,  in  former  years  in  the  British  islands,  and  at  this 
moment  in  Cuba,  is  much  greater  than  the  present  coolie  free 
labor,  and  thus  demonsti'ates,  to  his  entii-e  satisfaction,  that  free 
labor  is  more  economical  than  slave  labor. §  He  might  extend 
the  comparison  between  the  two  systems  still  farther,  and,  in 
addition  to  the  favorable  moral  bearings  of  the  coolie  system 
upon  the  immigrants,  there  might  be  added  other  reasons  in  its 
favor,  of  equal  force,  in  relation  to  its  advantages  over  slavery  to 
the  planters  themselves.  Under  slavery  the  industrial  life  of  the 
imported  slave  lasted  only  about  five  years  ;  the  period  of  coolie 
labor  extends  to  about  ten  years.     Under  slavery  the  planter 

*  Sewell,  p.  130.  t  Ibid.,  p.  135. 

X  Ibid.,  p.  134.  §  Ibid.,  pp.  55  and  279. 


ECONOMICAL   FAILURE    OF  WEST   INDIA   EMANCIPATION.       295 

had  to  support  the  aged  and  infirm ;  under  the  coolie  system  his 
obligations  terminate  with  his  contract,  and  the  laborer  then 
shifts  for  himself.  Under  slavery  the  planter  had  to  support 
the  children  born  on  the  plantation,  a  measure  more  expensive 
than  to  purchase  full-grown  laborers  from  the  slave-traders ; 
under  the  coolie  system  the  parents  maintain  their  own  children, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  labor  for  a  less  sum  of  money  than  it  cost 
the  planter  to  purchase  and  support  his  slaves.  By  this  mode 
of  reasoning  it  would  appear  that  the  coolie  system,  in  an  econ- 
omical point  of  view,  has  a  vast  advantage  over  the  old  system 
of  slavery,  both  to-  the  planter  and  the  coolie  himself!  The 
American  planter,  therefore,  may  take  a  lesson  from  Mr.  Sewell, 
and,  no  longer  insisting  upon  the  renewal  of  the  slave  trade  as  a 
means  of  increasing  his  labor  forces,  proceed  to  introduce  im- 
migrants from  Africa,  as  ten-year  laborers,  returning  them  to 
their  native  homes  after  the  termination  of  their  "  industrial 
residence." 

The  failure  of  emancipation  in  Trinidad  is  fully  conceded  by 
Mr.  Sewell,  and  its  restoration  to  prosperity  from  a  condition 
of  "  hopeless  lethargy,"  is  attributed  entirely  to  the  introduction 
of  coolie  labor. 

But  is  this  the  successful  termination  to  the  scheme  of  eman- 
cipation which  was  expected  to  follow  the  destruction  of  slavery  ? 
Certainly  not.  Here  we  have  a  change  of  the  whole  issue  made 
in  the  original  controversy  upon  emancipation.  Its  success  is 
placed  upon  new  grounds,  never  mentioned  when  the  freedom  of 
the  slave  was  proposed  and  executed.  Then  it  was  contended 
that  free  labor  would  be  more  productive  than  slave  labor,  and 
that  emancipation,  therefore,  would  be  an  economic  success. 
But  the  freeman  whose  labor  was  to  be  doubly  productive  over 
that  of  the  slave,  was  that  self-same  slave  elevated  to  the  con- 
dition of  a  freeman.  As  a  freeman,  however,  he  is  almost  worth- 
less in  the  department  of  labor;  and  the  utter  ruin  of  the  island 
had  been  prevented  only  by  the  substitution  of  the  labor  of  a 
people  of  a  different  race,  who  can  be  stimulated  to  industry  by 
the  offer  of  wages. 


296  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

Section  III. — The  Social,  Moral,  and  Industrial  Condi- 
tion OF  Jamaica,  as  illustrating  the  Effects  of  Emancipa- 
tion   WHERE    it     is     unaccompanied    BY    ADEQUATE    MeANS    OF 

Moral  Progress, 

Jamaica  is  the  most  important  of  the  whole  of  the  British 
West  India  Islands.  It  is  much  the  largest  in  size,  has  the 
greatest  amount  of  uncultivated  land,  and  hence  affords  the  best 
possible  example  of  the  results  of  negro  emancipation.  Unlike 
Barbadoes,  there  is  no  overcrowding  of  the  population.  The 
planters  can  not  compel  the  negroes  to  work,  but  they  are  left 
free  to  roam  as  they  please.  Whatever  of  energy  or  intelligence 
may  have  been  possessed  by  the  blacks,  ample  room  for  its  dis- 
play has  been  afforded  in  Jamaica.  Whatever  of  indolence  may 
be  inherent  in  them  as  a  race,  there  has  been  nothing  here  to 
prevent  its  broadest  development. 

Mr.  Sewell's  book  has  let  in  a  flood  of  light  upon  the  indus- 
trial, social,  and  moral  condition  of  Jamaica.  In  the  examina- 
tion of  his  researches  into  its  condition,  the  rule  adopted  in 
scientific  investigations — that  of  classifying  the  facts — will  best 
serve  to  elicit  truth,  and  establish  a  correct  theory  as  to  the 
results  of  emancipation.  His  book  supplies  much  that  is  inval- 
uable on  the  negro  question — much  that  can  not  be  found  else- 
where— and,  aside  from  his  eagerness  to  shield  the  Jamaica 
negro  from  the  charge  of  indolence,  and  to  prove  that  emanci- 
pation has  been  an  undoubted  success,  he  gives  an  abundance  of 
facts  to  enable  reflecting  men  to  form  their  own  opinions. 
Hitherto,  writers  of  his  school  had  kept  back  the  facts  relating 
to  the  prosperous  condition  of  the  West  Indies,  as  long  as  the 
planters  had  a  regular  supply  of  laborers  through  the  agency  of 
the  slave  trade,  and  had  commenced  their  investigations  with  the 
suppression  of  that  traffic.  It  was  thus  very  easy  to  show — as 
will  be  seen  from  the  statistical  table  on  a  preceding  page — that 
the  decline  of  the  exports  from  Jamaica  had  commenced  nearly 
thirty  years  before  the  final  emancipation  of  the  negroes  was 
effected;  and  that  other  causes,  therefore,  than  emancipation, 
must  have  been  at  work  in  producing  the  gradual  ruin  of  the 
island,     Mr.  Sewell,  however,  enters  upon  the  whole   field  of 


Economical  failure  of  west  india  emancipation,     297 

inquiry,  and  admits  the  prosperity  of  the  island,  and  of  the  "West 
Indies  generally,  as  long  as  the  slave  trade  continued.*  Disbe- 
lieving the  theory  that  emancipation  can  have  wrought  any  ill 
to  Jamaica,  and  admitting  that  ruin — wide-spread  and  desolating 
ruin — has  overtaken  the  island,  he  seeks  other  causes  for  the 
destruction  which  wrecked  its  prosperity.  But  we  must  defer 
further  remarks  here,  and  proceed  with  our  quotations : 

"I  do  not  think  it  can  be  disputed,  if  history  and  statistics  are  to 
be  believed,  that,  since  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade,  fifty-two  years 
ago,  Jamaica  has  never  for  a  moment  paused  in  her  downward  career. 
I  do  not  think  it  can  be  disputed,  if  actual  observation  is  to  be  relied 
upon,  that  she  has  not  even  yet  reached  the  lowest  point  of  possible 
depression.  Lower  still  she  can  sink — lower  still  she  must  sink,  if 
her  people  are  not  imbued  with  a  more  pregnant  patriotism,  if  the 
governing  classes  are  not  stimulated  to  more  energetic  action,  and  are 
not  guided  by  more  unselfish  counsels.  I  know  of  no  country  in  the 
world  where  prosperity,  wealth,  and  a  commanding  position  have  been 
so  strangely  subverted  and  destroyed  as  they  have  been  in  Jamaica, 
within  the  brief  space  of  sixty  years.f  ....  No  other  English 
island  has  the  natural  advantages  that  Jamaica  possesses ;  no  other 
English  island  exhibits  the  same,  or  anything  like  the  same,  destitu- 
tion; yet  all  have  passed  through  the  same  experience — all  have  un- 
dergone the  same  trial.  |  ....  If  the  city  of  Kingston  be  taken 
as  an  illustration  of  the  prosperity  of  Jamaica,  the  visitor  will  arrive 
at  more  deplorable  conclusions  than  those  pointed  out  by  commercial 
statistics.  It  seems  like  a  romance  to  read,  to-day,  in  the  capital  of 
Jamaica,  the  account  of  that  capital's  former  splendor.  Its  '  magnifi- 
cent churches,'  now  time-worn  and  decayed,  are  scarcely  superior  to  the 
stables  of  some  Fifth-avenue  magnate.  There  is  not  a  house  in  the 
city  in  decent  repair ;  not  one  that  looks  as  though  it  could  withstand 
a  respectable  breeze ;  not  a  wharf  in  good  order  ;  not  a  street  that  can 
exhibit  a  square  yard  of  pavement ;  no  side-walks ;  no  drainage ; 
scanty  water  ;  no  light.     The  same  picture  of  neglect  and  apathy  greets 

one  everywhere The  streets  are  filthy,  the  beach-lots  more 

so,  and  the  commonest  laws  of  healthcare  totally  disregarded.     Wreck 

*  The  author  of  the   present  volume  had  executed  this  task  several  years 
since,  in  both  his  "Ethiopia''  and  "Cotton  is  King." 
t  Sewoll,  p.  160.  t  Ibid.,  p.  170. 


298  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

and  ruin,  destitution  and  neglect !  There  is  nothing  new  in  Kingston. 
The  people,  like  their  horses,  their  houses,  and  all  that  belongs  to 
them,  look  old  and  worn.  There  are  no  improvements  to  be  noted  ; 
not  a  device,  ornament,  or  conceit  of  any  kind,  to  indicate  the  pres- 
ence of  taste  or  refinement.  The  inhabitants,  taken  e7i  masse,  are 
steeped  to  the  eyelids  in  immorality ;  promiscuous  intercourse  of  the 
sexes  is  the  rule ;  the  population  shows  an  unnatural  decrease ; 
illegitimacy  exceeds  legitimacy ;  abortion  and  infanticide  are  not  un- 
known. ....  The  marks  of  a  helpless  poverty  are  upon  the 
faces  of   the    people  whom   you    meet,  in   their    dress,  in   their  very 

gait Have  I  described   a  God-forsaken  place,  in  which 

no  one  seems  to  take  an  interest,  without  life  and  without  energy,  old 
and  dilapidated,  sickly  and  filthy,  cast  away  from  the  anchorage  of 
sound  morality,  of  reason,  and  common  sense?  Then,  verily,  have' 
I  described  Kingston  in  1860.  Yet  this  wretched  hulk  is  the  capi- 
tal of  an  island  the  most  fertile  in  the  world  ;  it  is  blessed  with  a 
climate  most  glorious  ;  it  lies  rotting  in  the  shadow  of  mountains  that 
can  be  cultivated  from  summit  to  base,  with  every  product  of  temperate 
and  tropical  regions ;  it  is  mistress  of  a  harbor  where  a  thousand  line- 
of-battle  ships  can  safely  ride  at  anchor.  The  once  brimming  cup  of 
Kingston's  prosperity  has  indeed  been  emptied  to  the  dregs."* 

Having,  in  a  preceding  page,  given  the  exports  of  sugar  from 
Jamaica,  during  a  long  series  of  years,  quotations  from  Mr. 
Sewell,  on  this  subject,  need  not  be  given  here.  They  very  fully 
sustain  all  he  says  in  reference  to  the  ruin  which  has  fallen  upon 
the  island.  One  sentence  only  need  be  quoted,  as  it  includes 
one  year  later  than  our  statistics  : 

"A  comparison  of  Jamaican  exports  in  1805,  her  year  of  greatest 
prosperity,  with  her  exports  in  1859,  must  appear  odious  to  her  inhab- 
itants. In  the  former  year,  the  island  exported  over  150,000  hhds.  of 
sugar,  and  in  the  latter  year  she  exported  28,000  hhds.  The  exports 
gf  rum  and  cofiee  exhibit  the  same  proportionate  decrease."  f 

But  who  are  the  sufferers  by  this  enormous  decline  in  the  agri- 
cultural prosperity  of  the  island  ? 

"  The  large  landed  proprietors  and  merchant  potentates  of  the  island, 
these  are  the  men  who  have  fallen  from  their  high  estate.     The  slaves 

*  Sewell,  pp.  173,  174,  175.  t  Ibid.,  p.  173. 


ECONOMICAL    FAILURE    OF    WEST   INDIAN    EMANCIPATION.      299 

of  Other  days,  the  poor,  the  peasantry,  these  are  the  men  who  have 
progressed,  if  not  in  morality,  at  least  in  material  prosperity."* 

Let  us,  then,  see  what  is  the  condition  of  this  population  of 
freedmen,  whose  progress  has  been  promoted  by  the  ruin  of  the 
class  who  "  controlled  the  elements  of  civilization." 

"  The  people  of  Jamaica  are  not  cared  for ;  they  perish  miserably,  in 
country  districts,  for  want  of  medical  aid  ;  they  are  not  instructed ;  they 
have  no  opportunities  to  improve  themselves  in  agriculture  or  mechan- 
ics;  every  eflFort  is  made  to  check  a  spirit  of  independence,  which,  in 
the  African,  is  counted  a  heinous  crime,  but  in  all  other  people  is  re- 
garded as  a  lofty  virtue,  and  the  germ  of  national  courage,  enterprise, 
and  progress.  Emancipation  has  not  been  wholly  successful  because 
the  experiment  has  not  been  wholly  tried.  But  the  success  is  none  the 
less  emphatic  and  decided." f 

"Jamaica,  even  now,  has  a  larger  number  of  inhabitants  to  the  square 
mile  than  any  State  in  the  Union,  except  Connecticut,  Massachusetts, 
New  York,  and  Rhode  Island.  But  she  stands  in  need  of  immigration 
more  than  any  State  in  the  Union,  because  a  working  man  in  America 
does  as  much  as  ten  men  in  Jamaica.^' 'I 

"  I  do  not  mean  to  say,  for  a  moment,  that  the  estates  have  anything 
like  a  sufficiency  of  labor ;  they  are  entirely  without  that  continuous 
labor  required,  not  merely  for  bare  cultivation,  but  for  extension  and 
improvement.  In  the  remarks  I  have  here  made,  I  wish  merely  to  give 
point-blank  denial  to  a  very  general  impression  prevailing  abroad,  that 
the  Jamaica  negro  will  not  work  at  all.  I  wish  to  show  that  he  gives 
as  much  labor,  even  to  the  sugar  estate,  as  he  consistently  can,  and  that 
it  is  no  fault  of  his  if  he  can  not  give  enough."  § 

"  The  latest  Blue-book  returns  give  the  number  of  males  and  females 
engaged  in  agriculture  at  187,000 — more  than  one  half  of  the  popula- 
tion of  the  island — tending  in  itself  to  disprove  the  assertion  that  the 
people  are  averse  to  the  tillage  of  the  soil ;  but  when  the  further  fact 
appears,  that  out  of  this  number  50,000  men,  with  their  families,  have 
elevated  themselves  to  a  proprietary  rank,  it  speaks  volumes,  not 
merely  in  their  own  favor,  but' in  favor  of  general  intelligence  and  a 
wholesome  progress.  These  small  proprietors  can  not  be  said  to  live 
comfortably,  in  our  sense  of  the  word.     Their  huts  are  usually  made 


*  Sewell,  p.  172.  t  Ibid.,  p.  178. 

X  Ibid.,  p.  279.     The  italics  are  ours.  'i  Ibid.,  p.  202. 


300  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

of  bamboo  sticks,  thatched  with  cocoanut  leaves.  Most  of  them  prefer 
the  floor  to  sleep  upon,  and  few  understand  the  enjoyment  of  a  regular 
meal.  They  eat  when  they  are  hungry,  and  will  sometimes  take  enough 
in  the  morning  to  last  them  the  entire  day."* 

"  The  apprenticeship  was,  in  a  moment  of  bitter  excitement,  cut  short 
by  the  planters  themselves,  and  320,000  slaves — an  undisciplined,  de- 
graded, half-savage  crowd — were,  without  any  preparation  or  training, 
left  to  th(jir  own  devices.  The  free  colored  Creoles  numbered  60,000, 
and  the  total  black  and  colored  population  of  the  period  consisted, 
therefore,  of  380,000  souls.  By  the  census  of  184-1,  the  last  taken,  the 
total  black  and  colored  population  was  only  361,657;  and  if  the  esti- 
mate of  mortality  by  cholera  and  small-pox  within  a  few  years  past  be 
correct,  I  do  not  believe,  after  making  every  allowance  for  a  proper 
increase  by  birth,  that  the  black  and  colored  population  of  Jamaica 
exceeds,  at  the  present  day,  350,000.  It  will  be  remarked,  and  possi- 
bly with  surprise,  that  the  population  of  Jamaica,  between  1834  and 
1844,  must  have  annually  decreased  at  the  rate  of  neai-ly  a  half  per 
cent.  This  decrease,  it  is  true,  is  nothing  like  the  decrease  that  went 
on  prior  to  emancipation, f  but  it  is  sufficiently  serious  to  demonstrate 
the  existence  of  some  very  aggravating  causes  of  mortality  among  a 
people  of  temperate  habits,  and  in  a  climate  of  unquestioned  salubrity. 
In  the  absence  of  statistics  on  the  subject,  it  is  impossible  to  arrive  at 
exact  conclusions ;  indeed,  official  neglect,  in  all  matters  statistical,  is 
so  conspicuous,  that  I  am  not  'disposed  to  place  ^implicit  faith  in  the 
returns  of  the  census  itself.  But  supposing  a  decline,  undoubted  as  I 
believe  it  to  be,  fully  established,  I  do  not  think  it  difficult  to  assign 
more  than  one  reason.  "Within  a  quarter  of  a  century,  some  15,000 
whites  have  withdrawn  from  the  island,  and  the  increase  of  half-castes 
has  been,  in  consequence,  greatly  checked.  Another  important  cause 
of  the  decrease  of  population,  particularly  among  the  blacks,  is  the 
lack  of  medical  practitioners  in  remote  country  districts.  The  mortality 
among  children,  for  want  of  proper  attention,  is  frightful.  Nor,  unfor- 
iKjnately,  is  this  the  only  evil  that  deprives  Jamaica  of  a  legitimate 
increase  in  her  population,  and  of  the  wealth  that  such  an  increase 
would,  of  necessity,  bring.  Many  of  the  vices  engendered  by  slavery 
remain  a  heavy  burden  and  curse  upon  society,  and,  among  them,  im- 
morality of  the  grossest  kind  pervades  all  classes,  tainting  alike  the 

*  Sewell,  p.  248. 

t  This  greater  mortality,  at  that  period,  we  have  elsewhere  assigned  to  the 
disparity  of  the  sexes,  due  to  imports  of  an  excess  of  males. 


ECONOMICAL   FAILURE   OP    WEST   INDIAN   EMANCIPATION.      301 

civilizcition  of  towns,  and  the  unchecked  intercourse  of  laborers  in  the 
cane-fields.  The  natural  growth  of  the  population  has  thus  been  arrest- 
ed, and  some  of  the  most  detestable  crimes  known  to  society  are,  even 
now,  of  frequent  occurrence."* 

"  But  Jamaica,  with  all  her  faults  of  omission  and  commission,  offers, 
I  believe,  the  best  examples  that  can  be  produced  of  the  emancipated 
negro ;  her  inhabitants  are  more  independent  and  better  off  than  the 
inhabitants  of  other  islands,  in  which  over-crowded  labor,  or  a  less  pro- 
ductive soil,  has  kept  the  masses  in  the  same  position  that  they  occu- 
pied as  slaves.     Here  the  masses  have  made  a  great  step  forward."  f 

''  Of  the  320,000  slaves  that  were  liberated,  only  the  tradesmen  and 
head  people,  numbering  not  more  than  45,000,  had  ever  picked  up  the 
merest  waifs  of  knowledge.  The  others — field  laborers  and  domestics — 
were  almost  as  savage  and  untutored  as  their  fathers  were  when  they 
were  dragged  from  their  homes  on  the  African  coast.  The  change 
they  have  undergone  within  twenty-two  years  is,  assuredly,  no  sign  of 
incapacity,  no  proof  of  indolence,  no  indication  of  unconquerable  vice."| 

"  When  Government  fails,  as  it  fails  in  Jamaica,  to  care  for  human 
life,  and  to  see,  with  unaccountable  apathy,  the  country  destitute  of 
medical  aid,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  population  should  exhibit 
an  annual  decrease.  When  Government  fails,  as  it  fails  in  Jamaica, 
to  give  any  consideration  to  popular  education,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  vice  and  immorality  should  alarmingly  prevail.  [The  appro- 
priations for  education  are  "  less  than  a  shilling  for  the  instruction 
of  each  child  during  a  space  of  tv/elve  months."]  Under  a  rule  of 
such  pernicious  neglect,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  Governor,  in  pro- 
roguing the  Legislative  session  of  1858,  should  say  that,  *  in  many 
of  the  country  districts,  the  people  are  abandoned  to  the  spells  and 
debasing  superstitions  of  the  working  Obeah§  and  Myalism,  and  to 
the  scarcely  less  injurious  practices  of  other  ignorant  empirics  of  the 
lowest  grade.'  "  || 

"  I  think  that  the  position  of  the  Jamaica  peasant,  in  1860,  is  a  stand- 
ing rebuke  to  those  who,  wittingly  or  unwittingly,  encourage  the  vulgar 
lie  that  the  African  can  not  possibly  be  elevated.  ...  I  think 
the  Creoles  of  Jamaica  have  disproved,  by  their  own  acts,  the  calumny 
of  a  hostile  interest,  that  they  do  not  work.  The  most  ignorant  work 
whenever  they  can  get  work.     There  are  fully  20,000,  of  both  sexes, 

»  Sewell,  pp.  245,  246.  t  Iljid-,  P-  246.  J  Ibid.,  p.  247. 

g  A  species  of  witchcraft  practiced  among  the  African  negroes. 
U  Sewell,  p.  257. 


802  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

who  work  for  the  estates,  and  who  may  still  be  regarded  as  a  laboring 
class.  There  are,  probably,  10,000  who  work  as  domestics.  There  are 
3,000  at  work  upon  the  roads,  where  scarcity  and  idleness  of  laborers 
are  made  no  grounds  of  complaint.  The  small  proprietors  work  ou 
their  own  lands  and  on  the  estates,  also,  whenever  they  can."^  .  .  . 
"  But  in  all  they  grow,  they  may  be  held  to  waste  five  times  as  much 
as  they  reap."t  .  .  .  "No  friendly  settler  from  abroad  has  ever 
appeared  among  them,  to  stimulate  their  exertions  by  showing  them 
what  science  has  accomplished  in  other  lands."  J 

"  I  estimate  the  laboring  force  on  the  estates  at  20,000 — about 
equal  to  the  number  of  acres  in  cane  cultivation.     This  would  give  some 

sixty  or  seventy  laborers  to  each  estate But  it  must  not 

be  imagined  that  these  are  steady  laborers,  working  on  the  same  estate 
from  year's  end  to  year's  end.  Many  of  them  are  perpetually  on  the 
move  ;  others  only  work  on  estates  for  a  month  or  two  out  of  the 
twelve  ;  some  offer  their  services  when  they  are  least  wanted ;  some 
have  provision-grounds  of  their  own,  which  require  their  attention  when 
the  estates  are  most  hardly  pressed  for  labor ;  nearly  all,  if  they  chose, 
might  be  independent  of  the  planter  for  their  daily  bread.  Jamaica 
labor  is  essentially  of  this  uncertain  character." § 

"  Want  of  money  is  certainly  epidemic  in  Jamaica.  No  Creole  seems 
to  possess  the  commodity  ;  and  strangers  who  are  believed  to  possess 
it,  are  made  to  pay  for  the  general  deficiency."  ||  .  .  .  .  "I  dis- 
like excessively  the  sea-port  towns  of  Jamaica All  the 

worst  fellows  in  the  island  collect  in  them,  and  give  to  foreigners  a 

most  mistaken  idea  of  the  country  people I  do  not  doubt 

that  many  proprietors  really  suffer  from  the  partiality  of  young  men  to 
towns  ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  I  do  not  doubt  that  many  of  these 
young  men  prefer,  and  very  naturally  prefer,  the  greater  certainty  of 
regular  payment  that  town  business  ofl"ers."  ^j 

"  A  stranger  in  Jamaica,  and  especially  an  American,  who  knew 
nothing  of  its  past  history  or  present  wants,  would  never  dream  that 
labor  was  the  great  desideratum.  He  finds,  on  arriving  at  Kingston,  a 
dozen  boatmen  eager  to  convey  him  ashore — a  dozen  porters  ready  to 
carry  his  luggage — a  dozen  messengers  quarreling  to  run  his  errands. 
He  is  pestered  with  able-bodied  men,  and  their  offers  of  assistance  for 
a  paltry  remuneration.     He  sees  as  many  attendants  in  a  petty  Kings- 

*  Sewell,  p.  254.  t  Ibid.,  p.  252,  J  Ibid.,  p.  253. 

i  Sewell,  p.  264.  J  Ibid.,  p.  205.  ^  Ibid.,  pp.  205,  206,  207. 


ECONOMICAL    FAILURE    OF    WEST    INDIAN    ExMANCIPATION.      303 

ton  shop  as  in  a  Broadway  store,  and  a  government  clerk  with  as  many 
servants  as  a  foreign  embassador.  Servants  must  have  under-servants, 
and  agents,  sub-agents.  If  he  travel  through  the  country,  he  finds 
half-a-dozen  men  watching  a  herd  of  cattle,  and  as  many  more  looking 
after  a  team  of  oxen.  He  sees  labor  everywhere — on  the  roads,  the 
streets,  the  wharves  ;  and  it  is  only  upon  the  plantations  that  he  hears 

any  complaint He  will  infer,  of  course,  that  the   labor 

market  is  overstocked  rather  than  understocked,  and  his  inference  will 
neither  be  wholly  wrong,  nor  yet  wholly  right.  It  will  be  nearer  the 
truth  to  say  that  the  actual  labor  force  of  the  island  is  frittered  away. 
The  laboring  classes  of  Jamaica — I  mean  the  men  and  women  who  live 
by  labor  for  daily  wages — dislike  plantation-work,  and  prefer  to  earn 
their  livelihood,  whenever  they  can,  by  any  other  kind  of  toil.  They 
disliked  it  at  first,  because  it  was  the  badge  of  a  slavery  still  fresh  in 
their  remembrance."* 

"  No  sum  of  money  would  tempt  a  mulatto  to  work  in  the  field. 
It  is  the  province  of  the  blacks  alone.  It  ceases  to  be  their  province 
as  soon  as  they  buy  the  acre  of  land  and  the  independence  after  which 
their  souls  yearn.  It  was  the  badge  of  slavery  ;  and  it  is  no  matter  of 
surprise  that  there  should  be  a  prejudice  against  the  emblem  long  after 
the  reality  has  passed  forever  away."  f 

"  I  admit  that  Montego  Bay  quite  charmed  me  with  its  clean  streets, 
neat  little  patches  of  garden,  and  utter  quietude,  with  its  air  of  by-gone 
respectability,  and  the  cool  complacency  of  its  people,  who  did  not 
know  or  care  how  they  lived  from  day  to  day.  '  Well,  massa,  we  do 
best  we  can  in  dese  times,'  was  all  the  answer  I  got  to  repeated 
inquiries  for  a  solution  of  the  mystery  of  life  in  Montego  Bay."  J 

"  Lucea  is   an   unclean,  ragged-looking  village,  without  two  houses 

conjoined,  and  without  one  house  in  decent  repair The 

people  on  the  route  look  as  wild  as  the  aspect  of  the  country.  They 
run  away  from  a  stranger,  or  glare  at  him,  half  in  terror,  half  in  curi- 
osity, from  behind  a  bush."  § 

"  It  was  Christmas-eve — a  season  at  which  the  West  Indian  negro 

goes  wild  with  excitement No  negro  will  work  for  love 

or  money  during  this  carnival  time.  He  is  literally  demented,  and 
can  hardly  give  a  sane  answer  to  the  most  ordinary  questions.  All 
night  long,  and  for  eight  successive  nights,  an  infernal  din — a  concert 
of  cracked    drums,    shrill    voices,   and    fire-crackers  —  is    maintained. 

•  Sewell,  p.  284.  t  Ibid.,  p.  288.  i  Ibid.,  p.  211.  ?  Ibid.,  p.  213. 


804  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

Those  poor  devils  who  can  not  enjoy  this  species  of  amusement  suffer 
the  most  exquisite  torture."* 

The  transportation  to  market  and  the  sale  of  the  products  of 
the  independent  farmers  are  thus  described : 

''  The  road  lies  through  a  wooded  and  rather  swampy  district,  and, 
if  it  be  a  Saturday  morning,  the  traveler  will  encounter,  for  several  miles, 
a  continuous  stream  of  sturdy,  good-looking  wenches,  carrying,  on  their 
heads,  to  the  Spanish-Town  market,  most  marvelous  loads  of  fruit  and 
vegetables.  A  few  of  them,  more  fortunate  than  their  fellows,  have 
donkeys,  with  well-filled  panniers,  but  they  do  not,  on  this  account, 
neglect  the  inevitable  head-load.  Considering  the  distance  they  come, 
the  heat  of  the  weather,  the  size  of  their  burdens,  and  the  paltry 
remuneration  they  get  at  market,  the  performance  is  highly  creditable 
to  the  enterprise,  energy,  and  activity  of  Jamaica  negro  women.  I 
doubt  whether  our  laboring  men  could  execute  the  same  task ;  they 
certainly  would  not  undertake  it  for  the  same  consideration."  f  .... 
"  Commend  me  to  a  West  Indian  market  as  a  fit  illustration  of  Babel 
after  the  confusion  of  tongues.  These  people  are  quite  as  anxious  to 
sell  as  the  progeny  of  Noah  were  to  build.  The  sum  of  their  ambition 
is  to  get  rid  of  the  little  lot  of  yams  and  oranges  that  they  have  brought 
many  a  wearj''  mile.  They  get  a  shilling  or  two  for  their  produce,  and 
return  as  happy  as  though  they  were  millionaires."  J 

Here  the  quotations  in  reference  to  the  condition  of  the  colored 
population  of  Jamaica  may  be  closed.  Before  making  any  com- 
ments, the  position  and  policy  of  the  planters,  and  the  embarrass- 
ments by  which  they  have  been  surrounded,  as  a  consequence  of 
emancipation,  must  be  briefly  noticed. 


Section  IV. —  The  Civil  Position  of  the  Planters  under 
Emancipation,  and  the  Causes  contributing  to  their  Ruin. 

"  The  planters  of  Jamaica  constitute  no  longer  the  overruling  oli- 
garchy, or  '  plantocracy,'  that  they  once  actually  were,  and  are  still 
somewhat  insolently  designated  in  the  bitterness  of  party  spirit. 
Poverty  may  not  have  humbled  their  pride,  nor  changed  their  belief 

*  Sewell,  p.  184.  t  Ibid.,  p.  184.  J  Ibid.,  p.  187. 


ECONOMICAL   FAILURE   OF  WEST   INDIA   EMANCIPATION.       305 

in  the  'divine  riglit '  of  the  white  man  to  enslave  the  black;  for,  in 
their  own  homes,  and  on  their  own  estates,  and  in  public,  whenever  an 
opportunity  offers,  they  wage,  under  different  guises,  the  old  war  against 
free  labor.  But,  as  a  political  body,  with  power  to  control  the  destinies 
of  the  island,  they  no  longer  live.  One  after  another,  the  relics  of  the 
system  of  coercion  to  which  they  clung  are  being  swept  away.  Their 
complaints  have  been  disregarded — their  petitions  have  been  rejected — 
until,  in  despair  and  disgust,  they  have  almost  altogether  retired  from 
the  contest,  and  left  the  field  open  to  their  undisguised  and  uncompro- 
mising opponents."  '■'•^ 

But  we  must  go  outside  of  Mr.  Sewell's  book  to  do  justice  to 
the  planters,  by  more  fully  stating  the  causes  that  have  led  to 
their  ruin;  and,  in  so  doing,  the  discussions  will  be  extended 
beyond  the  island  of  Jamaica. 

The  first  sample  of  West  India  sugar  was  manufactured  in 
Jamaica,  in  1673.  In  171-3,  Great  Britain,  having  secured  the 
monopoly  of  the  slave  trade,  at  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  proceeded 
vigorously  in  the  development  of  her  West  Indian  cultivation. 
By  the  commencement  of  the  present  century,  the  whole  of  her 
West  Indian  Islands  were  exporting  636,000,000  lbs.  of  sugar, 
31,600,000  lbs.  of  coffee,  17,000,000  lbs.  of  cotton,  and  other 
products  in  proportion — Jamaica  alone,  in  1805,  supplying  over 
237,000,000  lbs.  of  sugar. f  The  slave  trade  having  been  pro- 
hibited in  1808,  the  consequent  decrease  of  population  so  affected 
the  production  of  Jamaica,  that  from  1807  to  1831,  its  exports 
of  sugar  fell  off  38.38  per  cent.,  and  its  coffee  33.8-10  per  cent. 
The  exports  of  sugar  from  the  whole  of  the  islands,  in  1831,  was 
reduced  to  459,600,000  lbs.  This  amount  seems  to  have  been 
sufficient  for  the  home-consumption  of  the  English  people,  as  the 
importation  of  65,320,000  lbs.  of  foreign  sugars,  that  year,  was 
for  re-export  alone.|  Up  to  1844,  all  foreign  sugars  were  eX' 
eluded  from  the  British  markets,  so  as  to  secure  a  practical 
monopoly  to  the  West  India  planter.  The  duty  on  foreign  sugar 
was  sixty-three  shillings  per  cwt. ;  on  sugar,  the  growth  of  her 
East  India  possessions  and  Mauritius,  thirty-seven  shillings  per 

*  Sewcll,  p.  230.  t  See  statistical  table,  preceding  chapter, 

{  London  Quarterly  Keview,  1850,  p.  97. 

20 


306  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

cwt. ;  and  on  her  West  India  colonies  only  twenty-seven  shillings 
per  cwt. — being  a  difference  of  ten  shillings  per  cwt.  in  favor  of 
the  West  Indies  as  against  the  other  British  colonies,  and  of 
thirty-six  shillings  as  against  all  foreign  sugars.* 

In  1844,  however,  the  first  inroad  was  made  on  the  West  India 
monopoly,  by  the  passage  of  an  act  allowing  foreign  free  labor 
sugar  to  be  imported  for  consumption  at  a  lower  duty.f  This 
measure  was  demanded  by  the  British  people  as  a  public  neces- 
sity— the  West  Indian  colonies  being  no  longer  able  to  supply 
the  demand  for  sugar.  In  Jamaica  alone,  its  exports  were 
reduced  from  237,700,000  lbs.  in  1805,  to  67,900,000  lbs.  in 
1843. ;{:  The  other  islands  were  nearly  all  in  the  same  depressed 
condition. 

At  this  date,  the  English  Government  found  its  commerce 
greatly  lessened,  and  its  home-supply  of  tropical  products  falling 
below  the  actual  wants  of  her  own  people.  This  diminution  ren- 
dered her  unable  to  furnish  any  surplus  for  the  markets  of  those 
of  her  colonies  and 'other  countries  which  she  formerly  supplied; 
and  they  Avere  thus  left  open  to  the  competition  of  slave-grown 
products,  and  became  sources  of  additional  encouragement  to 
slavery  and  the  slave  trade. 

This  was  another  of  the  effects  of  West  Indian  emancipation 
not  foreseen  by  the  projectors  of  that  movement.  Emancipation 
had  not  only  broken  down  England's  own  colonies,  but  it  Avas 
folloAved  by  results  Avhich  tended  to  encourage  directly,  in  other 
countries,  both  the  slave  trade  and  slavery.  Here  we  have  an 
exhibition  of  its  workings  in  relation  to  the  slave  trade:  In  1788, 
the  exports  of  slaves,  westward,  from  Africa,  were  estimated  at 
100,000  annually ;  from  1798  to  1810,  at  85,000 ;  from  1810  to 
1815,  at  93,000;  from  1815  to  1819,  at  106,600;  from  1819  to 
1825,  at  103,000;  from  1825  to  1830,  at  125,000;  from  1830  to 
1835,  at  78,500 ;  and  from  1835  to  1840,  at  135,800.§ 

These  were   alarming  facts,  and  called  loudly  for  energetic 

*  Westminster  Review,  1850,  p.  276.         t  London  Ecouoraist,  1850,  p.  85 
X  This  is  the  average  of  five  years. 

I  Report  of  Select  Committee  of  House  of  Commons,  quoted  in  Westminster 
Review,  1850,  p.  263. 


ECONOMICAL    FAILURE   OP   WEST   INDIA  EMANCIPATION.       307 

action.  The  ablest  men  in  the  kingdom  came  forward  to  aid 
in  averting  the  impending  dangers.  They  did  "not  enter  into 
discussions  to  prove  that  slavery  had  been,  from  the  beginning, 
tending  to  the  ruin  of  the  colonies.  It  was  quite  otherwise  in 
their  judgment.  Such  theories  Avere  left  for  the  philanthropists 
of  a  later  day.  While  Great  Britain  had  possessed  the  monopoly 
of  tropical  production,  she  had  been  able  to  retain  her  national 
ascendency.  She  was  now  threatened  with  a  diminution  of  her 
prosperity.  To  regain  her  former  leading  control,  she  must  re- 
cover the  monopoly  of  tropical  cultivation ;  and  this  she  could  do 
only  by  embarrassing  those  who  had  gained  an  advantage  over 
her  in  this  golden  field  of  enterprise. 

That  slavery,  sustained  by  the  slave  trade,  was  an  immensely 
efiicient  system  for  the  promotion  of  tropical  cultivation,  was 
abundantly  proved  by  reference  to  Cuba  and  Brazil.  In  1832, 
the  exports  of  sugar  from  Cuba  were  only  about  100,000,000 
lbs.,  while,  by  1848,  they  had  increased  to  near  600,000,000  lbs. 
Paring  the  same  period,  Brazil  and  the  Spanish  West  Indies, 
(excluding  Cuba,)  increased  their  exports  of  coffee  from  94,080,- 
000  lbs.  to  313,600,000  lbs.  This  enormous  increase  was  all  ef- 
fected in  sixteen  years,  as  a  consequence  of  having  a  full  supply  of 
labor  which  could  be  controlled  and  multiplied  to  any  desired  ex- 
tent ;  and  because  England's  prohibition  of  the  slave  trade,  and  her 
emancipation  scheme  had  left  open  to  their  products  a  vast  range 
of  markets  previously  supplied  from  the  British  West  Indies. 

But  long  before  1848,  and  while  these  developments  were  pro- 
gressing, Englishmen  took  the  alarm,  and  began  to  consider  how 
the  impending  evils  were  to  be  averted.  Hear  what  McQueen, 
the  able  British  statistician,  said,  in  1844,  when  urging  upon  his 
government  the  necessity  of  securing  to  itself  the  control  of  the 
labor  and  the  productions  of  tropical  Africa.  The  importance 
of  the  measure  he  proposed  was  thus  urged,  by  showing  what  the 
West  Indies  had  formerly  done  for  the  support  of  the  British 
throne : 

"  During  the  fearful  struggle  of  a  quarter  of  a  century,  for  her  exist- 
ence, as  a  nation,  against  the  power  and  resources  of  Europe,  directed 
by  the  most  intelligent  but  remorseless  military  ambition  against  her, 


308  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

the  command  of  the  productions  of  the  torrid  zone,  and  tlie  advanta- 
geous commerce  which  that  aflforded,  gave  to  Great  Britain  the  power 
and  the  resources  which  enabled  her  to  meet,  to  combat,  and  to  overcome 
her  numerous  and  reckless  enemies  in  every  battle-field,  whether  by 
sea  or  land,  throughout  the  world.  In  her  the  world  saw  realized  the 
fabled  giant  of  antiquity.  With  her  hundred  hands  she  grasped  her 
foes  in  every  region  under  heaven,  and  crushed  them  with  resistless 
energy." 

Now,  if  the  possession  and  control  of  tropical  production  gave 
to  England  such  immense  resources,  and  secured  to  her  such 
superiority  and  such  power  in  the  last  century,  then  she  would 
not  yield  them  in  the  present  but  in  a  death-struggle  for  their 
maintenance.  That  struggle  had  commenced  when  Mr.  Mc- 
Queen came  forward  with  his  appeals  to  the  nation  to  resort  to 
Africa  for  the  remedy.  Mr.  George  Thompson  had  made  a  sim- 
ilar appeal,  in  behalf  of  India,  a  few  years  previous,  and  the 
British  people  had  responded,  most  heartily,  to  both  these  gen- 
tlemen.* 

English  philanthropy  had  long  been  engaged  in  efforts  for  the 
elevation  of  the  African  race.  The  slave  trade  and  slavery  had 
both  disappeared  from  English  soil.  The  year  1844  demonstrated 
the  futility  of  the  schemes  pursued.  British  tropical  cultivation, 
and  the  commerce  it  sustained,  both  lay  in  ruins,  while  the  slave 
trade  and  slavery  laughed  them  to  scorn.  English  statesmanship 
was  now  demanded  to  consider  how  the  nation  was  to  be  compen- 
sated for  the  losses  sustained  by  emancipation.  The  country  was 
found  in  a  position  so  disadvantageous,  arising  from  the  progress 
of  other  nations  in  tropical  cultivation,  that  one  principal  means 
of  her  extrication,  they  believed,  was  in  organizing  an  extended 
system  of  tropical  industry  in  Africa.  The  alarm  which  pre- 
vailed was  Avell-founded,  and  its  causes  were  thus  stated  by  Mr. 
McQueen : 

"  The  increased  cultivation  and  prosperity  of  foreign  tropical  pos- 
sessions is  become  so  great,  and  is  advancing  so  rapidly  the  power  and 
resources  of  other  nations,  that' these  are   embarrassing  this  country 

•  8ee  Chapter  XI. 


ECONOMICAL   FAILURE    OF  WEST  INDIA   EMANCIPATION.       809 

(England)  in  all  her  commercial  relations,  in  her  pecuniary  resources, 
and  in  all  her  political  relations  and  negotiations." 

In  proof  of  his  assertions,  Mr.  M.  presented  the  follo^vring 
facts,  contrasting  the  condition  of  Great  Britain  "with  only  a  few 
other  countries,  in  the  production  of  three  articles  alone  of  trop- 
ical produce : 

SUGAR  — 1842. 


BRITISH    POSSESSIONS. 

CWTS. 

West  Indies 2,508,552 

East  Indies 940,452 

Mauritius 544,767 


Total 3,993,771 


FOREIGN  COUNTRIES. 


Cuba 5,800,000 

Brazil 2,400,000 

Java 1,105,757 

Louisiana 1,400,000 


Total 10,705,757 


COFFEE  — 1842. 


POUNDS. 

West  Indies 9,186,555 

East  Indies 18,206,448 


Total 27,393,003 


POUNDS. 

Java 134,842,715 

Brazils 135,000,800 

Cuba 33,589,325 

Venezuela 34,000,000 


Total 337,432,840 


COTTON  — 1840. 


POUNDS. 

West  Indies 427,529 

East  Indies  ...; 77,015,917 

To  China,  from  East  Indies..    60,000,000 


Total 137,443,446 


POUNDS. 

United  States 790,479,275 

Java 165,504,800 

Brazil 25,222,828 


Total 981,206,903 


This  exhibition  of  facts  will  be  full  of  meaning  to  the  intelli- 
gent reader,  when  it  is  stated  that  nearly  three-fourths  of  this 
slave-grown  produce,  according  to  Mr.  McQueen,  had  been  cre- 
ated within  thirty  years  preceding  the  date  of  his  calling  atten- 
tion to  the  subject.  Java  and  Venezuela  alone  were  free-labor 
countries,  and  all  the  others,  Louisiana  excepted,  were  depend- 
ent upon  the  slave-trade  for  the  increase  of  their  cultivation.  * 
England,  therefore,  must  either  regain  her  advantages  in  tropi- 
cal countries  and  tropical  products,  or  she  must  be  shorn  of  a 
part  of  her  power  and  greatness ;  and,  more  than  this,  if  she 
could  not  eflfect  that  object,  then  the  slave-trade  and  slavery 
must  advance,  notwithstanding  the  immense  sacrifices  she  had 
made  for  their  extinction.    On  this  point,  Mr.  McQueen  declares  : 


*  See  "Ethiopia"  for  full  details. 


310  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

"  If  the  foreign  slave  trade  be  not  extinguished,  and  the  cultivation 
of  the  tropical  territories  of  other  powers  opposed  and  checked  by 
British  tropical  cultivation,  then  the  interests  and  the  power  of  such 
states  will  rise  into  a  preponderance  over  those  of  Great  Britain,  and 
the  power  and  the  influence  of  the  latter  will  cease  to  be  felt,  feared, 
and  respected  amongst  the  civilized  and  powerful  nations  of  the  world." 

Another  aspect  of  this  subject  may  be  considered.  The 
measures  adopted  by  Great  Britain  for  the  benefit  of  the  black 
race  resulted  so  disastrously  to  her  owa  islands,  and  so  favor- 
ably to  the  interests  of  those  countries  employing  slave  labor, 
by  enlarging  the  markets  for  slave-grown  products,  that  the  dif- 
ficulty of  inducing  them  to  cease  from  it  was  increased  a  hund- 
red fold.  Nor  did  the  expedients  to  which  she  resorted  prove 
successful  in  extricating  her  from  the  difficulties  in  which  she 
was  involved.  A  duty  of  thirty-nine  shillings,  afterward  raised 
to  forty-one  shillings  the  cwt.,  or  four  and  a  half  pence  the 
pound,  was  levied  on  slave-groivn  sugar.  This  ^vas  done  with 
the  design  of  prohibiting  its  importation  into  England,  and 
of  securing  the  monopoly  of  her  markets  to  the  West  India 
planter.  This  bonus  upon  West  India  free-lahor  sugar  was  to  be 
used  in  stimulating  the  negro  to  labor,  so  as  to  restore  the 
islands  to  their  former  prosperity.  But  it  failed  to  do  this,  as 
we  have  already  seen,  and  resulted  only  in  taxing  the  English 
people  by  the  increase  of  prices  consequent  upon  a  diminution 
of  the  supply,  in  a  single  year,  to  the  enormous  amount  of 
$25,000,000  more  than  the  inhabitants  of  other  countries  paid 
for  the  same  amount  of  sugar.*  This  enormous  tax  accrued, 
during  1840,  from  the  protective  duty,  but  was  greatly  above  that 
of  any  other  year  during  its  continuance.  The  whole  amount  of 
the  bounty  to  the  planter  thus  drawn  from  the  pockets  of  the 
English  people  and  placed  in  those  of  the  West  India  negro 
laborer  in  excessive  high  wages,  in  the  course  of  six  or  seven 
years,  amounted  to  $50, 000,000. t 

To  relieve  the  English  people  from  the  onerous  tax  of  the  sugar 
duties,  and,  at  the  same  'time,  in  obedience  to  the  dictates  of  public 


•  Porter,  in  his  "Progress  nf  TS'flt.ions."  t  McQueen,  1844. 


ECONOMICAL   FAILURE    OF   WEST   INDIAN   EMANCIPATION.     Sll 

opinion,  which  required  the  exclusion  of  slave-grown  products  from 
the  British  markets,  sugar,  the  product  o^  free  labor,  as  previously 
noticed,  uas  admitted  at  a  duty  of  ten  shillings  the  cwt.  This  act, 
passed  in  1844,  at  once  brought  in  an  increased  supply  of  that 
commodity.  But  these  imports  of  free-labor  sugar  came  chiefly 
from  Java  and  Manilla — possessions  of  Holland  and  Spain.  It 
was  soon  discovered  that  the  Dutch  and  Spaniards,  outwitting 
the  English  for  once,  were  compensating  themselves  for  the 
amount  of  ordinary  supplies  thus  diverted  to  a  profitable  market, 
by  sending  to  Cuba  and  Brazil  for  a  sufficient  quantity  of  their 
cheaper  slave-labor  sugar  to  make  up  the  deficiency.  By  this 
curious  but  very  natural  turn  in  trade,  the  great  object  of  the 
English  was  defeated.  Slavery,  instead  of  having  received  a 
check,  by  the  exclusion  of  its  products  from  the  British  markets, 
was  securing  to  itself  the  most  active  encouragement  from  the 
very  measures  intended  to  promote  its  destruction. 

Another  course  of  policy  was  immediately  adopted.  The  act 
admitting  free-labor  sugar  was  passed  in  1844.  In  1845,  a  gen- 
eral reduction  of  the  sugar  duties  was  made,  which  reduced  the  pro- 
tection against  foreign  slave-grown  sugars  one-half,  and,  in  1846, 
the  final  act  was  passed,  admitting  all  foreign  sugars  on  advant- 
ageous terms.  This  act  made  a  progressive  reduction  of  the 
duties  on  foreign  sugar,  so  that  it  should  come  in  on  equal  terms 
Avith  that  of  the  colonies  in  1849.*  The  conditions  of  the  act 
being  afterwards  extended  to  1854,  the  planters  had  a  slight 
protection  up  to  that  date. 

The  immense  falling  off  in  the  exports  of  the  British  West 
India  colonies,  which  had  taken  place  after  emancipation,  and 
the  impossibility  of  her  Eastern  possessions  supplying  the  de- 
ficiency, left  the  government  of  Great  Britain  no  other  alter- 
native but  a  reduction  of  the  sugar  duties,  and  the  admission  of 
slave-grown  sugar.  A  struggle  to  stimulate  the  West  India 
negroes  to  greater  industry,  and  to  advance  them  in  civilization, 
had  been  continued  unavailingly  throughout  thirteen  years,  from 
1833  to  1846,  resulting  only  in  taxing  the  English  people,  by 
protective  duties,  to  the  extent  of  $150,000,000  more  than  the 

*  Blackwood's  Mag.,  1849,  p.  85. 


§12  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

consumers  of  other  countries  had  paid  for  an  equal  quantity  of 
sugar.  The  blacks  had  passed  through  a  period  equaling  one 
generation  of  freedom,  and  the  second  generation  seemed  less 
efficient  than  the  first.  English  philanthropy  despaired  of  African 
barbarism,  and  the  efforts  to  sustain  the  planters  had  to  be  aban- 
doned. By  this  result,  the  whole  field  of  the  foreign  markets, 
formerly  supplied  with  English  sugar,  was  left  open  for  that  of 
slave-labor  origin. 

One  point  needs  a  word  of  explanation.  There  was  a  marked 
decrease  in  the  number  of  slaves  exported  from  Africa  between 
the  years  1830  and  1835,  and. an  unusual  increase  again  from 
1885  to  1839.  The  impulse  given,  among  other  nations,  to  the 
slave-trade,  when  it  was  abandoned  by  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain,  received  no  material  check,  until  1830,  when  a 
reduction  of  the  price  of  sugar  from  forty-four  shillings  and  six 
pence  the  cwt.  to  twenty-four  shillings  and  eight  pence,  dimin- 
ished the  export  of  slaves  from  Africa  thirty-seven  per  cent.,  or 
from  an  annual  average  of  125,000  the  preceding  five  years,  to 
78,500  the  succeeding  five  years. ''^  But  this  depression  in  the 
slave  trade  lasted  only  during  the  time  that  the  price  of  sugar 
remained  at  that  reduced  rate.  In  1836,  sugar  again  rose  to 
twenty-nine  shillings  and  three  pence  the  cwt.,  and  gave  an 
impulse  to  that  traffic  that  increased  the  exports  of  slaves  from 
Africa  seventy-three  per  cent.,  or  to  135,800  per  annum,  from 
that  time  till  the  close  of  1839.  f 

Such  was  the  condition  of  the  slave  trade  at  the  time  the 
West  India  emancipation  law  went  into  operation.  Its  subse- 
quent history  is  very  interesting,  but  can  not  be  given  in  this 
connection. 

Ten  years  later,  when  the  emancipation  scheme  was  manifest- 
ing its  tendency,  the  measure  underwent  the  most  rigid  scrutiny. 
The  low  state  of  civilization  in  the  West  India  Islands,  it  was 
found,  had  left  the  population  with  few  wants.  The  blacks,  for 
the  most  part,  could  not  be  induced  to  labor  on  the  estates  of 
the  planters  for  more  than  three  or  four  days  in  the  week,  and 
from  five  to  seven  hours  in  the  day.     So  few,  indeed,  were  their 

*  See  preceding  pages  in  present  chapter.         t  London  Times,  1849. 


Economical  Failure  op  west  indiak  emancipation*    313 

vrants,  that  they  had  no  adequate  stimulant  to  perform  a  regular 
amount  of  labor.*  This  condition  of  things  put  it  out  of  the 
power  of  the  planters  to  produce  sugar  for  less  than  £20  per  ton, 
on  the  average,  while  the  cost,  in  slave  countries,  was  only  £12 
per  ton.f  This  discloses  the  fact  that  the  planters  of  Cuba, 
employing  slave  labor,  could  manufacture  sugar  for  £8  the  ton 
less  than  those  of  Jamaica  could  produce  it  by  free  labor.  As 
one  of  the  immediate  results  of  this  condition  of  things,  it  was 
asserted,  in  1848,  that  "the  great  influx  of  slave-grown  produce 
into  the  English  markets  has,  in  the  short  space  of  six  months, 
reduced  the  value  of  sugar  from  £26  to  £14  per  ton  ;  while,  under 
ordinary  circumstances  of  soil  and  season,  the  cost  to  us,  of 
placing  it  in  the  market,  is  not  less  than  £20  per -ton."  J  This 
subjected  the  planter  to  a  direct  loss  of  £6  per  ton.  But  that 
was  not  all  of  the  obstacles  with  which  the  planter  had  to  con- 
tend. The  duties  on  foreign  sugar,  after  1846,  afforded  no  real 
protection  to  him,  and  for  this  reason : 

"  The  slave  sugars  are  all  so  much  better  manufactured,  which  the 
great  command  of  labor  enables  them  to  do,  that,  to  the  refiner,  they 
are  intrinsically  worth  more  than  ours.  In  short,  they  prepare  their 
sugars,  whereas  we  can  not  do  so,  and  we  pay  duty  at  the  same  rate  on 
an  article  which  contains  a  quantity  of  molasses.  So  that,  if  the  duties 
were  equalized,  there  would  virtually  be  a  bonus  on  the  importation  of 
foreign  sugar.  The  refiners  estimate  the  value  of  Havana,  in  com- 
parison with  West  India  free  sugar,  as  from  three  to  five  shillings  per 
cwt.  better  in  point  of  color  and  strength.  The  reason  is,  that  these 
sugars  are  partially  refined  or  clayed.'"^ 

The  question  in  relation  to  the  decline  of  cultivation  in  the 
British  West  India  Islands,  previous  to  the  prohibition  of  the 
slave  trade,  may  now  be  dismissed  with  the  remark,  that  the 
modern  theory — that  slavery  was  precipitating  the  colonies  to 
ruin  even  before  1808 — is  not  sustained  by  the  facts  in  the  case, 
or  by  the  opinions  of  the  ablest  British  writers.  Look  at  the 
statistics  of  the  exports  from  Jamaica,  for  a  long  series  of  years 

*  Blackwood's  Mag.,  1848,  p.  227.  t  Ibid.,  p.  2^0. 

%  Ibid.,  p.  230;  from  Kesolutions  of  a  meeting  at  St.  David's  Jamaica 

5  Ibid.,  May  1848,  p.  230. 


314  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

before  the  prohibition  of  the  slave  trade.  They  show  that  there 
had  been,  up  to  that  date,  a  regular  increase  in  the  production 
of  the  island,  aft'ected  only  by  peace  or  war,  or  the  influence  of 
the  seasons.  The  deterioration  in  the  exports  of  the  island  did 
not  begin  until  after  the  act  of  1808  had  cut  ofif  all  supplies  of 
labor.  Individual  instances  of  misfortune,  mismanagement,  or 
bankruptcy  did  not  affect  the  general  prosperity  any  more  than 
occasional  failures,  in  large  cities,  retard  the  general  success  of 
business  men.  Why  should  the  British  islands  alone  have  begun 
to  decline  under  a  system  that  supplied  an  adequate  labor  force, 
when  it  is  notorious  that  the  production  of  Cuba  and  Brazil  has 
increased  immensely  under  slavery,  while  sustained  by  the  slave 
trade — the  inei-ease  of  Brazil,  in  sixteen  years,  having  been  nearly 
three  hundred  and  fifty  per  cent.,  and  that  of  Cuba,  in  the  same 
period,  six  hundred  per  cent. 

With  all  these  facts  before  us,  it  is  apparent  that  the  causes 
leading  to  the  ruin  of  Jamaica  and  the  other  English  West  India 
Islands  had  their  origin  subsequently  to  the  prohibition  of  the 
slave  trade,  and  that  their  nature  was  such  that  emancipation 
could  not  remove  them. 

Before  considering  this  point,  however,  we  must  again  turn  to 
Mr.  Sewell's  book,  and  conclude  our  investigations  in  relation  to 
Jamaica. 

"  British  emancipation  may  have  been  unwise ;  regarded  as  a  great 
social  revolution,  the  manner  in  which  the  scheme  was  executed  must 
be  utterly  condemned;  private  rights  were  violated;  their  sacredness 
was  dimmed  by  the  splendor  of  an  act  which  gave  freedom  to  a  people 
who  did  not  know  what  freedom  meant;  but  the  ruin  attributed  to  it 
is,  in  Jamaica,  too  broad  and  too  deep  to  be  set  down  any  longer  as 
the  effect  of  that  one  solitary  cause.  No  other  English  island  has  the 
natural  advantages  that  Jamaica  possesses;  no  other  English  island 
exhibits  the  same,  or  anything  like  the  same  destitution  ;  yet  all  have 
passed  through  the  same  experience  —  all  have  undergone  the  same 
trial."* 

"  If  the  change  could  be  traced  solely  to  emancipation,  I  should  be 
loth  to  justify  emancipation,  believing,  as  I  do,  that  it  would  be  wholly 

*  Sewell,  p.  170. 


'  ECONOMICAL   FAILURE   OF   WEST   INDIAN   EMANCIPATION.,    315 

inconsistent  with  morality  or  the  dictates  of  a  sound  policy  to  degrade 
that  portion  of  the  population  which  controlled  the  elements  of  civil- 
ization, in  order  to  enrich  an  ignorant  and  undisciplined  people.  But 
the  decline  of  Jamaica  has  been  so  stupendous  as  of  itself  to  create  a 
doubt  whether  it  can  be  laid,  in  whole,  or  even  in  part,  to  the  emanci- 
pation of  the  slaves."* 

The  aim  of  Mr.  Sewell  is  to  prove  that  other  causes  than  eman- 
cipation have  produced  the  pecuniary  ruin  of  Jamaica.  Contrast- 
ing the  exports  preceding  the  prohibition  of  the  slave  trade  with 
those  of  the  present  day,  he  fully  proves  his  assertions  as  to 
the  ruin  which  has  fallen  upon  the  island.  He  thus  states  the 
question : 

"  It  will  be  found,  upon  examination,  that  the  most  prosperous  epoch 
in  Jamaican  commerce  was  that  embraced  in  the  seven  years  imme- 
diately preceding  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade.  Yet  it  is  a  notorious 
fact,  to  be  proved  by  parliamentary  blue-books,  that  even  then  over 
one  hundred  estates  on  the  island  had  been  abandoned  for  debt.  Dur- 
ing the  seven  years  indicated,  that  is,  from  1801  to  1807,  the  sugar 
exports  of  Jamaica  amounted  annually  to  an  average  of  133,000  hhds. 
During  the  seven  years  succeeding  the  year  in  which  the  slave  trade 
was  abolished,  from  1807  to  1814,  the  annual  exports  fell  off  to  an 
average  of  118,000  hhds.  During  the  next  seven  years,  from  1814  to 
1821,  the  annual  average  was  about  110,000  hhds. ;  and  from  1828  to 
1835,  it  was  90,000  hhds. ;  thus  showing  a  steady  decline,  not  so  alarm- 
ing, it  is  true,  as  the  decline  of  subsequent  years  (for  the  whole  sugar 
exportation  of  Jamaica  is  now  only  30,000  hhds.,)  but  sufficiently  seri- 
ous to  demonstrate  that  jTamaica  had  reached  its  maximum  prosperity 
under  slavery,  and  had  commenced  to  deteriorate  nearly  thirty  years 
before  the  emancipation  act  was  passed,  and  many  years  before  the 
design  of  such  a  measure  was  elaborated,  or  Mr.  Canning's  note  of 
warning  was  sounded  in  West  Indian  ears.  A  comparison  of  Jamaican 
exports  in  1805,  her  year  of  greatest  prosperity,  with  her  exports  in 
1859,  must  appear  odious  to  her  inhabitants.  In  the  former  year,  the 
island  exported  over  150,000  hhds.  of  sugar,  and  in  the  latter,  she 
exported  28,000  hhds.  The  exports  of  rum  and  coffee  exhibit  the 
same  proportionate  decrease."  f 

*  Sewell,  p.  172.  t  Ibid.,  pp.  172,  17 


316  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

Lest  any  one  should  imagine  that  this  immense  falling  off  in 
the  productions  of  Jamaica  is  in  consequence  of  the  impoverish- 
ment of  the  soil,  Mr.  Sewell  must  be  permitted  to  speak  on  this 
point  also : 

"  The  island,  unlike  others  that  can  be  mentioned,  is  in  no  exhausted 
condition,  but  is  fresh  and  fair,  and  abundantly  fertile  as  ever,  with 
every  variety  of  climate,  and  capable  of  yielding  every  variety  of  pro- 
duct. Up  in  these  tremendous  hills  you  may  enjoy  the  luxury  of  a 
frosty  night ;  down  upon  the  plains  you  may  bask  in  the  warmth  of  a 
fiery  sun.  There  you  can  raise  potatoes,  here  you  can  raise  sugar-cane. 
There  you  will  find  interminable  forests  of  wild  pimento,  here  inter- 
minable acres  of  abandoned  properties — a  mass  of  jungle  and  luxuriant 
vegetation  choking  up  the  deserted  mansions  of  Jamaica's  ancient  aris- 
tocracy. Scenes  most  wonderfully  fair,  most  picturesque,  but  most 
melancholy  to  look  upon;  scenes  that  a  limner  might  love  to  paint, 
but  from  which  an  American  planter  would  turn  in  disgust  and  con- 
tempt."* 

"  The  Jamaica  question  is  prolific  of  controversy,  and  I  can  not  hope 
that  my  allegations  and  inferences  will  pass  unchallenged.  I  shall,  for 
this  reason,  confine  myself  as  much  as  possible  to  statements  of  facts. 
.  .  .  I  hope  to  be  able  to  show  to  others  as  plainly  as  the  conviction 
has  come  home  to  myself,  that  disaster  and  misfortune  have  followed — 
not  emancipation — but  the  failure  to  observe  those  great  principles  of 
liberty  and  justice  upon  which  the  foundations  of  emancipation  were 
solidly  laid."f  .  .  .  "I  admit,  and  shall  prove,  that  want  of  labor 
has  been  one  cause  of  the  island's  depreciation  ;  but  if  it  were  the  sole 
cause,  or  even  the  preponderating  cause,  it  would  be  only  reasonable  to 
expect  that  those  parishes  most  sparsely  populated  would  be  the  first 
to  abandon  the  cultivation  of  cane.  The  reverse,  however,  happens  to 
be  the  case."  J 

"  This  want  of  capital — quite  irrespective  of  a  want  of  labor,  which 
I  admit  to  exist — has  been  a  fruitful  cause  of  the  abandonment  of  sugar 
cultivation.  The  most  hasty  tour  through  the  island  will  convince  any 
one  that  contract  or  jyermanent  labor — wholly  independent  of  the  valu- 
able but  transient  work  of  the  negroes,  who  have  their  own  properties 
to  look  after — is  absolutely  needed  before  the  cultivation  of  the  cane, 
in  Jamaica,  can  be  largely  extended,  or  real  estate  command  its  positive 

*Sewell,  p.  176.  t  Ibid.,  p.  177.  J  Ibid.,  p.  189. 


ECONOMICAL   FAILURE   OF    WEST   INDIAN   EMANCIPATION.      317 

value.  I  do  not  believe  that  the  absence  of  this  contract  labor  explains 
the  present  great  depression  of  Jamaican  commerce.  My  belief  is, 
that  the  contract  or  permanent  labor  of  coolies  is  needed,  as  a  supple- 
mentary labor  to  that  of  the  Creole,  alike  on  the  richest  and  the  poorest 
estates.  There  is  suflBcient  labor  in  Jamaica  now  for  the  bare  wants 
of  its  reduced  cultivation,  if  the  planter  had  means  enough  to  pay  his 
laborers,  fairly  and  punctually,  the  wages  they  earn.  Those  wages  are 
not  too  high,  for  they  are  scarcely  one-fourth  of  what  a  day-laborer  can 
command  in  America.  This  I  state  unhesitatingly.  But,  at  the  same 
time,  I  state  with  equal  confidence  that,  in  Jamaica,  permanent  labor, 
that  is,  daily  labor  throughout  the  year — that  kind  of  labor  which  will 
enable  the  planter  to  improve  his  property  and  extend  his  cultivation — 
is  wholly  wanting,  and,  it  seems  to  me  that,  without  it,  neither  capital 
nor  confidence  will  ever  fully  return  to  the  island.  The  point  I  make 
is  this :  Jamaica  wants  labor,  but  that  want  is  not  the  preponderating 
cause  of  her  decline."^  .  .  .  "  In  a  precarious  business  like  sugar- 
cultivation,  where  the  loss  of  an  entire  crop  must,  now  and  then,  be 
expected,  there  is  no  salvation  for  the  Jamaican  planter  who  can  com- 
mand neither  capital  nor  credit  when  an  unfavorable  season  overtakes 
him."f 

"An  intelligent  resident  of  Green  Island,  himself  a  proprietor,  in- 
formed me  that  he  knew  of  no  estate  in  Hanover  whose  owner,  pos- 
sessed of  capital,  or  even  out  of  debt,  had  been  compelled,  from  mere 
want  of  labor,  to  abandon  sugar  cultivation.  When  I  have  put  the 
same  question  to  any  respectable  landholder  in  any  part  of  the  island, 
I  have,  in  nine  cases  out  of  ten,  received  the  same  answer.  The  want 
of  continued  or  contract  labor  is  greatly  deplored  as  a  great  evil  ;  but 
it  is  wrong  to  suppose  that  that  want  alone  has  ever  compelled  resident 
proprietors  to  abandon  their  estates  to  ruin.";j; 

"  But  the  fact  remains  that  the  island  is  nearly  destitute  of  labor  ; 
that,  partly  through  want  of  labor,  sugar  cultivation  has  been  aban- 
doned ;  and  by  an  adequate  supply  of  labor  can  it  only  be  revived. 
Covering  an  area  of  over  4,000,000  of  acres,  Jamaica  has  a  population 
of  378,000,  white,  black,  and  mulatto.  This  makes  about  eleven  acres 
to  each  person.  In  the  flourishing  island  of  Barbadoes  the  proportion 
is  nearly  one  and  a  half  persons  to  each  acre.  If  Jamaica  were  as 
thickly  populated  as  Barbadoes,  it  would  contain  over  5,000,000  of 
souls,  and  would  export  a  million  hogsheads.     Till  its  population  has 

*  Sewell,  pp.  226,  227.  t  Ibid.,  p.  226,  t  Ibid.,  p.  214. 


318  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

been  doubled  and  trebled,  no  material  improvement  can  be  looked  for. 
But  wbere  is  the  money — where  are  the  vigor  and  the  energy  necessary 
to  obtain  this  population?  Whose  fault  is  it  that  these  are  wanting, 
and  that  Jamaica,  with  far  greater  advantages  than  Trinidad  or  Gruiana, 
has  failed  to  follow  the  footsteps  of  their  success  ?  Is  this  also  the 
result  of  emancipation  ?"^ 

'•  During  all  this  time  the  prosperity  of  Jamaica  was  on  the  decline. 
The  exportation  of  sugar  had  gradually  decreased  from  150,000  hhds., 
in  1805,  to  85,000  hhds.,  in  1833.  It  was  not  emancipation,  or  the 
thought  of  emancipation,  that  dragged  down  the  island  suddenly  from 
the  pinnacle  of  prosperity.  The  deterioration  progressed  slowly.  Be- 
tween the  years  1814  and  1832.  the  coffee  crop  was  also  reduced  one 
half;  and  during  the  fifty  years  that  preceded  emancipation,  it  is  esti- 
mated that  two  hundred  sugar  estates  were  abandoned.  The  planters 
say  that  the  fear  of  impending  abolition  induced  them  to  withdraw 
capital  from  their  estates ;  but  abolition  was  not  dreamed  of  when  the 
decline  of  Jamaica  set  in.  While  the  slave  trade  was  yet  in  operation, 
over  one  hundred  properties  had  been  deserted — deserted,  too,  for  the 
same  cause  that  compelled  their  desertion  in  later  years — debt  and 
want  of  capital.'"  f 

"Sugar  cultivation,  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  say,  to  be  carried  on 
with  profit  to  the  proprietor,  and  with  ordinary  chances  of  ultimate 
success,  requires  an  enormous  capital,  not  only  at  the  outset,  but  to 
provide  against  the  losses  that  unfavorable  seasons  very  frequently 
entail."! 

"  Hypothecation,  rendered  necessary  by  the  expenses  of  the  slave 
system  and  the  extravagance  of  the  planters,  increased  so  fast  that  nine 
out  of  ten  estates,  at  the  time  of  emancipation,  were  mortgaged  far 
beyond  their  value.  Their  creditors  were  English  merchants,  who 
vainly  tried  to  keep  up  the  cultivation  of  the  property  that  reverted  to 
them.  How  could  they  do  so  ?  Estates  that  yielded  an  average  annual 
income  of  seven  per  cent.,  with  the  proprietor  resident,  could  not,  with 
the  proprietor  absent,  pay  attorneys  and  overseers,  and  still  be  worked 
at  a  profit.  Many  proprietors  tried  the  impossible  experiment,  and 
failed,  while  the  agents  and  overseers  made  money,  or  ultimately  bought 
in  the  estate  at  a  nominal  cost."§ 

"  Since  emancipation,  this  want  of  capital  has  been  the  chief  cause 


*Sewell,  p.  117.  t  Il»id.,  p.  232. 

t  Sewell,  p.  233.  2  Ibid.,  p.  236. 


ECONOMICAL    FAILURE    OF   WEST    INDIA    EMANCIPATION.        319 

of  an  unceasing  depression.  The  sum  received  by  the  phuiter  for  his 
slaves  was  insufficient  to  pay  off  his  mortgages;  he  had  no  money  to 
improve  his  estate,  or  even  sustain  a  naked  cultivation ;  he  had  no 
money  to  keep  roads  in  repair,  or  build  trainways ;  he  had  no  money 
to  pay  for  labor ;  he  had  no  money  to  meet  misfortune.  His  mort- 
gages were  foreclosed;  he  reduced  his  cultivation;  he  sold  small  lots 
to  settlers  to  meet  pressing  wants  ;  the  roads  were  so  bad  that  the  trans- 
portation of  sugar  to  the  shipping  port  became  one  of  his  heaviest 
items  of  expenditure  ;  the  laborers,  whom  he  neglected  to  pay,  went 
elsewhere  ;  the  day  of  misfortune  came  and  overwhelmed  him  with 
ruin.  He  was  bankrupt  before  emancipation;  but  it  was  emancipatiun 
that  tore  down  the  vail  which  concealed  his  poverty."-"^ 

"  It  was  their  misfortune,  that,  between  1S15  and  1825,  the  price  of 
their  great  staple  fell  twenty-five  per  cent.;  that  between  1825  and 
1835,  it  fell  another  twenty-five  per  cent. ;  and  that  between  1835  and 
1850,  it  fell  twenty-five  per  cent,  yet  again.  It  was  their  misfortune 
that  the  British  nation  would  no  longer  consent  to  be  taxed  to  sup- 
port them,  and  that  the  protective  tariff  upon  West  India  sugars  should 
have  been  abolished.  It  was  their  misfortune  to  have  been  disturbed 
at  home  and  abroad,  and  to  have  been  the  victims  of  a  jealousy  that 
refused,  for  years,  to  Jamaica  alone,  of  all  the  West  Indies,  the  priv- 
ileges and  the  advantages  of  a  wholesome  immigration."  f 

"  It  was  their  fault  that  they  listened  to  no  warning — that  they 
heeded  not  the  signs  of  the  times  —  that  they  opposed  all  schemes 
for  gradual  emancipation,  and  even  for  ameliorating  the  condition  of 
the  slaves,  until  the  crushing  weight  of  public  opinion  broke  the 
chain  of  slavery  asunder,  and  threw  suddenly  upon  their  own  re- 
sources an  ignorant  and  undisciplined  people.  Theirs  were  the  faults 
of  policy  and  government  that  drove  the  Creoles  from  plantations, 
that  kept  the  population  in  ignorance,  that  discouraged  education, 
and  left  morality  at  the  lowest  ebb.  It  is  their  fault  that,  under 
a  system  of  freedom  from  which  there  is  no  relapse,  they  have  made 
no  brave  attempt  to  redeem  past  errors  and  retrieve  past  misfortunes, 
but  have  been  content  to  bemoan  their  fate  in  passive  complaint,  and 
to  saddle  the  negro  with  a  ruin  for  which  they  themselves  are  only 
responsible.";]; 

"  This  was  the  old  plantocracy — the  generous,  hospitable,  improvi- 
dent,  domineering   plantocracy  of  Jamaica.      Their   power  no  longer 

•  Sewell,  p.  238.  t  Ibid.,  p.  240.  J  Ibid.,  p.  241. 


820  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

predominates.  They  command  no  credit,  and  no  respect;  and  they 
obtain  little  sympathy  in  their  misfortune.  Even  from  domestic  legis- 
lation they  have  sullenly  retired,  and  their  places  are  being  fast  filled 
by  the  people  whom  they  have  so  long  and  so  vainly  tried  to  keep 
down."* 

Mr,  Bigelow,  already  quoted,  when  speaking  of  the  legislation 
of  the  island,  says  : 

"  The  center  of  legislative  control  is  in  London,  and  the  members 
of  the  colonial  legislature  are  mere  shadows,  destitute  of  the  vital 
functions  of  legislators.  The  veto  power  of  the  Governor,  who  is  ap- 
pointed by  the  Queen,  enables  him  practically  to  control  all  legisla- 
tion." 

Is  it  any  wonder,  then,  that  the  planters  should  have  retired 
in  disgust  from  all  legislation,  when  they  Avere  neither  permitted 
to  control  the  free  labor  of  the  island,  nor  secure  a  sufficient 
amount  of  labor  by  coolie  immigration  ?  By  the  earlier  laws, 
the  enormous  property  qualification  required  to  make  a  man 
eligible  to  a  seat  in  the  legislature,  excluded  from  that  body  all 
but  the  landholders,  f  This  placed  the  legislation  within  the 
control  of  the  intelligence  of  the  island,  and  measures  would 
haVe  been  adopted,  but  for  the  anti-slavery  influence  in  England, 
that  would  have  restored  confidence,  and  secured  advances  of 
capital  to  the  owners  of  the  estates.  Such  has  been  the  policy 
in  several  of  the  British  colonies,  and  the  planters  are  not  only 
prospering,  but  have  paid  ofi"  the  mortgages  upon  their  estates. 
Jamaica,  unfortunately,  has  had  to  beai*  the  brunt  of  the  anti- 
slavery  attack ;  |  and  all  the  legislation  of  the  planters,  for  their 
own  relief,  has  been  rendered  a  nullity  by  that  influence.  It  has 
not  only  succeeded  in  this,  but  as  eff'ected  a  change  in  the  quali- 
fications for  membership,  Avhich,  has  Mr.  Sewell  says,  has  SAvept 
away  the  power  of  the  planters  forever.  Let  us  hear  what  he 
has  to  say  in  relation  to  this  change : 

"  If  I  were  asked  to  describe,  in  as  few  words  as  possible,  the  effect 
of  emancipation  on  Jamaica,  I  should  say — the  creation  of  a  middle 

•  Sewell,  p.  242,  t  Bigelow.  t  Sewell,  p.  230. 


ECONOMICAL    FAILURE   OF   WEST    INDIA  EMANCIPATION.       321 

class.     There  was  no  middle  class  under  slavery,  and  could  be  none. 

Master  and  servant  made  up  the  population But  one  most 

beneficial  result  stands  out  to-day,  so  prominently,  and  in  such  bulky 
proportions,  that  the  most  prejudiced  can  not  close  their  eyes  to  its 
presence.  Emancipation  has  created  a  middle  class — a  class  who  are 
born  in  Jamaica,  and  will  die  in  Jamaica — a  class  of  proprietors,  tax- 
payers, and  voters,  whose  property,  patriotism,  happiness,  and  comfort 
are  bound  up  in  the  island's  prosperity."* 

"  At  the  lowest  estimate  that  I  have  heard  given,  there  are  now  in 
the  island  of  Jamaica  fifty  thousand  small  proprietors,  owning,  on  an 
average,  three  acres  of  land. "f  ....  "  The  small  proprietors  work 
on  their  own  lands,  and  on  the  estates,  also,  whenever  they  can.  Very 
large  numbers  work  as  merchants,  mechanics,  and  tradesmen,  and  not 
a  few  of  the  ex-slaves  of  Jamaica,  or  their  children,  are  members  of 
the  legislature,  and  fill  responsible  offices  under  government.  In  the 
Assembly  alone  there  are  seventeen  black  and  colored  members  out  of  a 
total  of  forty-seven."^  .  ..."  Both  houses  were  in  session  when  I 
passed  through  Spanish-Town ;  but  as  I  shall  hereafter  have  occasion 
to  explain  the  franchise,  and  the  effects  of  recent  legislation  in  the 
island,  I  lay  up  these  matters  for  further  experience.  Nor  will  I  do 
unto  others  as  I  was  done  by,  and  victimize  the  reader  with  the  de- 
bates of  the  Jamaican  Assembly.  The  ability  of  members,  with  one 
or  two  exceptions,  did  not  seem  to  me  to  reach  even  a  provincial 
standard  of  mediocrity,  and  the  subjects  discussed  were,  of  course, 
most  uninteresting  to  a  stranger." §  ....  "The  election  law  now 
in  force,  and  passed  in  1858,  is  a  decided  improvement  on  previous 
enactments  of  a  similar  nature.  Under  its  provisions,  a  voter  must 
possess  a  freehold  of  a  clear  rental  of  £6  sterling  a  year,  or  he  must 
pay  £20  rent,  or  have  an  annual  income,  derivable  from  business,  of 
£50  a  year,  or,  finally,  he  must  pay  taxes  to  the  extent  of  £2  per  an- 
num. There  are,  probably,  50,000  freeholders  in  Jamaica  with  a  clear 
income  of  £6  a  year,  but  the  number  of  actual  voters  does  not  exceed 
3,000.  A  tax  of  ten  shillings,  per  capita,  for  registration,  explains 
the  discrepancy.  The  negro  does  not  care  so  much  about  voting  as  to 
be  willing  to  pay  government  ten  shillings  for  the  privilege.  .  .  .  • 
But  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  Jamaica  legislation  is  perfect  now, 
because  it  is  no  longer  the  exclusive  prerogative  of  the  plantocracy. 

*  Sewell,  p.  244.  t  Ibid.,  p.  247. 

X  Sewell.  p.  254.  §  Ibid.,  p.  182. 

21 


822  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

It  is,  in  fact,  most  wretchedly  imperfect.  Planters,  too,  of  the  right 
sort,  are  much  needed  in  both  houses.  The  island  depends — no  one 
can  doubt  the  fact — upon  the  extension  of  sugar  cultivation  for  a  revival 

of  prosperity In  Barbadoes,  the  plantocracy  are  still  able  to 

rule  as  they  please;  in  Jamaica,  they  have  been  borne  down  by  an 
independent  middle  class,  who  would  not  be  denied  their  rights,  or 
defrauded  of  their  privileges."*  ....  "I  think  a  majority  of  the 
small  proprietors  and  settlers  are  intelligent  enough  to  exercise  the 
right  of  voting  to  their  own  advantage,  and  to  the  advantage  of  this 
great  dependency  of  the  English  crown  ;  but  it  is  an  experiment,  which, 
if  carried  out,  will  entirely  remove  the  government  of  the  island  from 
the  control  of  the  planters — a  control  that,  for  some  time,  they  have 
seemed  utterly  indifferent  about  possessing.  The  plantocracy  of  Ja- 
maica is  a  thing  of  the  past,  and,  in  its  stead,  democracy  is  lifting  up 
its  head."t 

"I  have  already  explained  the  system  of  immigration  that  obtains 
in  other  colonies,  and  shall  only  observe  here  the  peculiarities  of  the 
Jamaica  law,  which  came  into  force  in  1858.  By  the  provisions  of  this 
act,  the  immigrant  laborer  is  entitled,  free  of  all  charges,  to  a  certificate 
of  'industrial  residence,'  after  he  has  worked  five  years  under  indenture. 
He  can  shorten  this  term  of  service,  and  receive  his  certificate,  by  pay- 
ing a  commutation  fee  of  $20  at  the  end  of  the  third  year,  or  of  $10  at 
the  end  of  the  fourth  year.  At  the  end  of  the  second  year,  and  of  each 
subsequent  year,  he  can,  at  his  own  election,  change  his  employer,  and 
give  his  service  to  whomsoever  he  pleases." |  .  .  .  .  "It  only 
remains  to  add  that,  under  the  Jamaica  law  of  1858,  the  entire  expense 
of  immigration  is  imposed  upon  the  planting  interest." §  .  .  .  "The 
present  scheme  of  immigration  is,  in  fact,  a  victory  of  the  anti-slavery 
party  of  Jamaica,  whose  views  the  planters  have  been  compelled  to 
adopt.  A  few  years  ago,  the  proprietors  scouted  any  plan  that  did  not 
indenture  the  laborers  for  ten  years.  They  are  now  content  that  the 
indenture  shall  not  exceed  two  or  three  years — sufficient  to  guarantee 
the  planter  a  return  for  his  outlay,  and  to  give  the  laborer  a  necessary 
industrial  training.  The  Jamaica  law  of  1858  was  opposed  in  England, 
very  unwisely,  as  I  think,  and  much  more  strenuously  than  it  was 
opposed  even  by  ultraists  within  the  colony.  It  can  not,  under  any 
circumstances,  be  considered  a  triumph  of  the  planting  interest;  it  is 

*  Sewell,  pp.  258,  259.  T  Ibid.,  p.  183. 

X  Sewell,  p.  299.  §  Ibid.,  p.  301. 


ECONOMICAL    FAILURE    OF  WEST    INDIA    EMANCIPATION.        823 

rather  a  fair  expression  of  the  liberal  public  sentiment  of  the  island 
on  a  much  debated  question  of  the  highest  importance."* 

Under  this  act,  the  planters  are  authorized  to  import  50,000 
coolies  within  a  year.  But  such  are  its  provisions,  that  it  seems 
doubtful  if  they  will  act  under  it.  The  coolie  needs  industrial 
training,  and,  from  the  intimation  above  given,  it  appears  that 
two  or  three  years  are  necessary  to  accomplish  this  object.  The 
coolie  may  leave  the  planter  at  the  end  of  two  years,  or  about  as 
soon  as  he  is  prepared  to  become  a  useful  laborer- — the  planter 
being  thus  deprived  of  all  advantage  from  the  care  he  has  taken 
in  his  instruction.  The  whole  bill  is  the  result  of  the  efforts  of 
the  "  middle  class,"  under  English  anti-slavery  dictation,  to  ren- 
der the  planters  powerless  for  oppression.  The  planters,  broken 
doAvn  pecuniarily  by  British  legislation  in  behalf  of  the  negro 
race, — hurled  from  the  proud  position  assigned  them  as  chief 
supporters  of  the  crown, f — are  now  in  the  humiliating  position 
of  being  controlled  by  the  "middle  class," — the  "democracy 
which  is  lifting  up  its  head," — whose  legislators,  in  ability,  do 
not  "  reach  even  a  provincial  standard  of  mediocrity."  I 

And  why  have  the  planters  been  thus  embarrassed  by  the  legis- 
lation of  the  island,  as  well  as  by  that  of  the  British  parliament? 
Why  have  they  not  been  allowed  a  full  supply  of  coolie  labor, 
enabling  them,  like  the  other  islands  who  adopted  the  system, 
to  recover  from  the  ruin  which  followed  emancipation  ?  These 
questions  are  readily  answered.  The  English  abolitionists  fear 
the  result  of  the  experiment.  They  have  a  theory  to  maintain, 
in  reference  to  the  capacity  of  the  African  race  for  civilization. 
Jamaica  affords  the  best  field  for  their  operations.  The  intro- 
duction of  a  coolie  population,  to  the  extent  of  the  wants  of  the 
planters,  would  displace  the  blacks,  and  leave  them  to  their  own 
resources — to  ultimate  extinction.  To  save  the  theory,  and  pre- 
vent this  calamity,  the  coolie  system  was  long  opposed  as  a  means 
of  relief  to  Jamaica ;  and  when,  at  length,  a  law  authorizing  the 
employment  of  imported  labor  in  the  island  was  passed  by  the 

*  Sewell,  pp.  304,  305.  t  See  McQueen,  on  a  preceding  page. 

t  Sewell,  p.  282. 


324  "pulpit  politics. 

colonial  legislature,  its  provisions  rendered  it  of  little  practical 
importance  to  the  planter.  The  reason  of  its  inefficiency  is  eas- 
ily explained.  The  legislation  of  the  Imperial  Parliament  had 
long  since  rendered  the  planter  bankrupt.  The  colonial  law, 
authorizing  the  importation  of  coolies,  throws  the  cost  of  their 
transportation  upon  the  planter  alone.  He  has  no  money  to 
meet  that  expense.  But  he  could  obtain  advances  from  British 
capitalists,  if  there  was  an  absolute  certainty  that  the  coolies  em- 
ployed could  be  retained  long  enough  to  enable  him  to  repay  his 
loan.  The  provisions  of  the  law  give  him  but  two  years  of  ini- 
tiatory labor,  at  the  end  of  which  he  may  be  again  without  the 
means  of  cultivating  his  estate,  and  paying  his  debt.  The  law, 
therefore,  amounts  to  nothing,  as  a  means  of  permanent  relief 
to  any  of  the  planters,  excepting  such  as  have  capital  of  their 
own  on  hand — a  class  which  are  not  numerous. 

But  another  point  must  be  noticed,  before  this  subject  is  further 
discussed.  The  opinions  of  the  planters  have  been  quoted,  show- 
ing that  free  labor  could  not  compete  with  slave  labor — that  the 
free  negroes  of  Jamaica  could  not  be  induced  to  work  like  the 
slaves  of  Cuba,  in  the  production  of  sugar,  and  that  the  decrease 
in  its  price,  consequent  upon  the  great  increase  of  slave  labor,  had 
led  to  ruinous  consequences.  But  Mr.  Sewell  presents  a  different 
view  of  this  question.  He  shows,  as  he  thinks,  that,  at  the  pres- 
ent rate  of  wages,  free  labor  can  compete  with  slave  labor,  pro- 
viding the  free  labor  can  be  secured.  His  remarks  on  this  point 
are  worthy  of  consideration  on  account  of  the  admissions  made : 

"  The  superior  economy  of  free  labor,  as  compared  with  slave  labor, 
can  be  demonstrated  even  from  the  imperfections  and  shortcomings  of 
Jamaica.  The  planter,  who  complains  the  loudest  against  the  parent 
government  for  admitting  slave-grown  sugars  on  a  par  with  free-grown 
sugars,  does  not  deny  that  free  labor  is  the  cheaper  of  the  two.  He 
attributes  his  misfortunes  to  the  abolition  of  one  system  without  a  cor- 
responding introduction  of  the  other.  He  offers  to  compete  with  slave 
labor,  provided  he  can  command  a  sufficient  supply  of  free  labor.  .  . 
With  its  present  force  of  20,000  uncertain  laborers  engaged  in  sugar 
cultivation,  and  utterly  destitute  of  capital,  Jamaica  can  not  be  consid- 
ered the  rival  of  Cuba,  nor  ought  any  conclusion  unfavorable  to  free 


ECONOMICAL   FAILURE    OF    WEST   INDIAN    EMANCIPATION.     325 

labor  be  deduced  from  the  depression  of  the  one,  and  the  high  pros- 
perity of  the  other.  It  is  not  a  competition  between  slave  and  free 
labor,  but,  practically,  between  slave  labor  and  no  labor  at  all.  And 
herein  we  find  a  state  of  things  for  which  the  Imperial  Government  is, 
in  a  measure,  responsible.  It  was  not  that  they  committed  the  daz- 
zling mistake  of  a  too  sudden  emancipation  ;  it  was  not  that  they  with- 
drew protection  from  the  infant  system,  and  left  it,  unaided,  to  fight  out 
the  battle,  but  that  they  cut  ofi"  the  reinforcements  which,  in  a  sparsely- 
settled  country,  free  labor  imperatively  demands ;  they  refused  supplies 
of  labor,  more  needed  in  Jamaica  than  in  northern  colonies,  and  with- 
out which  even  the  most  enduring  energy  would  have  been  compelled 
to  halt  in  the  race  for  empire.  It  is  folly  to  dream  over  the  mistakes 
of  British  emancipation,  if  we  fail  to  read  in  them  a  practical  lesson ; 
and  such  a  lesson  as  will  benefit  Jamaica  at  the  eleventh  hour,  is  yet 
to  be  learned.  By  the  light  of  experience  we  are  able  now  to  see  that 
if  a  free  immigration  had  been  poured  into  the  island  before  aboli- 
tion— if  free  labor  had  been  introduced  to  fight  slave  labor  on  its  own 
ground — slave  labor  must  have  been  defeated  in  the  contest ;  and  no 
violent  revolution  would  have  marked  its  extinction.  If  free  immigra- 
tion had  been  poured  into  Jamaica  after  abolition,  there  can  not  be  a 
reasonable  doubt  that  the  island  would  have  been  redeemed  from  bank- 
ruptcy, and  from  other  burdens  laid  upon  it  by  a  slave  system,  and  the 
peculiar  aristocracy  that  it  fostered.  Other  colonies  have  thus  regained 
their  lost  position.  Other  colonies  established,  beyond  a  peradventure, 
the  superior  economy  of  free  labor,  and  even  Jamaica,  with  its  ruined 
proprietary  and  scanty  population  —  desolate,  deserted,  degraded  Ja- 
maica, points  feebly  to  the  same  result."^ 

What  have  we  here,  but  the  acknowledgement  that  the  only 
hope  for  the  restoration  of  "desolate,  deserted,  degraded  Ja- 
maica" to  her  original  prosperity  is — not  in  the  improving  in- 
dustry of  the  blacks,  but — in  the  introduction  of  coolies?  And 
what  is  this,  but  to  admit  that  the  expectations  of  the  British 
people,  in  reference  to  the  moral  and  industrial  progress  of  the 
negroes,  under  freedom,  have  been  wholly  disappointed? 

Mr.  Sewell  must  be  consulted  a  little  further.  He  presents 
estimates,  showing  the  difference  in  the  cost,  per  pound,  of  the 
production  of  sugar  under  slavery  and  under  freedom,  in  Cuba, 

*  Sewell,  pp.  260,  261,  262. 


826 


PULPIT    POLITICS. 


Jamaica,  Trinidad,  and  Barbadoes.  For  the  general  statements 
upon  -n'hich  his  conclusions  are  based,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the 
book  itself.  The  estimates  for  Cuba  are  for  1852,  and  though  the 
crop  and  the  Labor  force,  under  the  influence  of  the  slave  trade, 
have  increased  one  hundred  per  cent,  within  the  last  eight  years, 
yet  Mr.  Sewell  thinks  they  are  as  applicable  now  as  then.*  His 
statement  is  as  follows  : 


ISLANDS 

POUNDS  OF  SU- 

LABOR 

AV.  OF  LBS. 

COST  OF  EACH 

COST  OF  SUOAE 

GAR  PRODUCED. 

FORCE. 

PER  LAB'rER 

LAB.  PER  ANN. 

PER  POUND. 

Cuba,  (slave) 

577,200,000 

120,000 

4,810 

$144,30 

3  cts. 

Jamaica,  (slave). 

160,000,000 

70,000 

2,286 

100,00 

4  37-100  cts. 

Jamaica,  (free)... 

50,000,000 

20,000 

2,500 

50,00 

2  cts. 

Trinidad,  (free).. 

65,000,000 

17,000 

8,823 

66,00 

1  72-100  cts. 

Barbadoes,  (free) 

68.000,000 

22,000 

.3,090 

44,00 

1  2-5  cts. 

Now,  let  ITS  understand  this  matter,  and  not  intermix  classes 
of  facts  which  should  be  kept  separate.  The  prohibitioil  of  the 
slave  trade  had  been  followed  by  a  large  decrease  in  the  slaves 
population,  and  a  corresponding  diminution  in  the  amount  of  ex- 
ports. This  decrease  was  mainly  due  to  the  fact,  notorious  to  all, 
that  the  slave  trader,  obeying,  the  demand  in  the  slave  market, 
imported  a  large  excess  of  males,  and  that  the  mortality  among 
this  class  of  laborers  was  always  very  rapid.  Great  embarrass- 
ments had  fallen  upon  the  planters,  in  consequence  of  these 
results  of  the  prohibition  of  the  slave  trade.  British  commerce 
was  also  suffering  in  a  proportionate  degree.  Two  objects  were 
proposed  to  be  accomplished  by  emancipation.  It  was  to  restore 
the  material  prosperity  of  the  planters,  and  advance  the  physical 
and  moral  improvement  of  the  negroes.  These  results,  it  was 
urged,  would  surely  follow  the  abolition  of  slavery,  because  one 
freeman,  laboring  under  the  stimulus  of  wages,  would  be  more 
than  equal  to  two  slaves,  toiling  beneath  the  lash ;  and  then  the 
negro,  desirous  of  acquiring  a  position  of  social  equality  with  the 
white  man,  would  eagerly  prosecute  an  education  for  his  intellec- 
tual elevation,  and  avoid  every  vice  that  would  add  a  stain  to  his 
moral  character.  It  was  expected  that  these  objects  would  be 
accomplished  by  the  harmonious  action  and  co-operation  of  the 
parties  interested — the  planters  and  the  negroes.     But  if  these 

*  Sewell,  p.  270. 


ECONOMICAL    FAILURE    OF   "WEST   INDIAN    EMANCIPATION.      327 

objects  failed  in  the  accomplishment,  then  emancipation  would  be 
a  failure  ;  and  not  only  would  the  planters  and  negroes  be  the 
sufferers,  but  British  commerce  would  also  receive  injury,  and  the 
nation  fail  to  maintain  its  ascendant  position. 

Well,  the  co-operation  of  the  planters  and  the  negroes  has 
proved  to  be  wholly  impracticable.  In  no  one  thing  have  the 
negroes  imitated  the  whites,  except  in  avoiding  continuous  labor. 
As  a  necessary  consequence  of  this  unforeseen  result,  the  planters 
have  been  ruined.  It  is  undeniable,  then,  that  emancipation,  in 
its  expected  results,  as  a  measure  for  the  restoration  of  the  econ- 
omical prosperity  of  Jamaica,  is  an  utter  failure. 

.  But  some  further  examination  of  this  point  is  needed.  It  is 
useless  to  contend  that  free  labor  is  less  expensive  than  slave 
labor ;  nay,  it  is  mockery  to  do  so,  Avhen  the  free  labor  cannot  be 
had.  Am  I  not  right  in  this  assertion  ?  What  are  the  facts  ? 
Jamaica  has  lost  none  of  her  black  population  by  emigration. 
The  former  slaves,  or  their  descendants,  are  still  upon  the  island. 
The  only  difference  is,  that  they  are  now  freemen.  In  the  best 
days  of  slavery,  Avhen  the  planters  controlled  the  blacks,  they 
exported,  during  the  three  years  preceding  the  prohibition  of  the 
slave  trade — 1805  to  1808 — an  annual  average  of  nearly  222,- 
500,000  lbs.  of  sugar.  With  that  same  population,  or  its  descend- 
ants, as  freemen,  the  planters  now  export  less  than  50,000,000 
lbs.  We  are  told  that  the  cost  of  the  production  of  this  free-labor 
sugar  is  only  2  cents  per  lb. ;  whereas,  the  former  cost  of  produc- 
tion, under  slavery,  was  4  37-100  cents  per  lb.  Be  it  so ;  but 
which  system — freedom  or  slavery — yields  the  greatest  aggregate 
profit  ?  The  sugar  of  both  kinds  sold  at,  say  7  cents  per  lb.  ;  or 
a  profit  of  5  cents  per  lb.  on  the  free-labor  product,  and  2  63-100 
cents  per  lb.  on  the  slave-labor  product.  The  net  profits  to  the 
planters  on  the  50,000,000  lbs.  of  free-labor  sugar  is,  therefore, 
$2,500,000,  while  on  the  222,500,000  lbs.  of  slave-labor  sugar  it 
was  $5,851,750 — a  difference  of  $2,351,000  per  annum  in  favor 
of  slavery.  Or,  taking  the  last  years  of  slavery,  from  1822  to 
1832,  when  the  average  annual  exports  were  reduced  to  153,760,- 
000  lbs.,  and  still  slavery  receives  $4,043,000  for  its  sugar — being 
an  advantage  over  free  labor  of  $1,543,000. 


328  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

This,  then,  to  the  planter  of  Jamaica,  is  the  result  of  emanci- 
pation ;  and  this  its  effects  upon  British  commerce.  The  pro- 
hibition of  the  slave  trade  reduced  the  exports  from  222,000,000 
lbs.  to  153,000,000  lbs. ;  and  emancipation,  still  more  disastrous, 
reduced  it  to  less  than  50,000,000  lbs.  Never  was  there  a  greater 
failure  in  any  human  expectations  than  has  followed  the  abolition 
of  slavery  in  Jamaica,  so  far  as  relates  to  the  economical  in- 
terests involved. 

In  justice  to  Mr.  Sewell,  however,  it  must  be  observed,  that  he 
makes  the  comparison  of  the  relative  cost  of  the  pi'oduction  of 
sugar  under  slavery  and  freedom  as  an  argument  for  the  intro- 
duction of  coolie  laborers — a  few  ten  thousands  of  whom,  as  in 
Mauritius  and  Trinidad,  would,  in  his  opinion,  soon  restore  the 
prosperity  of  Jamaica. 

With  these  remarks  in  relation  to  the  economical  results  of 
emancipation  in  Jamaica,  we  may  proceed  to  the  consideration 
of  its  moral  effects  upon  the  negro  population  of  that  island — 
referring,  in  passing,  to  the  others  also. 

In  a  preceding  chapter,  the  history  of  missions  in  the  West 
India  Islands,  together  with  the  opposition  of  the  planters  to  the 
religious  instruction  of  the  slaves,  has  been  very  fully  presented. 
It  may  be  remarked  here,  that  little  had  been  accomplished  in 
the  West  Indies  by  the  missionaries  until  near  the  time  of  the 
prohibition  of  the  slave  trade.  The  foreign  missionary  work  was 
then  in  its  infancy,  and  but  few  stations  had  been  established 
in  heathendom.  Encouraging  success  attended  the  efforts  made 
among  the  slaves,  and  their  moral  progress,  under  instruction, 
was  fully  equal  to  that  of  any  other  barbarous  people  where  mis- 
sions had  been  introduced.  Any  tardiness  occurring  in  the  pro- 
gress of  the  work  was  caused  more  by  the  hostility  of  the  plant- 
ers than  by  any  indisposition  on  the  part  of  the  slaves  to  attend 
upon  religious  instruction.  Placed  under  restraints  that  confined 
them  within  the  limits  of  the  estates  to  which  they  belonged,  they 
gladly  listened  to  the  Gospel  as  the  first  exhibition  of  human 
sympathy  ever  made  in  their  behalf.  Unable  to  wander  from 
their  homes,  their  instruction  had  a  regularity  chat  gave  it  efii- 
ciency.     Had  this  system  of  instruction  and  restraint  been  con- 


I 


ECONOMICAL    FAILURE   OF   WEST   INDIAN   EMANCIPATION.      329 

tinued  without  interruption,  the  moral  progress  of  the  negroes 
might  have  been  greatly  promoted ;  but  the  instruction  was  inter- 
rupted by  the  planters,  and  the  restraint  wholly  removed  by  eman- 
cipation. As  a  necessary  consequence  of  the  unstable  character 
of  the  blacks,  this  freedom  from  restraint  greatly  embarrassed 
the  missionaries.  Such  was  the  serious  nature  of  the  reverses 
experienced,  as  a  legitimate  result  of  the  abolition  of  slavery,  and 
such  the  diminution  in  the  number  of  converts,  that  the  greatly 
increased  missionary  force  since  employed,  has  scarcely  been  able 
to  bring  up  the  missions  to  the  condition  in  which  emancipation 
found  them. 

To  the  question,  whether  emancipation  was  necessary  as  a 
means  of  moral  progress  to  the  blacks,  but  one  answer  can  be 
returned.  The  planters,  especially  in  Jamaica,  continued  their 
hostility  to  the  religious  instruction  of  their  slaves  up  to  the  last 
moment.  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  this  hostility  would 
have  abated,  had  they  been  left  to  follow  their  own  inclinations. 
So  far,  then,  as  the  planters  were  concerned,  no  progress  could 
have  been  made  by  the  slaves  while  the  authority  of  the  masters 
was  continued.  Emancipation,  or  a  change  in  the  policy  of  the 
masters,  was  necessary,  therefore,  under  the  circumstances,  to 
the  moral  progress  of  the  blacks. 

But  the  end  to  be  attained  was  the  moral  elevation  of  the  ne- 
groes, and  emancipation  was  only  urged  as  a  measure  essential 
to  the  accomplishment  of  that  object.  Had  the  masters  all  ex- 
erted themselves  for  the  spread  of  the  Gospel  among  their  slaves, 
or  had  they  even  permitted  the  missionaries  to  have  free  access 
to  them,  British  Christians  would  not  have  urged  emancipation 
as  necessary  to  the  Christianization  of  the  blacks.  This  is  appar- 
ent from  the  fact  that  the  few  planters  who  introduced  the  Gos- 
pel into  some  of  the  isl'ands  were  viewed  as  men  of  extraordinary 
piety  and  moral  worth,  and  their  deaths  lamented  as  an  irrepar- 
able loss  to  the  Church. 

The  object,  then,  to  be  attained,  was  not  emancipation  for  the 
sake  of  the  measure  itself,  but  emancipation  as  the  only  means 
by  which  the  slaves  could  be  placed  in  a  position  favorable  to 
moral  progress.     If  that  progress  could  have  been  attained  with- 


830  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

out  emancipation,  and  the  welfare  of  the  negro  had  been  the  only 
question  involved,  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  British 
people  would  have  insisted  upon  the  abolition  of  slavery.  But, 
at  that  moment,  there  appeared  to  be  no  hope  for  the  negro  ex- 
cept in  freedom ;  and  freedom  was  accordingly  conferred  upon 
him.  This,  also,  was  the  more  cheerfully  done,  as  the  advance- 
ment of  the  black  man  was  expected  to  secure  a  proportionate 
increase  in  the  economical  prosperity  of  the  islands. 

Section  Y. — Effects  of  Emancipation  upon  the  Moral  and 
Physical  Condition  of  the  Negroes  in  the  British  "West  In- 
dia Islands,  as  compared  with  that  or  Slavery  upon  the 
same  Race  in  the  United  States. 

The  point  of  greatest  interest  in  our  investigations  is  just  here, 
and  the  whole  subject,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  the  colored  people, 
involves  itself  in  a  single  question — Has  the  progress  of  the 
West  India  negroes,  under  freedom,  been  such  as  was  expected 
by  the  British  people,  or  at  all  proportionate  to  the  sacrifices 
made  for  their  advancement?  If  it  has  not,  then  emancipation 
has  been  not  only  an  economical  failure,  but  it  has  been  of  so 
little  benefit  to  the  negroes,  that  if  religious  instruction,  under 
slavery,  could  have  been  secured,  as  is  the  case  in  the  United 
States,  then  their  moral  progress  and  physical  welfare  would 
both  have  been  better  promoted  while  in  bondage  than  it  has 
been  under  freedom. 

Up  to  the  date  of  West  India  emancipation,  the  physical  wel- 
fare of  the  slaves  of  the  United  States  had  been  so  well  secured 
that  their  increase  Avas  equal  to  that  of  any  other  people  in  the 
world.  Their  moral  progress,  too,  was  quite  favorable,  as  is  in- 
dicated by  the  numbers  who  had  become  converts  to  Christian- 
ity. Very  different,  indeed,  was  the  condition  of  the  slaves  of 
the  United  States,  in  these  respects,  as  compared  with  the  free- 
men of  the  West  Indies  at  this  moment.  Am  I  not  justifiable  in 
making  this  assertion? 

Taking  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Sewell,  in  connection  with  what 
is  contained  in  some  of  the  preceding  chapters,  as  a  fair  exhibi- 
tion of  facts,  no  one  can  doubt  that  the  colored  people  of  the 


ECONOMICAL   FAILURE   OP  WEST   INDIA   EMANCIPATION.       331 

whole  of  the  islands  have  utterly  failed  in  meeting  public  expec- 
tation. They  have  failed  in  the  progress  anticipated,  both  physic- 
ally and  morally.  I  do  not  say  that  they  would  have  improved 
under  slavery,  had  emancipation  not  been  adopted.  I  believe 
they  could  not  have  made  much  progress  under  the  system  of 
West  India  slavery,  because  the  planters  refused  to  allow  them 
the  means  of  moral  progress.  But  the  Gospel,  which  was  then 
refused  to  them  by  the  planters,  is  now  voluntarily  rejected  by 
themselves.  The  means  of  moral  elevation,  Avhich  the  despotism 
of  their  masters  withheld  from  them,  as  slaves,  is  now  repelled 
with  equal  force  by  their  own  unbridled  licentiousness,  as  free- 
men. What  says  Mr.  Sewell  as  to  their  condition,  both  physi- 
cally and  morally  ?  "  Immorality  of  the  grossest  kind  pervades 
all  classes,  tainting  alike  the  civilization  of  towns  and  the  un- 
checked intercourse  of  the  laborers  in  the  cane-fields.  The 
natural  growth  of  the  population  has  thus  been  arrested,  and 
some  of  the  most  detestable  crimes  known  to  society  are,  even 
now,  of  frequent  occurrence."  In  the  capital  of  Jamaica,  "  the 
inhabitants,  taken  en  masse,  are  steeped  to  the  eyelids  in  immor- 
ality ;"  while  "  they  perish  miserably  in  country  districts  for  want 
of  medical  aid."  This  rural  population  "  are  not  instructed ;" 
and  "  they  have  no  opportunities  to  improve  themselves  in  agri- 
culture ;"  so  that  "  in  all  they  grow  they  may  be  held  to  waste 
five  times  as  much  as  they  reap  ;"  and,  besides,  "  a  working-man, 
in  America,  does  as  much  as  ten  men  in  Jamaica."  "  In  many 
of  the  country  districts  the  people  are  abandoned  to  the  spells 
and  debasing  superstitions  of  the  working  Obeah  and  Myalism," 
a  species  of  African  witchcraft.  In  Barbadoes,  "  among  their 
other  vices,  immorality  and  promiscuous  intercourse  of  the  sexes 
are  almost  universal.  From  the  last  census  it  appears  that  more 
than  half  of  the  children  born  in  Barbadoes  are  illegitimate." 
In  Antigua,  "  the  number  of  illegitimate  births  averages  fifty- 
three  per  cent.  In  some  other  islands  it  exceeds  one  hundred 
per  cent."  In  Kingston,  Jamaica,  "  promiscuous  intercourse  of 
the  sexes  is  the  rule ;  the  population  shows  an  unnatural  de- 
crease ;  illegitimacy  exceeds  legitimacy."  In  Antigua,  "  the  agri- 
cultural population,  for  twenty  years  past,  has  diminished  at  the 


832  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

rate  of  a  half  per  cent,  per  annum,  although  the  island  is  remark- 
ably healthy.  The  mortality  is  greater  now  than  it  was  in  the 
days  of  slavery;  and  the  mortality  is  less  on  estates,  at  present, 
than  it  is  in  the  villages  where  the  laborers  reside  on  their  own 
lands."  In  Jamaica,  "  the  mortality  among  the  children,  from 
want  of  proper  attention,  is  frightful.  Nor,  unfortunately,  is  this 
the  only  evil  that  deprives  Jamaica  of  a  legitimate  increase  in 
her  population."  Among  the  squatters  and  small  proprietors, 
"  few  understand  the  enjoyment  of  a  regular  meal.  They  eat 
when  they  are  hungry,  and  will  sometimes  take  enough  in  the 
morning  to  last  the  entire  day." 

Upon  this  array  of  facts,  from  the  pages  of  Mr.  Sewell,  which 
are  elsewhere  presented  in  a  more  extended  form,  many  will  be 
surprised  at  the  conclusions  drawn  by  that  gentleman.  But  there 
is  nothing  unusual  in  men  drawing  false  conclusions  from  the 
facts  before  them.  Nothing  is  more  common  in  the  field  of  the 
natural  sciences — the  branch  of  geology,  for  example — than  for 
the  most  successful  collectors  of  facts  to  prove  themselves  very 
often  the  poorest  in  generalization — the  least  capable  of  compre- 
hending the  true  relations  of  the  materials  they  have  accumu- 
lated. The  case  of  the  Plutonists  and  Neptunisis,  in  the  early 
history  of  geology,  is  one  in  point.  Every  fact  discovered  among 
the  rocky  strata  of  the  earth's  crust  proved  to  the  Plutonists 
that  the  world  had  its  origin  from  fire;  while  the  same  kind  of 
researches,  by  the  Neptunists,  led  them  to  contend  that  all  such 
things  had  their  origin  from  ivater. 

So  is  it  of  the  class  of  men  to  whom  Mr.  Sewell  belongs.  They 
have  theories  in  relation  to  slavery  and  emancipation  : — that  only 
evil  can  come  of  the  one,  and  only  good  of  the  other ;  so  that 
all  facts  and  results  which  do  not  accord  with  these  theories 
make  so  little  impression  upon  their  minds  as  to  receive  no  atten- 
tion in  arriving  at  their  conclusions.  Hence  it  is,  that  all  facts 
which  would  show  any  good  results  from  slavery,  or  any  ill  re- 
sults from  freedom,  are  instinctively  rejected  by  this  class  of 
philanthropists. 

With  this  solution  of  the  process  by  which  the  mental  action 
of  Mr.  Sewell  is  controlled,  the  reader  may  solve  many  seeming 


ECONOMICAL    FAILURE   OF   WEST   INDIA  EMANCIPATION.       333 

mysteries  in  the  statements  of  that  gentleman,  quoted  at  large, 
in  the  present  chapter.  A  few  only  of  the  prominent  defects  in 
his  reasonings  need  be  noted  here. 

The  enjoyment  of  perfect  freedom  of  action,  by  the  negro,  is 
held,  by  Mr.  Sewell,  to  be  paramount  to  all  other  considerations. 
This  is  a  fair  inference  from  much  of  the  language  he  employs ; 
and  yet,  no  doubt,  he  would  deny  that  he  advocates  any  such  an 
absurdity.  But  what  are  the  facts  ?  He  commends  the  negro 
for  refusing  to  assent  to  the  abridgement  of  his  liberties,  required 
by  the  system  of  tenancy-at-will.  Rather  than  submit  to  this 
regulation,  which  demands  continuous  labor,  Mr.  Sewell  justi- 
fies him  in  taking  up  his  residence  beyond  the  reach  of  schools, 
churches,  physicians,  and  every  means  of  civilization,  and  almost 
every  personal  comfort — sleeping  upon  the  floor  of  his  bamboo 
hut,  eating  his  one  meal  a  day,  and  leaving  his  wife  to  carry  to 
market,  upon  her  head,  the  crop  of  vegetables  they  produce ! 

According  to  Mr.  Sewell,  the  negro  endures  all  these  disadvant- 
ages most  heroically,  not  to  avoid  slavery  —  for  the  question  is 
no  longer  between  liberty  and  slavery — but  merely  from  an  in- 
veterate aversion  to  engaging,  upon  the  sugar  plantations,  in 
regular  contract  labor.  This  aversion  to  continuous  industry  is 
considered  by  Mr.  Sewell  as  the  natural  outgrowth  of  emancipa- 
lion :  because  all  the  ideas  of  slavery  that  ever  entered  the  mind 
of  the  negro  were  associated  with  sugar  culture ;  and  all  the 
dreams  of  liberty  that  ever  agitated  his  thoughts  included  the 
hope  of  entire  exemption  from  that  kind  of  work.  His  master 
was  a  gentleman,  but  his  master  never  engaged  in  Avorking  at 
sugar  cultivation ;  therefore,  argued  the  negro,  to  be  a  gentle- 
man, he  must  not  work  at  that  employment. 

Such  sentiments  in  the  negro,  Mr.  Sewell  believes,  go  very  far 
in  demonstrating  that  he  has  made  vast  progress  toward  a  higher 
and  nobler  manhood ;  and  yet,  the  terms  of  the  contract  made 
with  the  coolie,  and  so  highly  commended  in  his  book,  for  its 
Christianizing  and  civilizing  tendencies,  is  essentially  the  same, 
in  all  its  provisions,  with  the  tenancy-at-will  required  of  the 
negro,  and  which  he  rejects  with  disdain  as  so  insulting  to  his 
dignity ! 


834  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

But  this  point  needs  no  further  comment,  except  to  say  that 
no  one  who  will  carefully  study  the  traits  of  character  a^ttributed 
by  Mr.  Sewell  to  the  West  India  negroes,  and  fairly  contrast 
them  with  the  well-known  habits  of  the  native  Africans,  can  come 
to  any  other  conclusion  than  that  the  inherent  barbarism  of  the 
race  is  fast  resuming  its  sway  over  the  great  majority  of  the 
blacks  in  the  West  Indies  ! 

Nor  is  this  result,  under  the  circumstances,  a  strange  one.  On 
the  contrary,  it  is  just  what  should  have  been  anticipated.  The 
slave  trade  found  the  negroes  barbarous  :  slavery,  with  a  few 
exceptions,  left  them  barbarous ;  and,  destitute  as  they  have  been 
of  the  means  of  moral  elevation,  they,  of  course,  could  make  no 
moral  progress. 

But  who  was  in  fault  in  producing  these  melancholy  results  ? 
Not  the  negro,  but  the  system  adopted  for  his  liberation  from 
bondage.  He  had  been  kept,  while  in  slavery,  in  utter  ignorance 
and  degradation ;  and  emancipation,  making  no  provision  for  his 
education,  "  delivered  him  bound  hand  and  foot  by  his  own  ignor- 
ance, incapacity,  and  vice,  to  a  miserable  destruction."  * 

Is  this  language  too  strong?  Then,  look  again  at  what  is  said 
in  relation  to  the  destructive  vices  prevailing  in  all  these  islands, 
and  the  influence  which  the  demoralization  of  the  population  has 
had  in  diminishing  their  inhabitants.  This  is  a  dreadful  fact, 
and,  though  it  has  been  often  referred  to  in  the  course  of  our  in- 
vestigations, it  yet  demands  a  more  minute  examination  in  this 
new  aspect  of  the  emancipation  question. 

To  judge  accurately  in  relation  to  the  effects  of  emancipation 
upon  the  increase  or  decrease  of  the  African  population  in  the 
British  West  Indies,  some  suitable  standard  of  reference  must  be 
taken,  which  will  show  the  ordinary  rate  of  increase  of  the  race 
under  favorable  circumstances.  Africa  has  no  statistics.  Mexico 
and  the  South  American  Republics  are  equally  unsatisfactory. 
The  United  States  affords  the  only  standard  that  can  be  used; 
and  of  it  the  assertion  has  been  made,  that  "  the  slavery  which 
existed  in  the  Roman  Empire,  in  the  apostles'  time,  Avas,  by  no 
means,  so  debasing,  hopeless,  and  oppressive  as  negro  slavery  in 

*  Boston  Courier,  March  '29,  1861. 


ECONOMICAL    FAILURE    OF  WEST    INDIA    EMANCIPATION.        385 

our  country."*  This  assertion  was  made  in  the  early  days  of 
the  anti-shivery  movement,  when  the  advocates  of  the  abolition 
of  slavery  first  began  their  employment  of  the  press  to  influence 
ecclesiastical  legislation,  and  secure  the  exclusion  of  the  slave- 
holder from  the  communion  of  the  Church. 

But  we  must  again  hear  the  above  writer.  After  referring  to 
several  authors,  he  says  no  one  can  escape  the  conclusion  ''that 
slavery,  in  modern  times,  exists  in  its  mildest  form  in  countries 
where  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  is  the  established  religion, 
and  where  the  government  is  despotic  or  j^ureli/  monarchical,  as 
in  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  colonies  —  that  it  becomes  more 
ferocious  and  oppressive  in  Protestant  countries,  where  the  gov- 
ernment is  a  mixed  monarchy,  as  in  the  British  colonies  —  and 
that  it  is  most  debasing  of  all  in  countries  where  the  religion  is 
purely  Protestant,  and  the  government  free  and  republican,  as 
oicr  own.''  f 

The  standard  chosen  with  which  to  compare  the  West  Indies, 
if  we  give  credit  to  this  writer,  should  give  to  these  British  colo- 
nies a  decided  advantage,  inasmuch  as  the  slavery  of  the  United 
States,  in  his  judgment,  has  been  the  most  ferocious,  oppressive, 
and  debasing  of  all  other  countries — British,  Spanish,  Portuguese, 
Roman.  But  if  it  has  been  otherwise,  then  we  have,  in  his  lan- 
guage, a  fair  specimen  of  the  unscrupulous  character  of  the  men 
who,  by  gross  misrepresentation,  misled  the  churches  into  meas- 
ures destructive  of  their  peace,  and  laid  the  foundation  for  that 
political  agitation  which  precipitated  the  country  into  civil  war. 

Let  us,  then,  look  at  the  facts,  remembering  we  are  writing 
history,  and  not  depending  upon  imagination  for  the  basis  of  our 
conclusions.  Already  we  have  drawn  the  contrast  between  the 
facilities  afforded  in  the  West  Indies  and  the  United  States  for 
the  religious  instruction  of  the  slaves.  By  turning  to  the  history 
of  that  work,  in  a  preceding  chapter,  and  tracing  it  from  the  be- 
ginning up  to  1830,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  facts  are  altogether 
different  from  the  representations  of  this  writer  of  1829.  No 
reference,  therefore,  need  be  made  here  to  anything  but  the  ef- 
fects of  emancipation  upon  the  increase  or  decrease  of  population. 

*  Christian  Intelligencer,  Hamilton,  Ohio,  August,  1829,  p.  230.         t  Ibid. 


336  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

Taking  the  United  States  as  the  standard  of  comparison,  it  is 
found  that,  at  the  date  of  the  Declaration  of  American  Indepen- 
dence, the  several  colonies  had  an  aggregate  of  about  500,000 
slaves.  This  fact  is  stated  in  the  American  Almanac,  and  is 
based  on  satisfactory  data.'''  The  first  census  was  taken  in  1790, 
and  from  that  period  to  the  present,  the  ratio  of  annual  increase 
has  been  fully  ascertained.  In  the  year  1800,  the  slaves  of  the 
United  States  had  increased  to  893,000,  and  in  1830,  to  2,009,- 
043 — ^being  an  average  annual  increase,  from  1800  to  1830,  of 
3.10-100  per  cent.  The  ratio  of  annual  increase  was  slightly 
augmented  from  1800  to  1810,  by  the  addition  of  39,000  blacks, 
on  the  admission  of  Louisiana ;  and  was  diminished,  from  1820 
to  1830,  by  the  emancipation  of  the  remnant  of  10,000  slaves 
remaining  in  New  York,  in  1827.  For  all  practical  purposes, 
the  ratio  of  increase  of  the  slave  population  in  the  United  States 
may  be  estimated  at  three  per  cent,  per  annum,  though  it  is  a 
fraction  less. 

But  this  statement  does  not  do  full  justice  to  the  question  of 
the  increase  of  the  African  race  in  the  United  States.  In  1790, 
there  were  only  40,212  free  colored  persons ;  in  1830,  they  had 
increased  to  319,599,  being  an  increase  at  the  average  rate  of 
nearly  5^^  per  cent,  per  annum,  and  making  a  total  colored  popu- 
lation, slave  and  free,  in  1830,  of  2,328,642.  Nearly  one-half 
of  the  increase  of  the  free  colored  people  must  have  been  by 
emancipation. 


The  estimates  are  as  follows,  for  the  several  colonies: 

Massachusetts, 3,000 

Ehode  Island, 4,370 

Connecticut, 5,000 

New  Hampshire, 629 

New  York, 15,000 

New  Jersey, 7,600 

Pennsylvania, 10,000 

Delaware, 9,000 

Maryland, 80,000 

Virginia, 165,000 

North  Carolina, 76,000 

South  Carolina, 110,000 

Georgia, 16,000 

Total, 501,599 


ECONOMICAL    FAILURE    OF    WEST    INDIAN    EMANCIPATION.      837 

Turning  to  the  British  West  Indies,  we  find,  that  when  the 
slave  trade  ceased,  in  1808,  these  islands  had  a  slave  population 
of  800,000 — being  nearly  equal  to  the  number  in  the  United 
States  in  1800.  Did  they  increase  as  rapidly  as  the  colored 
population  of  the  United  States  ?  By  no  means.  Instead  of  that, 
the  census  of  1835,  taken  under  the  emancipation  act,  shows  a  re- 
duction of  the  slave  population  to  660,000.  This  number  includes 
only  the  slave  population,  and  not  the  free  colored  and  the  whites. 

Had  the  increase  of  the  blacks  in  the  British  West  Indies,  after 
the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade,  in  1808,  been  equal  to  the  in- 
crease of  the  slaves  in  the  United  States,  these  islands  Avould  have 
numbered,  at  the  time  of  emancipation,  in  1838,  nearly  2,000,000 ; 
but,  from  causes  before  explained,  there  was  no  increase  during 
that  period,  but  a  falling  off  in  their  numbers  to  the  extent  of 
140,000! 

Here,  then,  is  the  contrast  between  the  slavery  of  the  United 
States  and  that  of  the  West  Indies,  in  its  effects  upon  the  increase 
or  decrease  of  the  slave  population  in  the  two  cases,  respectively, 
from  the  prohibition  of  the  slave  trade,  by  both  countries,  to  the 
final  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  British  colonies.  The  comparison 
is  for  an  equal  number  of  years,  but  not  of  even  date — the  United 
States  beginning  with  1800  and  ending  with  1830,  the  colonies 
beginning  with  1808  and  ending  with  1838.  The  slave  popula- 
tion of  each,  in  the  outset,  was  nearly  equal — 893,000  to  800,000 
— and  the  final  result  shows  an  increase  for  the  United  States, 
exclusive  of  emancipations,  of  1,116,000,  and  a  decrease  for  the 
British  colonies,  on  the  slave  population  alone,  of  140,000  !  * 

But  let  us  proceed  to  the  main  point — the  effect  of  emancipation 
upon  the  population  of  the  Britisli  West  Indies,  as  contrasted  with 
that  of  slavery  on  the  slave  population  of  the  United  States  : 

*  Exactness  as  to  the  United  States  cannot  be  had,  from  ITOO  to  1808,  because 
emancipation,  on  the  one  hand,  was  adding  to  tlie  free  colored  popuhition,  and 
the  slave  trade,  on  the  other,  was  increasing  the  number  of  the  slaves.  The  ratio 
of  increase  of  the  former,  from  1798  to  1800,  was  8  22-100  per  cent,  per  annum, 
and  of  the  latter,  2  79-100.  Again,  from  1800  to  1810,  the  increase  of  the  former 
was  7  20-100,  and  of  the  latter,  including  39,000  from  Louisiana,  it  was  3  34-100 
per  cent,  per  annum.  The  census  for  the  British  colonies  was  taken  in  1835,  but 
will  represent  1838. 

22 


338  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

Beginning  where  we  left  off,  the  slave  population  of  the  United 
States,  in  1830,  was  2,009,048,  which  had  increased,  in  1860,  to 
3,950,843 — an  increase  indicating  a  condition  of  physical  com- 
fort fully  equal  to  that  of  the  populations  of  the  civilized  world 
generally.  Between  1880  and  1840,  the  cholera  visited  Amer- 
ica, and  the  ratio  of  increase  of  the  slaves  was  considerably  re- 
duced. 

The  West  India  Islands,  in  1888,  emancipated  660,000  slaves. 
Besides  these  liberated  slaves,  the  islands  had  a  considerable  popu- 
lation of  Avhites  and  free  colored  people — Jamaica,  alone,  having 
60,000  of  the  latter.*  All  the  other  islands,  probably,  had  about 
an  equal,  number  of  free  colored  persons.  From  the  best  data 
before  us,  the  conjecture  is,  that  the  whites  of  the  whole  islands 
may  have  been  near  50,000.  If  so,  then,  the  whole  population, 
including  all  colors,  was  about  834,000. 

llere,  now,  as  to  population,  is  the  point  from  which  the  British 
West  India  colonies  took  their  start  in  the  career  of  freedom. 
The  whole  population  was  now  upon  an  equality,  and  white,  yel- 
low, black,  could  compete,  upon  equal  terms,  under  the  civil  law, 
for  Avealth  and  distinction.  A  generation  nearly  had  passed 
away  since  any  blacks  had  been  imported  from  Africa.  The 
sexes  had  become  equalized,  and  the  belief  existed,  that  from  the 
date  of  emancipation,  and  as  a  necessary  consequence  of  that 
measure,  the  natural  increase  of  the  population  would  be  such  as 
to  add  rapidly  to  the  labor  force  of  the  islands. 

We  have  seen  that  the  slave  population  of  the  United  States 
has  doubled  since  1880.  Has  anything  so  favorable  occurred  to 
the  free  population  of  the  West  Indies  ?  Alas,  no  !  American 
slavery  proves  itself,  as  to  its  effects  upon  population,  a  perfect 
paradise  of  physical  comfort  and  moral  influence,  as  compared 
with  the  British  West  Indies. 

Let  us  ascertain  the  facts,  as  far  as  practicable.  Jamaica 
emancipated  320,000  slaves  in  1838,  and,  at  the  same  time,  had 
60,000  free  colored  people.  This  gave  her  a  total  colored  popu- 
lation of  380,000,  at  the  time  of  emancipation.  The  present 
population  of  Jamaica,  exclusive  of  the  whites,  is  350,000  f — 

*  Sewell,  p.  245.  t  Sewell. 


ECONOMICAL    FAILURE    OF    WEST   INDIAN    EMANCIPATION.       839 

being  a  decrease  of  30,000  in  22  years !  Had  there  been  an  in- 
crease of  the  colored  population  of  Jamaica  under  freedom,  in  the 
same  ratio  in  which  those  of  the  United  States  have  increased 
under  slavery,  that  island,  in  1860,  would  have  numbered  about 
640,000  souls,  instead  of  having  had  a  decrease  of  30,000  ! 

The  total  population  of  Jamaica,  whites,  blacks  and  mulattoes, 
at  present,  is  378,000,*  of  which,  according  to  the  above  statis- 
tics, 350,000  are  mulattoes  and  blacks.  The  cholera  in  Jamaica, 
as  well  as  in  the  United  States,  was  severe  among  the  colored 
population ;  but  their  scattered  condition  in  Jamaica,  placing  them 
beyond  the  care  of  the  whites,  and  leaving  them  without  proper 
medical  attention,  may  have  caused  a  greater  proportional  mor- 
tality among  them,  in  that  island,  than  occurred  in  the  United 
States.     This,  however,  was  one  of  the  consequences  of  freedom. 

In  turning  to  the  other  British  islands,  we  find  that  Barbadoes, 
Antigua,  St.  Vincent,  St.  Lucia,  Dominica,  Tobago,  Trinidad, 
Grenada,  Nevis,  Montserrat,  St.  Kitts,  and  the  Virgin  Islands, 
embrace  an  aggregate  population  of  about  395,000,  including 
whites,  blacks,  and  mulattoes.  The  first  six  of  these  islands  in- 
clude nearly  21,400  whites,  at  present,  but  the  number  of  the 
whites  and  free  colored  persons,  and  the  number  of  slaves  eman- 
cipated, in  1838,  are  not  given  ;f  so  that  it  is  impossible  to  de- 
termine, with  exactness,  the  extent, of  increase  or  decrease  in 
their  colored  population.  The  last  six  of  these  islands  seems  to 
have  afforded  to  Mr.  Sewell — from  whom  the  statistics  are  gath- 
ered— no  means  of  determining  their  white  population,  either  at 
present  or  before  emancipation ;  nor  has  he  given  the  number  of 
free  colored  persons  in  them  at  the  time  of  the  abolition  of  slavery. 
One  reason  of  the  defect  is,  that,  under  freedom,  many  of  the 
islands  are  careful  to  exclude  all  reference  to  color  in  the  census 
returns. 

By  adding  the  present  colored  population  of  these  JslandB,-— 
373,600 — to  the  present  number  of  the  colored  people  in.  Jamaica 

*  Sewell,  p.  177. 

t  Their  white  population  stands  thus,  according  to  Mr.  Sewell :  Barbadoes, 
15,824;  Antigua,  2,172;  St.  Vincent,  1,500;  St.  Lucia,  958;  Dominica,  850;. 
Tobago,  160. 


840  PULPIT    POLITICS.  . 

— 350,000 — the  whole  colored  population  of  the  British  West 
India  colonies,  in  1860,  is  found  to  be  723,600.  This,  however, 
includes  the  whites  in  the  last  six  islands  enumerated,  and  eman- 
cipation has  that  advantage  in  these  estimates. 

The  contrast  between  freedom  and  slavery,  in  its  effects  upon 
population,  may  be  thus  summed  up  : 

Total  slaves  emancipated  in  1838, 660,000 

By  Jamaica, 320,000 

By  the  other  islands, 340,000 

660,000 
Add  free  colored  population  in  1838, 

In  Jamaica, 60,000 

In  the  other  islands, 60,000 

120,000 

Total  colored  population  in  1838, 780,000 

Total  colored  population  in  1860, 723,600 

Decrease  of  colored  population  under  freedom, 56,400 

Here  we  have  the  effects  of  emancipation  upon  the  increase  of 
population  —  resulting,  in  the  aggregate,  in  causing  a  decrease 
in  the  population  of  the  islands,  during  freedom,  of  more  than 
56,000  souls  out  of  a  population  of  660,000,  or  more  than  eight 
per  cent,  of  a  loss  in  twenty-five  years  ! 

In  reference  to  the  production  of  the  islands,  and  the  econ- 
omical failure  of  emancipation,  especially  in  Jamaica,  the  late 
reports  to  Parliament  fully  sustain  the  assertions  of  Mr.  Sewell, 
and  corroborate  the  testimony  we  have  collected  from  other 
sources.  The  report  of  the  Governor,  says  the  New  York  Inde- 
pendent, "  gives  a  good  account  of  the  happiness  of  the  popula- 
tion, so  far  as  a  mere  animal  life  of  independence  is  concerned, 
but  holds  out  little  encouragement  to  those  Avho  would  hope  that 
labor  may  be  attracted  to  any  system  of  combined  enterprise,  such 
as  the  growth  of  cotton,  or  of  any  produce  in  which  joint-stock 
capital  might  be  embarked.  The  four  great  staples  of  export  are 
still  sugar,  rum,  coffee,  and  pimento ;  but  the  quantities  of  sugar 
and  coffee  seem  rather  to  diminish  than  increase.  An  export  of 
sugar  of  about  30,000  tons,  more  or  less,  according  to  the  nature 
of  the  seasons,  is  considered  the  best  result  that  can  be  hoped  for 
from  the  existing  population.     .     .     .     The  obvious  remedy  is 


ECONOMICAL   FAILURE   OF   WFIST   INDIAN    EMANCIPATION.     841 

considered  to  lie  in  efforts  for  obtaining  contract  laborers  from 
India  and  elsewhere.  In  that  manner  the  island  may  one  day 
again  become  a  valuable  possession,  and  meanwhile  it  is  gratify- 
ing to  know  that  the  negro  population,  although  inefficient  for 
co-operative  purposes  essential  to  raise  a  country  to  any  com- 
mercial standing,  are  by  no  means  retrograding  to  barbarism."  * 

From  many  other  anti-slavery  sources,  from  year  to  year,  Ave 
have  been  assured  that  West  India  slavery  had  kept  the  negro 
population  in  the  ignorance  and  degradation  of  their  original  bar- 
barism. If  the  truth  was  then  told,  the  Governor  may  safely  say 
that  the  population  is  not  now  "  retrograding ;"  and,  if  Mr.  Sew- 
ell  tells  the  truth,  we  cannot  see  how  the  great  bulk  of  the  people 
can  sink  to  any  lower  depth  of  moral  debasement  than  that  in 
which  he  found  them. 

On  the  question  of  the  economical  failure  of  emancipation,  there 
can  no  longer  remain  the  shadow  of  a  doubt  upon  the  minds  of 
candid  men.  It  is  admitted  by  the  Governor  of  Jamaica ;  and  his 
only  hope  of  the  ultimate  recovery  of  the  islands  to  a  prosperous 
condition,  is  by  substituting  coolie  labor  for  that  of  the  negroes. 

We  can  give  no  more  appropriate  conclusion  to  this  chapter, 
than  to  copy,  from  the  London  Times,  a  few  paragraphs  in  rela- 
tion to  emancipation  and  its  effects  in  the  West  Indies : 

"  There  is  no  blinking  the  truth,  .  .  .  and  it  must  be  spoken 
out  loudly  and  energetically,  despite  the  wild  mockings  of  '  howling 
cant.'  The  freed  West  India  slave  will  not  till  the  soil  for  wages ;  the 
free  son  of  the  ex-slave  is  as  obstinate  as  his  sire.  He  will  not  cul^ 
tivate  lands  which  he  has  not  bought  for  his  own  use.  Yams,  man- 
goes, and  plantains ;  these  satisfy  his  wants ;  he  does  not  care  for  yours. 
Cotton,  sugar,  coffee,  and  tobacco — he  cares  but  little  for  them.  And 
what  matters  it  to  him  that  the  Englishman  has  sunk  his  thousands 
and  tens  of  thousands  on  mills,  machinery,  and  plants,  which  now  totter 
on  the  languishing  estate,  that  for  years  has  only  returned  beggary  and 
debt?     He  eats  his  yams,  and  sniggers  at  '  buckra.' 

"  We  know  not  why  this  should  be,  but  it  is  so.  The  negro  has  been 
bought  with  a  price — the  price  of  English  taxation  and  English  toil. 
He  has  been  redeemed  from  bondage  by  the  sweat  and  travail  of  some 

*  New  York  Independent,  September  19,  1861. 


342  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

millions  of  hard-working  Englishmen.  Twenty  millions  of  pounds  ster- 
ling— one  hundred  millions  of  dollars — have  been  distilled  from  the  brains 
and  muscles  of  the  free  English  laborer,  of  every  degree,  to  fashion  the  West 
India  negro  into  '  a  free  and  independent  laborer.'  '  Free  and  indepen- 
dent' enough  he  has  become,  Grod  knows ;  but  laborer  he  is  not :  and,  so 
far  as  we  can  see,  never  will  be.  He  will  sing  hymns  and  quote  texts ; 
but  honest,  steady  industry  he  not  only  detests,  but  despises.  We  wish 
heaven  that  some  people  in  England — neither  government  people,  nor 
parsons,  nor  clergymen,  but  some  just-minded,  honest-hearted,  and 
clear-sighted  men  would  go  out  to  some  of  the  islands,  (say  Jamaica, 
Dominica,  or  Antigua,)  not  for  a  month,  or  three  months,  but  for  a 
year — would  watch  the  precious  protege  of  English  philanthropy,  the 
free  negro,  in  his  daily  habits ;  would  watch  him  as  he  lazily  plants  his 
little  squatting;  would  see  him  as  he  proudly  rejects  agricultural  domes- 
tic services,  or  accepts  it  only  at  wages  ludicrously  disproportionate  to 
the  value  of  his  work.  We  wish,  too,  they  would  watch  him,  with  a 
hide  thicker  than  that  of  a  hippopotamus,  and  a  body  to  which  fervid 
heat  is  a  comfort  rather  than  an  annoyance,  as  he  droningly  lounges 
over  the  prescribed  task  on  which  the  intrepid  Englishman,  uninured 
to  the  burning  sun,  consumes  his  impatient  energy,  and  too  often  sacri- 
fices his  life.  We  wish  they  would  go  out  and  view  the  negro  in  all 
the  blazonry  of  his  idleness,  his  pride,  his  ingratitude,  contemptuously 
sneering  at  the  industry  of  that  race  which  made  him  free,  and  then 
come  home,  and  teach  the  memorable  lesson  of  their  experience  to  the 
fanatics  who  have  perverted  him  into  what  he  is." 

Taking,  then,  the  whole  testimony  on  the  subject — civil,  social, 
moral,  physical,  economical,  —  and  it  is  fully  proved  that  West 
India  emancipation,  in  its  expected  results,  is  a  miserable  failure. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

THE   GENERAL   ASSEMBLY   PRESBYTERIAN  CHURCH   AND  SLAVERY. 

Section  I. — Early  Legislation  on  the  Subject  of  Slavery. 

1.  In  1787,  The  General  Assembly  Presbyterian  Church 
IN  North  America,  while  yet  acting  under  the  title  of  the 
Synod  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  announced  its  views  on 
slavery.  Six  years  later,  1793,  when  the  General  Assembly  had 
been  fully  organized,  the  action  of  1787  was  re-affirmed  and  made 
the  rule  of  the  Church  upon  the  subject.     It  was  as  follows  : 

"  '  The  Creator  of  the  world  having  made  of  one  flesh  all  the  chil- 
dren of  men,  it  becomes  them,  as  members  of  the  same  family,  to  con- 
sult and  promote  each  others'  happiness.  It  is  more  especially  the 
duty  of  those  who  maintain  the  rights  of  humanity,  and  who  acknowl- 
edge and  teach  the  obligations  of  Christianity,  to  use  such  means  as 
are  in  their  power  to  extend  the  blessings  of  equal  freedom  to  every 
part  of  the  human  race.'  (1) 

" '  From  a  full  conviction  of  these  truths,  and  sensible  that  the 
rights  of  human  nature  are  too  well  understood  to  admit  of  debate, 
overtured,  that  the  Synod  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia  recommend, 
in  the  warmest  terms,  to  every  member  of  their  body,  and  to  all  the 
■churches  and  families  under  their  care,  to  do  every  thing  in  their 
power,  consistent  with  the  rights  of  civil  society,  to  promote  the 
abolition  of  slavery,  and  the  instruction  of  negroes,  whether  bond  or 
free.'  (2) 

"The  Synod,  taking  into  consideration  the  overture  concerning 
slavery  transmitted  by  the  committee  of  Overtures  last  Saturday, 
came  to  the  following  judgment : — 

"  '  The  Synod  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia  do  highly  approve 
of  the  general  principles  in  favor  of  universal  liberty  that  prevail  in 
America,  and  the  interest  which  many  of  the  States  have  taken  in 

(343) 


344  tULPIT    POLITICS. 

promoting  the  abolition  of  slavery ;  yet,  inasmuet  as  men  introduced 
from  a  servile  state  to  a  participation  of  all  the  privileges  of  civil 
society,  without  a  proper  education  and  without  previous  habits  of 
industry,  may  be  in  many  respects  dangerous  to  the  community,  there- 
fore they  earnestly  recommend  it  to  all  the  members  belonging  to 
their  communion  to  give  those  persons,  who  are  at  present  held  in 
servitude,  such  good  education  as  to  prepare  them  for  the  better  en- 
joyment of  freedom:  (3)  and  they  moreover  recommend  that  masters, 
wherever  they  find  servants  disposed  to  make  a  just  improvement  of 
the  privilege,  would  give  them  a  pecuUum,  or  grant  them  sufficient 
time,  and  sufficient  means  of  procuring  their  own  liberty  at  a  moderate 
rate,  that  thereby  they  may  be  brought  into  society  with  those  habits 
of  industry  that  may  render  them  useful  citizens ;  and,  finally,  they 
recommend  it  to  all  their  people  to  use  the  most  prudent  measures, 
consistent  with  the  interest  and  state  of  civil  society,  in  the  counties 
where  they  live,  to  procure  eventually  the  final  abolition  of  slavery 
in  America.'  "— il/m.  1787,  pp.  539-540. 

"  The  Assembly  of  1815  declared  '  that,  although  in  some  sections 
of  our  country,  under  certain  circumstances,  the  transfer  of  slaves 
may  be  unavoidable,  yet  they  consider  the  buying  and  selling  of  slaves 
by  way  of  traffic,  and  all  undue  severity  in  the  management  of  them, 
as  inconsistent  with  the  spirit  of  the  gospel.  And  they  recommend  it 
to  the  Presbyteries  and  Sessions  under  their  care  to  make  use  of  all 
prudent  measures  to  prevent  such  shameful  and  unrighteous  conduct.' 

"  The  Assembly  of  1815  '  expressed  their  regret  that  the  slavery  of 
the  Africans  and  of  their  descendants  still  continues  in  so  many  places, 
and  even  among  those  within  the  pale  of  the  Church,'  and  called  par- 
ticular attention  to  the  action  of  1795  with  respect  to  the  buying  and 
selling  of  slaves. 

'•In  1818,  the  Assembly  unanimously  adopted  a  report  on  this 
subject,  prepared  by  Dr.  Green,  of  Philadelphia,  Dr.  Baxter,  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  Mr.  Burgess,  of  Ohio,  of  which  the  following  is  a  part : — 

"  'We  consider  the  voluntary  enslaving  of  one  part  of  the  human 
race  by  another  as  a  gross  violation  of  the  most  precious  and  sacred 
rights  of  human  nature,  as  utterly  inconsistent  with  the  law  of  God. 
which  requires  us  to  love  our  neighbor  as  ourselves,  and  as  totally 
irreconcilable  with  the  spirit  and  principles  of  the  Gospel  of  Christ, 
which  enjoins  that  "all  things  whatsoever  ye  would  that  men  should 
do  to  you,  do  ye  even  so  to  them."  Slavery  creates  a  paradox  in  the 
moral  system :  it  exhibits  rational,  accountable  and  immortal  beings 


PKESBYTEKIAN   GENERAL   ASSEMBLY    AND    SLAVERY.  345 

in  such  circumstances  as  scarcely  to  leave  them  the  power  of  moral 
action.  It  exhibits  them  as  dependent  on  the  will  of  others  whether 
they  shall  receive  religious  instruction  ;  whether  they  shall  know  and 
worship  the  true  God  ;  whether  they  shall  enjoy  the  ordinances  of  the 
gospel ;  whether  they  shall  perform  the  duties  and  cherish  the  endear- 
ments of  husbands  and  wives,  parents  and  children,  neighbors  and 
friends ;  whether  they  shall  preserve  their  chastity  and  purity,  or 
regard  the  dictates  of  justice  and  humanity.  Such  are  some  of  the 
consequences  of  slavery, — consequences  not  imaginary,  but  which 
connect  themselves  with  its  very  existence.  The  evils  to  which  the 
slave  is  always  exposed  often  take  place  in  fact,  and  in  their  very 
worst  degree  and  form ;  and,  where  all  of  them  do  not  take  place, — as 
we  rejoice  to  say  that  in  many  instances,  through  the  influence  of  the 
principles  of  humanity  and  religion  on  the  minds  of  masters,  they  do 
not, — still,  the  slave  is  deprived  of  his  natural  right,  degraded  as  a 
human  being,  and  exposed  to  the  danger  of  passing  into  the  hands  of 
a  master  who  may  inflict  upon  him  all  the  hardships  and  injuries 
which  inhumanify  and  avarice  may  suggest. 

"  From  this  view  of  the  consequences  resulting  from  the  practice 
into  which  Christian  people  have  most  inconsistently  fallen  of  enslav- 
ing a  portion  of  their  brethren  of  mankind, — for  Grod  hath  made  of 
one  blood  all  nations  of  men  to  dwell  on  the  face  of  the  earth, — it  is 
manifestly  the  duty  of  all  Christians  who  enjoy  the  light  of  the 
present  day,  when  the  inconsistency  of  slavery  both  with  the  dictates 
of  humanity  and  religion  has  been  demonstrated  and  is  generally  seen 
and  acknowledged,  to  use  their  honest,  earnest  and  unwearied  en- 
deavors to  correct  the  errors  of  former  times,  and  as  speedily  as 
possible  to  efi'ace  this  blot  on  our  holy  religion,  and  to  obtain  the 
complete  abolition  of  slavery  throughout  Christendom,  and,  if  possible, 
throughout  the  world.' 

"  The  Assembly  also  recommended  '  to  all  the  members  of  our 
religious  denomination,  not  only  to  permit,  but  to  facilitate  and 
encourage,  the  instruction  of  their  slaves  in  the  principles  and  duties 
of  the  Christian  religion;'  and  added,  'We  enjoin  it  on  all  church 
sessions  and  Presbyteries  under  the  care  of  this  Assembly  to  dis- 
countenance, and,  as  far  as  possible,  to  prevent,  all  cruelty  of  whatever 
kind,  in  the  treatment  of  slaves,  especially  the  cruelty  of  separating 
husband  and  wife,  parents  and  children,  and  that  which  consists  in 
selling  slaves  to  those  who  will  either  themselves  deprive  these  un- 
happy people  of  the  blessings  of  the  Gospel,  or  who  will  transport 


346  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

them  to  places  where   the  Gospel  is  not   proclaimed   or  where  it  is 
forbidden  to  slaves  to  attend  upon  its  institutions.'  (4) 

"  The  foregoing  testimonials  on  the  subject  of  slavery  were  uni- 
versally acquiesced  in  by  the  Presbyterian  Church  up  to  the  time 
of  the  division  in  1838."* 

Section   II. — The   Legislation  of  the  General  Assembly, 

(0.   S.,)   AFTER  THE   DIVISION   OF   THE   ChURCH. 

I.  The  following  embraces  the  legislation  of  the  0.  S.  Gen- 
eral Assembly,  after  the  division  of  the  Church,  in  1838,  as 
published  in  the  Assembly's  Digest,  issued  by  the  Presbyterian 
Board  of  Publication,  1846.  The  subject  having  been  from 
time  to  time,  for  a  series  of  years,  urged  upon  the  Assembly, 
it  was  taken  up  in  1845,  and  the  following  paper  adopted: 

"  The  committee  to  whom  were  referred  the  memorials  on  the 
subject  of  slavery,  beg  leave  to  submit  the  following  report: 

(a.)   "  The  memorialists  may  be  divided  into  three  classes,  viz : 

"  1.  Those  who  represent  the  system  of  slavery,  as  it  exists  in 
these  United  States,  as  a  great  evil,  and  pray  this  General  Assembly 
to  adopt  measures  for  the  amelioration  of  the  condition  of  the  slaves. 

"  2.  Those  which  ask  the  Assembly  to  receive  memorials  on  the 
subject  of  slavery,  to  allow  a  full  discussion  of  it,  and  to  enjoin  upon 
the  members  of  our  Church,  residing  in  States  whose  laws  forbid  the 
slaves  being  taught  to  read,  to  seek,  by  all  lawful  means,  the  repeal 
of  those  laws. 

"  3.  Those  which  represent  slavery  as  a  moral  evil,  a  heinous  sin 
in  the  sight  of  God,  calculated  to  bring  upon  the  Church  the  curse 
of  God,  and  calling  for  the  exercise  of  discipline  in  the  case  of  those 
who  persist  in  maintaining  or  justifying  the  relation  of  master  to 
slaves. 

(b.)  "  The  question  which  is  now  unhappily  agitating  and  dividing 
other  branches  of  the  Church,  and  which  is  pressed  upon  the  atten- 
tion of  the  Assembly  by  one  of  the  three  classes  of  memorialists  just 
named,  is,  whether  the  holding  of  slaves  is,  under  all  circumstances, 
a  heinous  sin,  calling  for  the  discipline  of  the  Church. 

*  The  synopsis  of  the  proceedings  of  the  General  Assembly,  from  1815  to 
]818,  are  copied  from  the  publication  made  by  the  N.  S.  General  Assembly 
at  Cleveland,  Ohio,  in  1857. 


PRESBYTERIAN  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY  AND  SLAVERY     347 

(c.)  "  The  Church  of  Christ  is  a  spiritual  body,  whose  jurisdiction 
extends  to  the  religious  faith  and  moral  conduct  of  her  members. 
She  can  not  legislate  where  Christ  has  not  legislated,  nor  make 
terms  of  membership  which  he  has  not  made.  The  question,  there- 
fore, which  this  Assembly  is  called  to  decide,  is  this :  Do  the 
Scriptures  teach  that  the  holding  of  slaves,  without  regard  to  cir- 
cumstances, is  a  sin,  the  renunciation  of  which  should  be  made  a 
condition  of  membership  in  the  Church  of  Christ  ?  (5) 

(^d)  "  It  is  impossible  to  answer  this  question  in  the  aflSrmative, 
without  contradicting  some  of  the  plainest  declarations  of  the  Word 
of  God.  That  slavery  existed  in  the  days  of  Christ  and  his  apostles 
is  an  admitted  fact.  That  they  did  not  denounce  the  relation  itself 
as  sinful,  as  inconsistent  with  Christianity ;  that  slaveholders  were 
admitted  to  membership  in  the  churches  organized  by  the  apostles ; 
that  while  they  were  required  to  treat  their  slaves  with  kindness, 
and  as  rational,  accountable,  immortal  beings,  and,  if  Christians,  as 
brethren  in  the  Lord,  they  were  not  commanded  to  emancipate  them ; 
that  slaves  were  required  to  be  '  obedient  to  their  masters  according 
to  the  flesh,  with  fear  and  trembling,  with  singleness  of  heart  as  unto 
Christ,'  are  facts  which  meet  the  eye  of  every  reader  of  the  New 
Testament.  This  Assembly  can  not,  therefore,  denounce  the  holding 
of  slaves  as  necessarily  a  heinous  and  scandalous  sin,  calculated  to 
bring  upon  the  Church  the  curse  of  God,  without  chai-ging  the 
apostles  of  Christ  with  conniving  at  sin,  introducing  into  the  Church 
such  sinners,  and  thus  bringing  upon  them  the  curse  of  the  Almighty. 

(e)  "In  so  saying,  however,  the  Assembly  are  not  to  be  understood 
as  denying  that  there  is  evil  connected  with  slavery.  Much  less  do 
they  approve  those  defective  and  oppressive  laws  by  which,  in  some 
of  the  States,  it  is  regulated.  Nor  would  they  by  any  means  coun- 
tenance the  traffic  in  slaves  for  gain ;  the  separation  of  husbands  and 
wives,  parents  and  children,  for  the  sake  of  '  filthy  lucre,'  or  for  the 
convenience  of  the  master  ;  or  cruel  treatment  of  slaves,  in  any  respect. 
Every  Christian  and  philanthropist  certainly  should  seek,  by  all  peace- 
able and  lawful  means,  the  repeal  of  unjust  and  oppressive  laws,  and 
the  amendment  of  such  as  are  defective,  so  as  to  protect  the  slaves 
from  cruel  treatment  by  wicked  men,  and  secure  to  them  the  right  to 
receive  religious  instruction. 

(/)  ''  Nor  is  the  Assembly  to  be  understood  as  countenancing  the 
idea  that  masters  may  regard  their  servants  as  mere  property,  and 
not  as  human  beings,  rational,  accountable,  immortal.     The  Scriptures 


348  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

prescribe  not  only  the  duties  of  servants,  but  masters  also,  warning 
the  latter  to  discharge  those  duties,  '  knowing  that  their  Master  is  in 
heaven,  neither  is  there  respect  of  persons  with  him.' 

(^r)  "  The  Assembly  intend  simply  to  say,  that  since  Christ  and  his 
inspired  apostles  did  not  make  the  holding  of  slaves  a  bar  to  com- 
munion, we,  as  a  court  of  Christ,  have  no  authority  to  do  so ;  since 
they  did  not  attempt  to  remove  it  from  the  Church  by  legislation,  we 
have  no  authority  to  legislate  upon  the  subject.  We  feel  further 
constrained  to  say,  that  however  desirable  it  may  be  to  ameliorate 
the  condition  of  the  slaves  in  the  Southern  and  Western  States,  or  to 
remove  slavery  from  our  country,  these  objects,  we  are  fully  per- 
suaded, can  never  be  secured  by  ecclesiastical  legislation.  Much  less 
can  they  be  attained  by  those  indiscriminate  denunciations  against 
slaveholders,  without  regard  to  their  character  or  circumstances, 
which  have  to  so  great  an  extent  characterized  the  movements  of 
modern  abolitionists,  which,  so  far  from  removing  the  evils  complained 
of,  tend  only  to  perpetuate  and  aggravate  them. 

"  The  apostles  of  Christ  sought  to  ameliorate  the  condition  of 
slaves,  not  by  denouncing  and  excommunicating  their  masters,  but 
by  teaching  both  masters  and  slaves  the  glorious  doctrines  of  the 
Gospel,  and  enjoining  upon  each  the  discharge  of  their  relative 
duties.  Thus  only  can  the  Church  of  Christ,  as  such,  now  improve 
the  condition  of  the  slaves  in  our  country. 

(/t)  "  As  to  the  extent  of  the  evils  involved  in  slavery,  and  the 
best  methods  of  removing  them,  various  opinions  prevail,  and  neither 
the  Scriptures  nor  our  Constitution  authorize  this  body  to  prescribe 
any  particular  course  to  be  pursued  by  the  churches  under  our  care. 
The  Assembly  can  not  but  rejoice,  however,  to  learn  that  the  minis- 
ters and  churches  in  the  slaveholding  States  are  awake  to  a  deeper 
sense  of  their  obligation  to  extend  to  the  slave  population  generally 
the  means  of  grace,  and  many  slaveholders  not  professedly  religious 
favor  this  object.  We  earnestly  exhort  them  to  abound  more  and 
more  in  this  good  work.  We  would  exhort  every  believing  master 
to  remember  that  his  Master  is  also  in  heaven,  and  in  view  of  all  the 
circumstances  in  which  he  is  placed,  to  act  in  the  spirit  of  the  golden 
rule :  '  Whatsoever,  ye  would  that  men  should  do  to  you,  do  ye  even 
the  same  to  them.' 

"  In  view  of  the  above-stated  principles  and  facts, 

"  Resolved^  1.  That  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Presbyterian 
Church  in  the  United  States  was  originally  organized,  and  has  since 


PRESBYTERIAN  GENERAL    ASSEMBLY    AND    SLAVERY.  349 

continued  the  bond  of  union  in  the  Church,  upon  the  conceded  prin- 
ciple that  the  existence  of  domestic  slavery,  under  the  circumstances 
in  which  it  is  found  in  the  southern  portion  of  the  country,  is  no 
bar  to  Christian  communion. 

"  2.  That  the  petitions  that  ask  the  Assembly  to  make  the  holding 
of  slaves  in  itself  a  matter  of  discipline,  do  virtually  require  this  judi- 
catory to  dissolve  itself,  and  abandon  the  organization  under  which, 
by  the  Divine  blessing,  it  has  so  long  prospered.  The  tendency  is 
evidently  to  separate  the  northern  from  the  southern  portion  of  the 
Church  ;  a  result  which  every  good  citizen  must  deplore,  as  tending  to 
the  dissolution  of  the  Union  of  our  beloved  country,  and  which  every 
enlightened  Christian  will  oppose  as  bringing  about  a  ruinous  and  un- 
necessary schism  between  brethren  who  maintain  a  common  faith.  (6) 

"The  yeas  and  nays  being  ordered,  were — yeas,  168;  nays,  13;  ex- 
cused, 4. — 3Iinutes,  1845,  page  16." 

Some  agitation  of  the  question  of  slavery  was  subsequently- 
produced,  by  petitions  presented  and  by  overtures  from  Presby- 
teries, but  any  additional  legislation  upon  the  subject  has  been 
deemed  inexpedient  by  the  Assembly. 

2.  At  the  meeting  of  the  General  Assembly,  (Old  School,)  in 
1861,  after  much  excited  discussion,  the  following  resolutions 
were  passed : 

"  Gratefully  acknowledging  the  distinguished  bounty  and  care  of 
Almighty  God  toward  this  favored  land,  and  also  recognizing  our 
obligation  to  submit  to  every  ordinance  of  man  for  the  Lord's  sake, 
this  General  Assembly  adopt  the  following  resolutions : 

"  1.  Resolved,  That  in  view  of  the  present  agitated  and  unhappy 
condition  of  this  country,  the  first  day  of  July  next  is  set  apart  as  a 
day  of  prayer  throughout  our  bounds,  and  that  on  this  day  ministers 
and  people  are  called  on  humbly  to  confess  and  bewail  their  national 
sins,  and  to  offer  our  thanks  to  the  Father  of  lights  for  his  abundant 
and  undeserved  goodness  toward  us  as  a  nation,  to  seek  his  guidance 
and  blessing  upon  our  rulers  and  their  counsels,  as  well  as  the  assem- 
bled Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  to  implore  Him,  in  the  name 
of  Jesus  Christ,  the  great  High  Priest  of  the  Christian  profession,  to 
turn  away  His  anger  from  us,  and  speedily  restore  to  us  the  blessings 
of  a  safe  and  honorable  peace. 

"  2.  Resolved,  That  this  General  Assembly,  in   the   spirit   of  that 


350  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

Christian  patriotism  which  the  Scriptures  enjoin,  and  which  has 
always  characterized  this  Church,  do  hereby  acknowledge  and  declare 
our  obligations  to  promote  and  perpetuate,  so  far  as  in  us  lies,  the 
integrity  of  these  United  States,  and  to  strengthen,  uphold  and  en- 
courage the  Federal  Government  in  the  exercise  of  all  its  functions 
under'  our  noble  Constitution,  and  to  this  Constitution,  in  all  its  pro- 
visions, requirements,  and  principles,  we  profess  our  unabated  loyalty. 
And  to  avoid  all  misconception,  the  Assembly  declares  that  by  the 
terms  '  Federal  Grovernment,'  as  here  used,  is  not  meant  any  particu- 
lar Administration,  or  the  peculiar  opinions  of  any  political  party,  but 
that  central  Administration  which  being  at  any  time  appointed  and  in- 
augurated according  to  the  terms  prescribed  in  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  is  the  visible  representative  of  our  national  existence." 

As  we  shall  offer  no  extended  remarks  upon  the  proceedings 
of  1861,  by  either  of  the  General  Assemblies,  we  append  a  re- 
sponse to  that  of  the  Old  School  Assembly  by  the  Presbytery 
of  Louisville,  Kentucky  : 

"  Regarding  the  deliverances  of  the  General  Assembly  not  as  mere 
expressions  of  opinion  of  an  advisory  council,  to  be  quietly  ignored 
if  judged  erroneous,  but,  on  the  contrary,  as  our  standards  teach,  in  the 
light  of  solemn  enactments  in  the  name  of  Christ,  to  be  received  with 
reverence,  when  in  conformity  with  God's  Word,  or  to  be  distinctly 
impugned  and  rejected,  when  opposed  thereto,  the  Presbytery  of 
Louisville,  after  duly  considering  the  act  of  the  late  General  Assem- 
bly touching  the  political  allegiance  of  ministers  and  members  of  the 
Church,  as  found  on  p.  329,  and  in  answer  to  protests,  pp.  341  and  344, 
feels  called  upon  in  this  solemn  manner  to  testify  against  the  danger- 
ous errors  in  doctrine  involved  in  that  action,  and  to  repudiate  the 
same  as  of  no  binding  effect  upon  our  ministers  and  churches.  It 
appeal's,  from  the  reports  of  Commissioners,  and  from  the  minutes, 
(compare  p.  329  with  p.  303),  that  this  action  was  taken  under  con- 
straint, directly  in  opposition  to  the  Assembly's  own  free  and  uncon- 
trolled judgment  previously  given  against  making  any  such  deliv- 
erance ;  that  the  pressure  from  without,  from  popular  clamor,  con- 
strained the  Assembly  to  reverse  its  decisions.  We  feel,  therefore, 
the  less  hesitancy  in  setting  aside  this  deliverance  on  this  account. 

"  The  action  of  the  General  Assembly  on  this  subject  involves  these 
essential  errors. 


PRESBYTERIAN    GENERAL    ASSEMBLY    AND    SLAVERY.  351 

"First,  the  assumption  of  power  to  determine  questions  of  political 
allegiance,  is  directly  contrary  to  the  teachings  of  Christ  and  His 
Apostles,  who  uniformly  enjoin  obedience  to  Caesar  as  a  Christian 
duty ;  but  abstain  from  determining  as  between  the  claims  of  rival 
Cassars  to  the  allegiance  of  Christians.  It  is  notoriously  contrary  to 
the  great  distinctive  doctrine  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  as  attested 
by  Martyrs,  General  Assemblies,  and  Confessions,  'that  the  power  and 
policie  ecclesiastical  is  distinct  in  its  own  nature  from  the  civil 
power,'  and  that  '  the  two  jurisdictions  confounded,  which  God  hath 
divided,  directly  tendeth  to  the  wreck  of  all  true  religion.'  It  is 
directly  in  conflict  with  the  corresponding  declaration  of  our  own 
confession — '  Synods  and  Councils  are  not  to  intermeddle  with  civil 
afi"airs,'  etc.  It  is  in  disregard  of  the  testimony  of  the  fathers  who 
formed  the  Constitution  of  the  American  Presbyterian  Church,  who 
taking  the  principle,  secured  for  it  recognition  by  the  civil  govern- 
ment in  the  law  of  Virginia  and  the  Federal  Constitution. 

"  Second.  In  the  answer  to  the  protest  against  the  resolution  of 
the  Assembly  there  are  interpretations  of  Scripture  which  this  Pres- 
bytery hold  to  be  gravely  erroneous,  and  also  propositions  concerning 
the  relation  of  the  civil  to  the  ecclesiastical  power,  which  we  regard 
as  dangerous,  though  we  deem  it  inexpedient  to  cite  them  in  detail  or 
make  deliverance  in  regard  to  them  separately  from  the  resolution 
of  the  Assembly.  This  Presbytery,  therefore,  utters  this  testimony 
against  these  errors  of  doctrine  and  principle,  and  solemnly  rejects  the 
action  of  the  Assembly  in  the  premises  as  unconstitutional  and  of  no 
binding  force  upon  us. 

"  The  Presbytery,  believing  that  the  kingdom  of  Christ  is  not  to  be 
limited  by  civil  bounds,  will  cordially  unite  with  all  true  and  conserv- 
ative men  in  our  beloved  Church,  North  or  South,  in  defending  and 
preserving  the  purity,  unity  and  prosperity  of  the  Presbyterian 
Church  in  the  United  States  of  America." 

Section  III. — Legislation  of  the  General  Assembly,  New 
School,  after  the  Division  of  the  Church. 

1.  The  following  embraces  the  legislation  of  the  New  School 
General  Assembly,  after  the  division  in  1888,  as  authorized  to  be 
published  by  the  Assembly  of  1857  : 

"  In  the  year  1846,  the  General  Assembly  made  a  declaration  on 
this  subject,  of  which  the  following  is  the  introductory  paragraph  : — • 


352  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

'"1.  The  system  of  slavery,  as  it  exists  in  these  United  States, 
viewed  either  in  the  laws  of  the  several  States  which  sanction  it,  or 
in  its  actual  operation  and  results  in  society,  is  intrinsically  an  un- 
righteous and  oppressive  system,  and  is  opposed  to  the  prescriptions 
of  the  law  of  God,  to  the  spirit  and  precepts  of  the  gospel,  and  to  the 
best  interests  of  humanity.' 

"  In  1849,  the  Assembly  explicitly  re-affirmed  the  sentiments  ex- 
pressed by  the  Assemblies  of  1815, 1818,  and  1846.  In  the  year  1850, 
the  General  Assembly  made  the  following  declaration: — 'We  exceed- 
ingly deplore  the  working  of  the  whole  system  of  slavery  as  it  exists 
in  our  country  and  is  interwoven  with  the  political  institutions  of  the 
slave-holding  States,  as  fraught  with  many  and  great  evils  to  the  civil, 
political,  and  moral  interests  of  those  regions  where  it  exists. 

" '  The  holding  of  our  fellow-men  in  the  condition  of  slavery,  ex- 
cept in  those  cases  where  it  is  unavoidable  by  the  laws  of  the  State, 
the  obligations  of  guardianship,  or  the  demands  of  humanity,  is  an 
offense  in  the  proper-  import  of  that  term  as  used  in  the  Book  of 
Discipline,  chap.  1,  sec.  3,  and  should  be  regarded  and  treated  in  the 
same  manner  as  other  offenses.' 

"  Occupying  the  position  in  relation  to  this  subject  which  the 
framers  of  our  Constitution  held  at  the  first,  and  which  our  Church 
has  always  held,  it  is  with  deep  grief  that  we  now  discover  that  a  por- 
tion of  the  Church  at  the  South  has  so  far  departed  from  the  estab- 
lished doctrine  of  the  Church  in  relation  to  slavery  as  to  maintain 
that  'it  is  an  ordinance  of  God,'  and  that  the  system  of  slavery  ex- 
isting in  these  United  States  is  scriptural  and  right.  Against  this 
new  doctrine  we  feel  constrained  to  bear  our  solemn  testimony.  It  is 
at  war  with  the  whole  spirit  and  tenor  of  the  gospel  of  love  and  good 
will,  as  well  as  abhorrent  to  the  conscience  of  the  Christian  world. 
We  can  have  no  sympathy  or  fellowship  with  it ;  and  we  exhort  all 
our  people  to  eschew  it  as  serious  and  pernicious  error. 

"  We  are  especially  pained  by  the  fact  that  the  Presbytery  of  Lex- 
ington, South,  have  given  official  notice  to  us  that  a  number  of  min- 
isters and  ruling  elders,  as  well  as  many  church-members,  in  their 
connection,  hold  slaves  'from  principle  '  and  '  of  choice,'  '  believing  it  to 
be  according  to  the  Bible  right,'  and  have,  without  any  qualifying 
explanation,  assumed  the  responsibility  of  sustaining  such  ministers, 
elders,  and  church-members  in  their  position.  We  deem  it  our  duty,  in 
the  exercise  of  our  constitutional  authority,  '  to  bear  testimony  against 
error  in  doctrine  or  immorality  in  practice  in  any  Church,  Presbytery, 


PRESBYTERIAN    GENERAL    ASSEMBLY  AND   SLAVERY  853 

or  Synod,'  to  disapprove  and  earnestly  condemn  the  position  which 
has  been  thus  assumed  by  the  Presbytery  of  Lexington,  South,  as 
one  which  is  opposed  to  the  established  convictions  of  the  Presby- 
terian Church,  and  must  operate  to  mar  its  peace  and  seriously  hinder 
its  prosperity,  as  well  as  bring  reproach  on  our  holy  religion  ;  and  we 
do  hereby  call  on  that  Presbytery  to  review  and  rectify  their  position. 
Such  doctrines  and  practice  can  not  be  permanently  tolerated  in  the 
Presbyterian  Church.  May  they  speedily  melt  away  under  the  illu- 
minating and  mellowing  influence  of  the  Gospel  and  grace  of  God 
our  Saviour ! 

"  We  do  not,  indeed,  pronounce  a  sentence  of  indiscriminate  con- 
demnation upon  all  our  brethren  who  are  unfortunately  connected 
with  the  system  of  slavery.  We  tenderly  sympathize  with  all  those 
who  deplore  the  evil,  and  are  honestly  doing  all  in  their  power  for 
the  present  well-being  of  their  slaves  and  for  their  complete  emanci- 
pation. We  would  aid,  and  not  embarrass,  such  brethren.  And  yet, 
in  the  language  of  the  General  Assembly  of  1818,  we  would  '  earnestly 
warn  them  against  unduly  extending  the  plea  of  necessity, — against 
making  it  a  cover  for  the  love  and  practice  of  slavery,  or  a  pretense 
for  not  using  efforts  that  are  lawful  and  practicable  to  extinguish 
this  evil.'  (7) 

"  In  conclusion,  the  Assembly  call  the  attention  of  the  PuTjlication 
Committee  to  this  subject,  and  recommend  the  publication,  in  a  con- 
venient form,  of  the  testimony  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  touching 
this  subject,  at  the  earliest  practicable  period. 

"  The  vote  upon  its  adoption  was  by  yeas  and  nays. 

"Adopted:  yeas,  169;  nays,  26;  nan  liquet.  2." — Minutes  1857, 
pp.  401-404." 

The  decisions  of  the  General  Assembly  being  so  decidedly 
anti-slavevy  in  their  character,  the  southern  ministers  felt  them- 
selves constrained  to  withdraw  from  its  jurisdiction,  and  that 
body  now  stands  clear  of  all  connection  with  slavery  or  slave- 
holders. 

2.  At  the  meeting  of  the  General  Assembly  (New  School,)  at 
Syracuse,  New  York,  in  1861,  the  following  resolutions,  in  rela- 
tion to  the  "  state  of  the  country,"  were  passed  unanimously : 

"  The  Committee  to  whom  it  was  referred  to  inquire  what  action, 
by  resolution  or  otherwise,  it  is  meet  for  the  Assembly  to  take  in 
23 


354  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

view  of  tie  present  condition  of  our  country,  beg  leave  to  recommend 
the  following  resolutions : 

"1.  Resolved,  That  inasmuch  as  the  Presbyterian  Church,  in  her 
past  history,  has  frequently  lifted  up  her  voice  against  oppression, 
has  shown  herself  a  champion  of  constitutional  liberty,  as  against 
both  despotism  and  anarchy,  throughout  the  civilized  world,  we 
should  be  recreant  to  our  high  trust  were  we  to  withhold  our  earnest 
protest  against  all  such  unlawful  and  treasonable  acts. 

"  2.  Resolved,  That  this  Assembly  and  the  Churches  which  it  repre- 
sents, cherish  an  undiminished  attachment  to  the  great  principles  of 
civil  and  religious  freedom  on  which  our  National  Government  is 
based ;  under  the  influence  of  which  our  fathers  prayed,  and  fought, 
and  bled ;  which  issued  in  the  establishment  of  our  independence, 
and  by  the  preservation  of  which  we  believe  that  the  common  inter- 
ests of  evangelical  religion  and  civil  liberty  will  be  most  efi"ectively 
sustained. 

"  3.  Resolved,  That  inasmuch  as  we  believe,  according  to  our  Form 
of  Government,  that  '  God,  the  Supreme  Lord  and  King  of  all  the 
world,  hath  ordained  civil  magistrates  to  be,  under  him,  over  the 
people,  for  his  own  glory  and  the  public  good,  and  to  this  end  hath 
armed  them  with  the  power  of  the  sword  for  the  defense  and  en- 
couragement of  them  that  are  good,  and  for  the  punishment  of  evil- 
doers,'— there  is,  in  the  judgment  of  the  Assembly,  no  blood  or 
treasure  too  precious  to  be  devoted  to  the  defense  and  perpetuity  of 
the  Government  in  all  its  constitutional  authority. 

"  4.  Resolved,  That  all  those  who  are  endeavoring  to  uphold  the 
Constitution  and  maintain  the  Government  of  these  United  States  in 
the  exercise  of  its  lawful  prerogatives,  are  entitled  to  the  sympathy 
and  support  of  all  Christians  and  law-abiding  citizens. 

"  5.  Resolved,  That  it  be  recommended  to  all  our  pastors  and 
churches  to  be  instant  and  fervent  in  prayer  for  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  and  all  in  authority  under  him,  that  wisdom  and 
strength  may  be  given  them  in  the  discharge  of  their  arduous  duties  ; 
for  the  Congress  of  the  United  States ;  for  the  Lieutenant-General 
commanding  the  army-in-chief,  and  all  our  soldiers,  that  God  may 
shield  them  from  danger  in  the  hour  of  peril,  and,  by  the  outpouring 
of  the  Hoi}'  Spirit  upon  the  army  and  navy,  renew  and  sanctify  them, 
80  that  whether  living  or  dying,  they  may  be  servants  of  the  Most 
High. 

"  6.    Resolved,  That  in   the  countenance  which  manv  ministers  of 


PRESBYTERIAN   GENERAL   ASSEMBLY   AND    SLAVERY.  355 

the  Grospel,  and  other  professing  Christians,  are  now  giving  to  treason 
and  rebellion  against  the  Government,  we  have  great  occasion  to 
mourn  for  the  injury  thus  done  to  the  kingdom  of  the  Redeemer ; 
and  that,  though  we  have  nothing  to  add  to  our  former  significant 
and  explicit  testimonies  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  we  yet  recommend 
our  people  to  pray  more  fervently  than  ever  for  the  removal  of  this 
evil,  and  all  others,  both  social  and  political,  which  lie  at  the  foun- 
dation of  our  j^resent  national  difficulties. 

"  7.  Resolved^  That  a  copy  of  these  resolutions,  signed  by  the  offi- 
cers of  the  General  Assembly,  be  forwarded  to  His  Excellency,  Abra- 
ham Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States." 

Section  IV. — Remarks  on  the  Ecclesiastical  Legislation 
OF  THE  General  Assembly  Presbyterians. 

Attention  is  called  to  a  few  points  in  the  legislation  of  the 
General  Assembly  Presbyterians. 

(1)  The  Presbyterian  ministers,  at  the  time  our  republic  was 
founded,  had  no  belief  that  mere  personal  freedom  possessed 
any  great  advantages  to  mankind.  (2)  This  is  apparent  from 
the  emphatic  manner  in  which  they  urge  the  "  instruction  of  the 
negroes,  whether  bond  or  free."  And,  besides,  while  their  people 
were  exhorted  to  do  every  thing  in  their  power  to  promote  the 
abolition  of  slavery,  they  were  to  act  consistently  with  the  rights 
of  civil  society.  (3)  While  approving  the  general  principles  in 
favor  of  universal  liberty,  and  the  interest  which  many  of  the 
States  had  taken  in  promoting  the  abolition  of  slavery,  they 
yet  believed  that  men  introduced  from  a  servile  state  to  a  par- 
ticipation of  all  the  privileges  of  civil  society,  without  proper 
education,  and  without  previous  habits  of  industry,  may  be  in 
many  respects  dangerous  to  the  community ;  and  they  earnestly 
recommended,  therefore,  to  all  the  members  belonging  to  their 
communion  to  give  those  persons,  who  were  held  in  servitude, 
such  good  education  as  would  prepare  them  for  the  better  enjoy- 
ment of  freedom'.  Such  was  the  position  of  the  Presbyterian 
Church  in  1787. 

(4)  While  taking  higher  ground,  in  1816,  and  more  strongly 
urging  the  duty  of  promoting  emancipation,  the  Assembly  still 


356  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

gave  paramount  importance  to  the  question  of  securing  to  the 
colored  people  the  blessings  of  the  Gospel.  The  duty  of  imme- 
diate and  unconditional  emancipation  was  not  urged. 

(5)  In  1845,  the  Assembly  (Old  School,)  had  to  meet  the 
question  whether  slaveholding,  without  regard  to  circumstances, 
is  a  sin  ?  This  was  a  test  question,  designed  to  determine 
whether  the  General  Assembly  Presbyterians  should  take  abo- 
lition ground,  or  maintain  their  former  conservative  position. 
They  decided  to  maintain  their  old  ground,  and  thus  gave  a  re- 
buke to  the  abolition  members  of  the  Church,  who  had  kept  up 
the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question ;  at  the  same  time,  however, 
the  Assembly  expressed  the  opinion,  that  the  abuses  of  the  rela- 
tion of  master  and  slave  were  suitable  subjects  for  discipline, 
and  called  for  action  on  the  part  of  their  people  in  applying  the 
proper  remedy.  The  Assembly  further  expressed  the  opinion, 
that  it  is  only  by  the  influence  of  the  Gospel  upon  both  masters 
and  slaves,  and  the  proper  discharge  of  the  relative  duties  of 
each  to  the  other,  that  the  condition  of  the  slaves  can  be  im- 
proved. 

(6)  But  there  is  here  one  important  declaration  that  must  not 
be  overlooked.  The  Assembly  give  it  as  their  deliberate  judg- 
ment, that  the  tendency  of  the  abolition  movements,  by  agitating 
the  slavery  question  in  the  Church,  was  to  promote  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Union.     Alas,  this  fear  was  but  too  well  founded ! 

(7)  It  will  be  seen,  that  the  action  of  the  Assembly,  (New 
School)  after  the  separation  in  1838,  was  more  anti-slavery  in 
its  character  than  that  of  the  Old  School.  While,  however,  it 
has  been  considered  at  the  South  as  bearing  the  abolition  stamp, 
we  believe  the  Assembly  itself  did  not  contemplate  taking  aboli- 
tion grounds. 

The  legislation  here  presented  afl'ords  no  adequate  idea  of 
the  excitements  which  preceded  and  accompanied  it.  The  docu- 
ments going  out  to  the  public  after  1830,  are  only  an  embodi- 
ment of  the  conservative  element  existing  within  the  bosom  of 
the  Church.  We  refer  especially  to  the  Old  School  Assembly. 
Had  nothing  else  appeared  but  the  resolutions  agreed  upon, 
there  would  have  been  no  grounds  for  alarm  at  the  South,  that 


PRESBYTERIAN  GENERAL  ASSEMBLY   AND   SLAVERY.  357 

the  Presbyterians  North  were  determined  upon  the  overthrow  of 
slavery.  But,  unfortunately,  the  violent  men  found  means  and 
ways  of  putting  into  circulation  their  high-toned  abolition  senti- 
ments ;  and  conservative  men,  taking  no  steps  to  counteract  the 
effects  of  such  productions,  allowed  them  full  sway  in  creating  a 
public  opinion  at  the  South  that  was  wholly  unsupported  by  the 
real  facts  in  the  case.  In  this  matter  conservative  men  greatly 
erred.  They  should  never  have  yielded  to  the  abolition  storm ; 
but  have  spoken  out  boldly  in  reprobation  of  the  fanaticism  that 
has  worked  out  its  ruinous  consequences  upon  both  Church  and 
State.  There  has  no  good,  but  much  ill,  resulted  from  the 
ecclesiastical  legislation  of  the  Presbyterian  General  Assemblies 
on  the  subject  of  slavery.  This  must  be  the  conclusion  of  every 
right-minded  Christian. 


CHAPTER    VII. 

THE   SCOTTISH   AMERICAN    PRESBYTERIAN   CHURCHES    AND    SLAVERY. 

The  Churches  classed  under  this  head  are  the  Reformed  Pres- 
byterian Synod,  the  Associate  Synod,  the  Associate  Reformed 
Synod  of  the  West,  and  the  United  Presbyterian  General  As- 
sembly. 

Section  I. — The  Legislation  of  the  Associate  Synod  of 
North  America  on  Slavery. 

This  Church,  originally,  was  an  oif-shoot  of  the  Seceders  in 
Scotland.  The  subject  of  slavery  was  agitated  by  the  mother 
Church  as  early  as  1788,  One  of  the  original  Presbyteries  of 
the  Associate  Church  in  the  United  States  had  its  location  in 
Kentucky,  and,  as  early  as  the  year  1808,  sent  up  an  address  to 
the  Presbytery  of  Pennsylvania,  asking  that  a  warning  might  be 
issued  against  the  sin  of  slaveholding.  With  this  request  the 
Presbytery  complied,  and  in  their  warning  declare  slaveholding 
to  be  a  moral  evil  and  unjustifiable.  Another  memorial,  of  a 
similar  character,  was  sent  to  the  Synod  the  same  year,  1808, 
from  Green  County,  Ohio,  asking  ecclesiastical  action  for  the 
exclusion  of  slaveholders  from  the  communion  of  the  Church. 
This  led,  in  the  end,  to  the  adoption  of  an  act,  in  1811,  which 
reads  as  follows : 

"  1.  That  it  is  a  moral  evil  to  hold  negroes  or  their  children  in 
perpetual  slavery ;  or  to  claim  the  right  of  buying  or  selling  them ; 
or  of  bequeathing  them  as  transferable  property. 

"  2.  That  all  persons  belonging  to  our  communion,  having  slaves 
in  possession,  be  directed  to  set  them  at  liberty,  unless  prohibited 
from  doing  so  by  the  civil  law  ;  and  that  in  those  States  where  the 
(358) 


SCOTTISH   AMERICAN    CHURCHES   AND    SLAVERY.  359 

liberation  of  the  slaves  is  rendered  impracticable  by  the  existing 
laws,  it  is  the  duty  of  holders  of  slaves  to  treat  them  with  as  much 
justice  as  if  they  were  liberated ;  to  give  them  suitable  food  and 
clothing ;  to  have  them  taught  to  read,  and  instructed  in  the  princi- 
ples of  religion ;  and,  when  their  services  justly  deserve  it,  to  give 
them  additional  compensation. 

"  3.  That  those  slaveholders  who  refuse  to  renounce  the  above 
claim,  and  to  treat  their  slaves  in  the  manner  now  specified,  are  un- 
worthy of  being  admitted  into,  or  retained  in,  the  fellowship  of  the 
Church  of  Christ. 

''4.  That  it  may  be  lawful  for  persons  in  our  communion  to  pur- 
chase negroes  from  those  who  are  holding  them  in  absolute  and 
perpetual  slavery,  with  a  view  to  retain  them  in  their  service  until 
they  are  recompensed  for  the  money  laid  out  in  the  purchase  of  the 
said  slaves ;  provided  it  be  done  with  the  consent  of  the  negroes 
themselves,  and  that  they  be  treated,  in  the  meantime,  according  to 
the  second  of  these  regulations. 

"  5.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  Sessions  to  see  that  the  above  regula- 
tions be  faithfully  observed ;  but  that,  before  they  be  acted  upon  in 
any  congregation  where  the  application  of  them  is  requisite,  care 
shall  be  taken  to  have  the  people  of  that  congregation  not  only  ap- 
prised of  these  regulations,  but  instructed  concerning  the  moral  evil 
of  the  slaveholding  here  condemned." 

The  Synod,  at  this  period,  was  composed  of  Presbyteries  whose 
jurisdictions  extended  over  the  States  of  Virginia,  North  Caro- 
lina, South  Carolina,  and  Tennessee,  as  well  as  throughout  the 
Northern  States.  The  provisions  of  the  act  of  1811  not  being 
complied  with,  the  Synod,  after  having  had  the  subject  before 
them  for  a  number  of  years,  at  another  meeting,  in  1831,  passed 
a  more  stringent  act,  by  which  all  slaveholders  were  forthwith 
excluded  from  her  communion.     The  act  of  1831  is  as  follows : 

^'Eesolved,  That  as  slavery  is  clearly  condemned  by  the  law  of  God, 
and  has  been  long  since  judicially  declared  to  be  a  moral  evil  by  this 
Church,  no  member  thereof  shall,  from  and  after  this  date,  be  allowed 
to  hold  a  human  being  in  the  character  or  condition  of  a  slave. 

^'■Resolved,  That  this  Synod  do  hereby  order  all  its  subordinate  judi- 
catories to  proceed  forthwith  to  carry  into  execution  the  intention  of 
the  foregoing  resolution,  by  requiring  those  church-members  under 


360  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

their  immediate  inspection,  who  may  he  possessed  of  slaves,  to  relin- 
quish their  unjust  claims,  and  release  those  whom  they  may  have 
heretofore  considered  as  their  property. 

"Resolved,  That  if  any  member  or  members  of  this  Church,  in  order 
to  evade  this  act,  shall  sell  any  of  their  slaves,  or  make  a  transfer  of 
them,  so  as  to  retain  the  proceeds  of  their  services,  or  the  price  of 
their  sale,  or  in  any  other  way  evade  the  provisions  of  this  act,  they 
shall  be  subject  to  the  censures  of  the  Church. 

"Resolved,  Further,  that  where  an  individual  is  found  who  ha3 
spent  so  much  of  his  or  her  strength  in  the  service  of  another  as  to 
be  disqualified  from  providing  for  his  or  her  own  support,  the  master, 
in  such  a  case,  is  to  be  held  responsible  for  the  comfortable  mainten- 
ance of  said  servants." 

Then  follows  a  list  of  directions  which  the  Synod  recommends 
to  be  observed  in  carrying  out  the  foregoing  resolutions.  It 
may  be  remarked  here,  also,  that  a  protest,  signed  by  six  mem- 
bers of  the  Synod,  was  offered,  and  answered  by  a  committee 
appointed  for  that  purpose. 

A  few  years  previous  to  the  date  of  this  act,  as  appears  from 
the  Minutes  of  the  Synod  for  1824,  the  Associate  Presbyterian 
Church  had  under  its  care  ninety-one  congregations,  settled  and 
vacant,  of  which  Uventy-eight  were  in  the  slave  States,  and  dis- 
tributed as  follows :  South  Carolina,  eleven^  North  Carolina,  ien^ 
Tennessee,  two,  Virginia,  five. 

In  1840,  the  Synod  addressed  a  letter  to  the  people  under 
their  inspection  in  the  Presbytery  of  the  Carolinas,  in  which 
"  some  allowance  was  made  for  those  who  might  not  be  able  to 
effect  the  emancipation  of  their  slaves,  provided  they  would 
agree  to  what  was  called  a  moral  emancipation.  This  letter, 
however,  was  so  far  from  conciliating  the  feelings  of  Southern 
slaveholders,  that  a  mob  of  them  visited  with  Lynch-law  the 
minister*  who  was  appointed  to  be  the  bearer  of  it,  and  that, 
too,  while  he  was  engaged  with  a  congregation  in  the  public 
worship  of  God.  The  effect  of  these  proceedings  Avas  to  purge 
the  Church  of  the  sin  of  slaveholding,  and,  at  the  same  time,  en- 
tirely extinguishing  the  Associate  Presbytery  of  the  Carolinas." 

•  Kev.  Mr.  Kendall,  now  of  Oregon. 


if 

SCOTTISH    AMEKICAN   CHURCHES   AND   SLAVERY.  361 

"In  1845,  in  compliance  with  the  purport  of  various  memorials, 
the  Synod  addressed  a  pastoral  letter  warning  their  people  against  the 
sin  of  voting  for  immoral  characters.  The  same  subject  was  brought 
before  the  Synod  again  in  1853,  and  a  report  was  adopted  in  which 
the  great  iniquity  of  voting  for  wicked  men  is  pointed  out,  and  minis- 
ters are  particularly  enjoined  to  instruct  their  people  in  reference  to 
this  matter,  and  to  warn  them  against  being  partakers  in  other  men's 
sins,  by  exalting  vile  men  to  high  places.   (1) 

"  The  course  pursued  by  the  government  for  promoting  the  cause 
of  slavery,  and  the  outrages  perpetrated  by  the  friends  of  that  system, 
were  regarded  by  the  Synod  of  1856  as  loudly  calling  for  some  action. 
A  report  was  accordingly  adopted,  condemning,  in  very  pointed  terms, 
1st.  Slavery  itself;  2d.  The  Fugitive  Slave  Law;  3d.  The  gross  and 
brutal  attack  on  Senator  Sumner ;  4th.  The  outrages  in  Kansas.  This 
report  the  clerk  of  Synod  was  directed  to  forward  to  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  and  to  each  House  of  Congress." 

The  Associate  Synod  no  longer  exists  as  a  distinct  body,  but 
has  become  merged  in  the  United  Presbyterian  Church,  by  a 
union  with  the  Associate  Reformed  Church. 

The  foregoing  facts  are  taken  from  the  Minutes  of  the  Associate 
Synod,  and  from  the  Church  3Ieniorial,  a  work  recently  issued, 
under  the  patronage  of  the  United  Presbyterian  Church,  and 
embracing  an  historical  sketch  of  the  two  bodies  which  united  in 
the  formation  of  this  Church. 

Section  II. — The  Legislation  of  the  Associate  Reformed 
Synod  of  the  West  on  Slavery. 

This  Church,  like  the  Associate  Church,  was,  originally,  the 
offspring  of  the  Scotch  Seceders.  Its  action  on  slavery  is 
quoted  mainly  from  the  Church  Memorial,  and  embraces,  sub- 
stantially, its  proceedings  down  to  the  time  of  its  being  merged 
in  the  United  Presbyterian  Church.  Its  action,  like  that  of  its 
kindred  churches,  resulted  in  excluding  it  from  all  the  slavehold- 
ing  States,  excepting  a  congregation  in  St.  Louis.  The  legisla- 
tion of  this  Church  on  slavery  was  as  follows  : 

"  At  an  early  period  in  its  history,  anxious  inquiry  was  made  as  to 
the  course  that  should  be    pursued  in  regard    to    this   system ;   and 


3^2  PULPIT     POLITICS. 

extending,  as  the  body  then  did,  into  slaveholding  territories,  it  was 
a  practical  question  of  grave  moment.  At  diflerent  meetings  of  the 
General  Synod,  the  subject  was  discussed,  and  committees  were  ap- 
pointed to  prepare  statements  of  the  Synod's  views,  but  from  various 
causes,  nothing  was  effectually  done  during  the  existence  of  that 
body* 

"  At  the  meeting  of  the  Synod  of  the  West,  at  Chillicothe,  Ohio, 
May,  1826,  the  subject  came  formally  up,  in  a  memorial  from  the 
congregation  of  Hopewell,  in  the  first  Presbytery  of  Ohio,  and  a 
series  of  discussions  and  acts  were  entered  upon,  which  resulted  in 
the  adoption,  at  the  meeting  in  Chillicothe  again  in  1830,  of  the 
following  resolutions,  which,  with  some  modifications  and  explana- 
tions that  we  shall  append  in  foot-notes,  contains  the  final  action  of 
that  portion  of  the  Church : 

"1.  Resolved,  That  the  religion  of  Jesus  Christ  requires  that  in- 
voluntary slavery  should  be  removed  from  the  Church  as  soon  as 
opportunity  in  the  providence  of  God  is  offered  to  slave-owners  for 
the  liberation  of  their  slaves. 

"  2.  Resolved,  That  when  there  are  no  regulations  of  the  State  to 
prohibit  it;  when  provision  can  be  made  for  the  support  of  the 
fteedmen  ;  when  they  can  be  placed  in  circumstances  to  support  the 
rank,  enjoy  the  rights,  and  discharge  the  duties  of  freemen,  it  shall 
be  considered  that  such  an  opportunity  is  afforded  in  the  providence 
of  God.f 

"  3.  Resolved,  That  the  Synod  will,  as  it  hereby  does,  recommend  it 
to  all  its  members  to  aid  in  placing  the  slaves  which  are  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  this  Synod  in  the  possession  of  their  rights  as  freemen  ; 
and  that  it  be  recommended  to  them  especially  to  take  up  annual 
collections  to  aid  the  funds  of  the  American  Society  for  colonizing 
the  free  people  of  color  in  the  United  States.]] 

*  This  Churcli  was  originally  composed  of  three  subordinate  Synods — the 
Synod  of  the  South,  of  New  York,  and  of  the  "West — represented  in  a  General 
Synod. 

t  At  a  meeting  in  1838,  the  Sj'nod  passed  the  following  in  reference  to  this 
resolution : 

"  Resolved,  that  an  opportunity  in  the  providence  of  God  shall  be  considered  as 
afforded  when  the  master  can  emancipate  his  slave,  and  place  him  in  circum- 
etances  where  he  shall  not  be  liable  to  be  immediately  sold  into  bondage." 

X  In  consequence  of  a  memorial  from  Robinson  Run  congregation,  the  Synod, 
at  its  meeting  in  1839,  adopted  the  following  in  regard  to  this  resolution  : 


SCOTTISH    AMERICAN    CHURCHES    AND    SLAVERY.  363 

"  4.  Resolved,  That  the  practice  of  buying  or  selling  slaves  for  gain, 
by  any  member  of  this  Church,  be  disapproved ;  and  that  slave-owners 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  this  Synod  be,  as  they  hereby  are,  forbidden 
all  aggravations  of  the  evils  of  slavery,  by  violating  the  ties  of  nature, 
the  separation  of  husband  and  wife,  parents  and  children,  or  by  cruel 
or  unkind  treatment ;  and  that  they  shall  not  only  treat  them  well, 
but  also  instruct  them  in  useful  knowledge  and  the  principles  of  the 
Christian  religion,  and  in  all  respects  treat  them  as  enjoined  upon 
masters  toward  their  servants  by  the  apostles  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ. 

"  Two  years  afterward,  in  1832,  the  Synod  issued  a  Letter  of  Warn- 
ing, or  an  Occasional  Testimony,  in  which  these  resolutions  were 
quoted,  and  the  following  extracts  will  show  in  what  sense  they  were 
intended  and  understood  as  the  law  of  the  Church :  '  Now,  brethren, 
it  is  expected  that  the  foregoing  resolutions  will  not  be  as  a  dead 
letter,  but  be  respected  and  reduced  to  practice.  It  is  expected  that 
Sessions  and  Presbyteries  will  see  them  enforced.  It  is  expected  that 
slave-owners  in  the  Church  will  make  conscience  of  seeking  and  im- 
proving opportunities,  and  the  very  first  which  oflfer,  of  liberating 
their  slaves.  It  is  expected  that  in  the  meantime  they  will  give  sat- 
isfactory evidence  to  their  respective  Sessions  that  they  do  consider 
slavery  a  moral  evil,  that  they  do  truly  desire  to  get  rid  of  it  as  soon 
as  they  can,  and  that  it  is  their  intention  to  embrace  the  first  oppor- 
tunity which  God  in  his  providence  shall  give  them  for  so  doing. 
And  it  is  expected  of  Sessions  that  they  will  require  this  of  slave- 
owning  church-members  or  applicants,'  etc.  (2) 

"  These  acts  of  the  Synod  of  the  West  remain  unchanged.  They 
were  carried  into  the  General  Synod  of  the  West,  were  recognized  in 
the  union  with  the  Synod  of  New  York,  and  are  strikingly  similar  to 
the  Testimony  on  this  subject  in  the  basis  of  union  with  the  Associate 
Church  in  May  last." 

The  Letter  of  Warning,  referred  to  above,  among  the  many 

"As  there  are  two  conflicting  Societies  operating  in  the  community — the  Col- 
onization and  the  Anti-Slavery  Societies — and  as  this  Synod  has  recommended 
the  former  to  the  patronage  of  the  Churches  under  its  care;  and  as  it  is  desir- 
able the  Synod  should  keep  clear  of  this  excitement;  and  as  the  Church  should 
not  be  involved  by  the  operation  of  bodies  over  which  it  has  no  control,  there- 
fore, 

^^ Resolved,  That  this  Synod  withdraws  the  recommendation  formerly  given  to 
the  Colonization  Society." 


364  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

topics  discussed,  embraced  the  following  paragraph,  in  which  the 
Synod  undertakes  to  interpret  the  dispensations  of  Providence : 

"God  is  visiting  our  land  with  one  of  his  'sore  judgments' — the 
pestilence  [Asiatic  cholera].  This  visitation  is  a  call  from  the  Su- 
preme Ruler  to  our  nation,  to  consider  their  ways  and  repent ;  and 
when  such  a  call  is  given,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Church,  whose  business 
it  is  to  sustain  the  cause  of  God  and  righteousness  on  earth,  to  point 
out  those  national  sins  for  which  the  righteous  Lord  inflicts  national 
judgments.  Now,  one  prominent  national  sin,  on  account  of  which — 
as  well  as  on  account  of  Sabbath-breaking,  intemperance,  and  evil- 
speaking — the  Lord  is  visiting  our  country,  is  slavery." 

Section  III. — The  Legislation  of  the  Reformed  Presby- 
terian Church  on  Slavery. 

1.  The  following  statement  of  the  course  of  policy  pursued  by 
this  Church,  was  supplied  to  the  author  of  the  Hand-Book  on 
THE  Slavery  Question,  by  a  venerable  father  in  the  ministry 
of  that  Church.  Its  legislation  on  the  question  of  slavery,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  two  Churches  before  noticed,  excluded  its 
ministers  almost  entirely  from  all  the  slaveholding  States  —  a 
few  members  only,  for  many  years,  still  adhering  to  it,  in  two 
or  three  places  South  : 

"  This  Church,  while  recognizing  the  legitimacy  of  the  relation  of 
master  and  servant,  has  always  borne  testimony  against  slavery,  as 
defined  in  the  slave  laws  of  the  States,  and  colonies  before  they  were 
States,  of  our  country.  But  until  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth 
century  that  testimony  was  not  formally  judicative.  It  was  given  in 
the  usual  course  of  the  ministrations  of  the  sanctuary.  At  that  time, 
however,  (the  latter  part  of  the  last  century,)  the  subject  was  judi- 
cially acted  on,  and  slavery,  as  defined  by  the  slave  laws  of  slave- 
holding  States  and  their  courts,  was  formally  condemned  as  a  personal, 
domestic,  political,  and  moral  evil;  and  slaveholding,  and  the  appro- 
bation of  it,  as  thus  defined,  excluded  from  the  sacramental  fellowship 
of  the  Church.  During  the  present  century,  no  slaveholder,  or  advo- 
cate of  slavery  on  the  chattel  principle,  has  been  admitted  to  the 
ecclesiastical  connection  of  this  department  of  the  Church.  Such  is 
the  position  and  such  the  conduct  of  this  portion  of  the  Presbyterian 
family  on  this  subject. 


SCOTTISH   AMERICAN   CHURCHES    AND   SLAVERY.  365 

"  It  ought  to  be  remarked,  perhaps,  that  this  body  has  never  de- 
nounced, as  immoral  per  se,  the  right  of  property  by  one  person  in 
another,  nor  yet  involuntary  service  as  wrong.  These,  under  legiti- 
mate regulations,  may  belong  to  the  nearest  relations  of  life.  These 
do  not  constitute  the  slavery  of  the  slave  laws  of  the  country.  To 
confound  them  with  it  may  perplex,  but  can  not  enlighten. 

"  In  reference  to  the  influence  of  this  measure  upon  the  prosperity 
of  the  body,  it  may  be  stated,  that,  at  the  time,  it  generally  secured 
the  disapprobation  of  other  religious  bodies,  as  indiscreet,  if  not 
wrong.  It  occasioned  the  loss  of  those,  as  members,  who  refused  to 
comply  with  that  measure,  they  finding  an  open  door  for  their  recep- 
tion in  other  ecclesiastical  connections.  Upon  our  organizations  in 
the  slave  States  it  has  not  been  propitious.  While  at  no  time,  on 
the  part  of  the  public  functionaries  of  the  States,  was  there  any  dis- 
position to  bear  hardly  or  unkindly  on  Reformed  Presbyterians,  they 
being  uniformly  recognized  as  ardent  patriots  and  good  citizens ;  yet 
the  existence,  maintenance,  and  general  operation  of  the  slave  laws 
were,  in  many  respects,  unpleasant  to  them.  Hence  the  great  body 
of  this  denomination,  with  their  ministers,  were  induced  to  seek  a 
more  eligible  home  in  the  free  States.  This  step  aflfected  the  locality 
rather  than  the  number  of  professors. 

"  But  to  the  picture  there  is  another  side,  and  of  it  the  following 
may  be  said  : 

"  The  Church  is  free,  and  for  nearly  half  a  century  has  been  free, 
from  the  malign  influence  that  goes  to  degrade  the  moral  and  immor- 
tal being  to  the  class  of  chattels,  made  legally  incapable  of  personal 
relations  and  rights.  The  self-denial  evinced,  both  in  the  North  and 
the  South,  in  the  ready  emancipation  of  slaves  by  those  who  entered 
into  the  views  of  the  Church,  had  a  happy  influence  upon  others  in 
many  respects.  Occasion  was  given  to  numbers  of  the  consistent 
friends  of  rational  freedom,  upon  examination,  to  enter  into  the  fel- 
lowship of  the  Church.  This  department  of  Zion  is  now,  and  has 
long  been,  exempt  from  that  unhappy  state  -of  agitation  which  at 
present  so  extensively  disturbs  the  peace  of  others.  With  us  it  is 
not  a  novelty,  but  a  long  settled  matter. 

"  It  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  remark,  that  while  this  was  the  de- 
partment of  the  Presbyterian  family  that  first  took  such  ground  and 
action  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  there  was  no  rashness  in  the  measure. 
The  degrading  and  cruel  chattel  principle  was  repudiated,  and  made 
a  subject  of  ecclesiastical,  corrective  discipline.     The  legitimate  rela- 


366  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

tion  of  master  and  servant  remained  untouched.  Provision  was  made 
that  the  aged,  the  infirm,  and  minors  be  taken  care  of;  and,  while  the 
relation  of  superior  and  subordinate  remained,  the  subordinate  was 
secured  in  all  personal  rights  which  the  condition  of  the  individual 
morally  required  or  admitted.  In  this  case  there  was  no  social  con- 
vulsion." 

The  division  in  this  Church,  some  years  since,  into  what  the 
public  designated  as  Old  Side  and  New  Side,  in  no  way  affected 
the  views  of  the  parties  on  the  question  of  slavery. 

2.  In  1859,  the  0.  S.  Synod,  at  its  meeting  in  Allegheny  City, 
Pennsylvania,  gave  the  following  deliverance : 

"  That  slavery,  the  holding  of  men  as  property,  to  be  bought  and 
sold  as  '  chattels  personal,'  is  a  malum  per  se,  (an  evil  in  itself,) 
wholly  at  variance  with  the  Divine  word. 

"  That  we  are  more  firmly  convinced  that  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  is  the  great  stronghold  and  bulwark  of  this  system  of 
violence  and  oppression,  and  that,  therefore,  we  will  continue  to  tes- 
tify against  it,  refuse  to  swear  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  it,  or  obey  its 
unholy  requirements.  (3) 

"  That  those  who  attempt  to  defend  slavery  from  the  Bible,  to  im- 
pose upon  the  community  the  enormous  lie  that  God,  by  his  word, 
sanctions  a  sin  so  heinous,  are  guilty  of  one  of  the  worst  and  most 
dangerous  forms  of  infidelity  exhibited  in  this  age  and  nation.  That 
we  will  labor  and  pray  for  the  emancipation  of  the  captive,  the 
coming  of  that  day  when  God  will  break  every  yoke,  undo  the  heavy 
burden,  and  let  the  oppressed  go  free." 

At  the  same  meeting,  the  Committee  on  a  Memorial  to  Con- 
gress, reported :  "  That  they  had  prepared  a  petition  which  asks 
Congress  to  make  such  alterations  in  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  that  it  will  acknowledge  the  being  and  authority 
of  God,  an  acknowledgment  of  submission  to  the  authority  of  the 
Church,  (4)  to  i,-ecognize  the  paramount  obligation  of  God's  law, 
and  that  it  may  be  rendered,  in  all  its  principles  and  provisions, 
adverse  to  any  form  of  slavery  within  the  national  limits." 

3.  The  General  Synod  of  the  Reformed  Presbyterian  Church, 
(N.  S.,)  at  its  session  of  1861,  adopted  the  following  propositions 
on  the  "  state  of  the  country :" 


SCOTTISH    AMERICAN   CHURCHES    AND   SLAVERY.  367 

"1.  Whatever  may  be  the  incidental  causes  of  the  present  war, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  existence  of  slavery,  and  the  desire  to 
continue  it,  is  the  fundamental  cause. 

"  2.  Both  the  light  of  nature  and  the  plain  teachings  of  the  revealed 
Word  of  Grod  demonstrate  that  there  are  occasions  in  which  war  is  not 
only  lawful,  but  dutiflil ;  and  that  we  believe  the  present  war  is  one 
which  is  justifiable  in  behalf  of  our  National  Government,  and  which 
every  Christian  and  patriot  should  be  willing  to  sustain. 

"3.  The  great  object  of  the  Gospel  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  is  to 
promote  glory  to  God  in  the  highest,  and  on  earth  peace  and  good- 
will to  man ;  the  fruit  of  the  Spirit  is  peace,  the  duty  of  every  Chris- 
tian to  seek  for  the  things  which  make  for  peace,  and  which  will  turn 
wars  into  peace. 

"  4.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  people  of  the  slaveholding 
States  of  our  confederacy  misapprehend  the  principles  and  views  of 
the  people  of  the  non-slaveholding  States.  It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose 
that  there  is  any  intention  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States 
where  it  exists,  by  any  other  means  than  such  as  the  right  of  free 
discussion  of  any  subject  of  interest  in  politics  or  religion,  properly 
conducted,  will  sanction  ;  to  suppose  that  there  is  a  desire  that  the 
slaves  should  rise  up  in  insurrection,  murder  their  owners,  and  devas- 
tate their  homes;  that  there  is  any  plan  to  degrade  or  subjugate  the 
South,  and  deprive  its  inhabitants  of  the  equal  rights  which  the  Con- 
stitution of  our  country  secures  to  all.  (5) 

"  5.  Notwithstanding,  it  is  to  be  distinctly  understood  that  the 
people  of  the  North,  with  few  exceptions,  regard  slavery  as  a  great 
moral  and  political  evil,  and  do  desire  its  peaceable  extinction. 

"  6.  Slavery  is  the  volcanic  element  in  our  political  system ;  were 
it  removed,  there  is  no  reason  to  apprehend  any  dissolution  of  the 
brotherly  covenant  which  has  bound  our  sovereign  States  together ; 
and  the  highest  welfare  of  the  nation  requires  that  measures  should 
be  taken  for  its  removal.  The  providence  of  God  is  now  most  sol- 
emnly and  distinctly  upon  us  as  a  nation  to  devise  some  plan  for  this 
object.  (6) 

"  7.  There  are  sins  in  regard  to  this,  as  well  as  other  things,  with 
us  as  well  as  our  brethren  of  the  South.  We  feel  bound  to  bear  with 
them  the  burden  and  loss  which  may  be  required  in  the  emancipation 
of  the  slave.  We  believe  there  are  many  in  the  South  who  recognize 
the  evil  of  slavery,  and  would  willingly  cooperate  for  its  removal. 

"  8.  It  behooves  Christians  of  every  name,  whether  in  the  North  or 


368  PDLPIT    POLITICS. 

the  South,  under  the  example  of  our  Saviour  and  the  guidance  of  Ms 
Spirit  and  his  Word,  to  unite  for  this  purpose." 

4.  Extracts  from  the  proceedings  of  the  Reformed  Presbytery  of 
Pittsburgh,  {N.  S.)  on  the  State  of  the  Country. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Pittsburgh  Presbytery  of  the  Reformed 
Presbyterian  Church,  held  at  Centreville,  Butler  Co.,  Pa.,  on 
Wednesday,  the  1st  of  October,  1861,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Douglas,  of 
Pittsburgh,  offered  the  following  resolutions  on  the  "  state  of  the 
country,"  which,  after  speeches  of  the  intensest  patriotism  by  the 
mover,  Rev.  John  Nevin,  the  seconder,  Revs.  George  Scott,  John 
M'Millan,  and  J.  F.  Hill,  were  unanimously  adopted: 

"Whereas,  a  number  of  states  in  the  Southern  part  of  our  country 
are  now  in  a  state  of  armed  rebellion  against  the  government  of  the 
United  States,  menacing  its  independence  and  perpetuation,  and  there- 
by endangering  our  peace,  happiness,  and  prosperity;  and  whereas, 
it  is  proper  for  us  as  a  Presbytery,  when  national  affairs  assume  a 
moral  and  religious  aspect,  to  give  a  judicial  declaration  in  regard  to 
them,  for  the  guidance  and  information  of  the  people  committed  to 
our  charge,  therefore, 

"  Resolved,  That  whatever  may  be  its  present  complications,  Ne- 
gro Slavery  is  the  primary  cause  of  the  war  which  is  now  dis- 
tracting our  country — prostrating  its  commercial  and  every  other 
interest. 

"  Re&olvedy  That  this  war  is  the  infliction  of  the  just  punishment 
of  an  offended  God  upon  our  country  and  our  government,  for  their 
aiding  and  abetting  the  nefarious  sin  of  human  bondage. 

''  Resolved,  That  American  slavery  is  radically  and  essentially  wrong, 
and  'no  possible  contingency  can  ever  make  it  right;'  that  it  involves 
the  horrid  crimes  of  robbery,  oppression,  concubinage,  and  murder, 
and  stands  alike  in  antagonism  to  the  laws  of  humanity  and  the  laws 
of  God. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  pledge  our  support  to  the  government  so  long 
as  it  conducts  the  present  war  on  the  principle  of  undying  hostility 
to  slavery,  believing,  as  we  do,  that  as  long  as  slavery  exists  we  never 
can  have  peace 

"  Resolved,  That,  in  times  of  rebellion,  military  authority  takes  the 
place  of  all  municipal  institutions — 'slavery  among  the  rest.'  That 
thr  President  of  the  United  States,  taking  advantage  of  the  emergen- 


SCOTTISH    AMERICAN   CHURCHES   AND    SLAVERY.  869 

cies  of  war,  '  has  power  to  order  the  universal  emancipation  of  the 
slaves  '  held  by  the  rebels,  and  that  in  doing  so  he  would  be  acting 
for  the  'general  welfare,'  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the 
Constitution ;  that  military  commanders  possess  the  same  power  in 
their  respective  districts,  and  that  we  deprecate  any  Executive  or 
official  interference  that  would  go  to  nullify  any  such  proclamations 
which  have  been,  or  yet  may  be  made.  (7) 

Section  IV. — The  Legislation  of  the  United  Presbyterian 
Church  of  North  America  on  Slavery. 

1.  This  Church  was  organized  in  the  year  1858,  by  the  Union 
of  the  Associate  and  the  Associate  Reformed  Churches.  This 
Church,  at  its  organization,  made  the  following  declaration  of 
principles  on  the  subject  of  slavery  : 

"  We  declare^  That  slaveholding — that  is,  the  holding  of  unoffending 
human  beings  in  involuntary  bondage,  and  considering  and  treating 
them  as  property,  and  subject  to  be  bought  and  sold — is  a  violation 
of  the  law  of  God,  and  contrary  both  to  the  letter  and  spirit  of  Chris- 
tianity. 

"  Argument  and  Illustration.— This  declaration  is  in  accordance 
with  the  Confession  of  Faith,  chap,  iv,  sec.  2,  Larger  Catechism, 
ques.  142. 

"  That  slaveholding  is,  as  we  have  declared  it  to  be,  a  violation  of 
the  law  of  Cod,  will  appear  from  the  following  considerations  : 

"  1.  The  Word  of  God  represents  the  whole  human  family  as  possess- 
ing a  common  nature.  The  slave  is  a  man — as  really  and  truly  a  man 
as  the  most  gifted  and  illustrious  of  the  liuman  family.  He  is  a  child 
of  Adam,  who  was  made  in  the  image  and  after  the  likeness  of  God, 
(Gen.  i:  26.)  He  is  of  '  one  blood  '  with  him  who  holds  him  in  bon- 
dage, (Acts  xvii :  26.)  This  being  the  case,  his  natural  rights  must  be 
the  same  as  those  of  any  other.  If  man  possesses,  by  the  law  of 
his  creation,  any  natural  and  inalienable  right,  that  right  must  be  in- 
consistent with  the  condition  of  a  person  who  is  considered  and  treated 
as  property,  subject  to  be  bought  and  sold.  Slaveholding,  then,  is  at 
war  with  humanity. 

"  2.  The  word  of  God,  in  the  grant  of  dominion  which  it  makes, 
restrains  the  power  of  man  thus  to  treat  his  fellow  man.  He  has,  by 
the  authority  of  God,  his  Creator,  dominion  over  all  the  lower  crea- 
tures, (Gen.  i :  26.)  The  possession  of  such  a  dominion  by  a  person 
24 


870  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

is,  in  its  very  nature,  inconsistent  with  his  condition  as  a  slave — a 
person  who  is  himself  considered  and  treated  as  property.  While, 
therefore,  he  is  held  in  this  condition,  the  grant  of  his  Creator  is 
rendered  a  nullity.  Nor  is  this  all :  while  this  grant  of  dominion 
secures  to  the  slave  his  right  to  liberty,  it  interdicts,  by  the  clearest 
implication,  the  assumption  of  that  right  which  the  slaveholder  claims. 
The  grant  of  his  Creator  gives  him  dominion  over  the  lower  creatures. 
These  he  may  make  his  property;  thus  far  his  dominion  as  owner 
extends,  but  no  farther.  Slavery,  however,  assumes  this  power.  It 
reduces  to  the  condition  of  property  him  who,  by  divine  right,  is  lord 
of  all.     (Ps.  viii :  6.) 

"3.  The  law  of  God  recognizes  the  right  of  all  men  to  use  the 
powers  of  body  and  mind  which  their  Creator  has  given  them,  in  the 
pursuit  of  happiness.  It  sanctions  labor  with  a  view  to  their  support, 
(Gen.  ii :  15  ;  iii :  23 ;  1  Thess.  iv :  11 ;  2  Thess.  iii :  10-12.)  But  slav- 
ery, while  it  dooms  its  victims  to  toil,  lays  its  hand  upon  the  fruits 
of  that  toil,  and  appropriates  it  to  him  who  has  not  performed  the 
labor.  It  thus  takes  away  from  man  that  incentive  to  labor  which 
the  Creator  has  given  to  him,  by  giving  to  him  a  right  to  its  fruits 
The  slave,  being  himself  the  property  of  another,  can  own  nothing, 
and,  of  course,  can  acquire  nothing. 

"4.  The  law  of  God  enjoins  it  upon  masters  to  give  to  their  serv- 
ants 'that  which  is  just  and  equal,'  (Col.  iv :  1.)  The  slaveholder 
gives  nothing  to  his  slave,  as  a  right  acquired  hy  labor.  What  he 
gives  as  a  slaveholder,  has  a  reference  merely  to  the  support  of  his 
slave,  that  he  may  thereby  be  qualified  to  labor.  The  fruits  of  that 
labor  he  appropriates  to  himself.  He  therefore  violates  the  law  of 
justice  enjoined  upon  the  master,  and  exposes  himself  to  the  wo  pro- 
nounced against  him  who  'useth  his  neighbor's  services  without  wages, 
and  giveth  him  not  for  his  work,'  (Jer.  xxii :  13.)  Neither  does  he 
give  his  servant  that  which  is  '  equal.'  There  is  no  proportion  be- 
tween the  labor  performed  by  the  slave  and  what  he  receives  from 
his  master.  The  slave  may  be  hired  out  to  another,  by  whom  he  is 
fed  and  clothed  ;  but  the  owner  of  the  slave  receives  from  the  man 
to  whom  he  is  hired  the  wages.  Nor  is  there  any  proportion  be- 
tween what  the  slave  receives  and  what  another  receives  who  performs 
the  same  amount  of  work.  He  therefore  violates  the  principle  of 
equality,  which  he  is  bound  by  the  law  of  God  to  observe. 

"  5.  The  law  of  God  recognizes  marriage  as  the  right  of  all,  (Heb. 
xiii :  4.)     It  requires  the  parties  to  dwell  together,  (1  Pet.  iii :  7,)  and 


SCOTTISH    AMERICAN    CHURCHES    AND    SLAVERY.  871 

makes  the  relation  indissoluble  by  man,  (Gen.  ii :  24 ;  Matt,  xix  :  6.) 
But  the  right  which  the  slaveholder  claims  to  his  slave  as  his  property, 
subject  to  be  bought  and  sold,  is  in  direct  conflict  with  these  divine 
requisitions.  He  may,  by  the  exercise  of  his  right  as  a  slaveholder, 
forbid  his  marriage,  or  place  him  in  circumstances  in  which  he  can- 
not enjoy  this  divine  right;  or  if  married,  he  may,  at  will  entirely 
and  forever  separate  the  parties.  The  laws  which  govern  and  control 
property  imply  all  this. 

"  6.  The  law  of  God  requires  parents  to  bring  up  their  children  in 
the  nurture  and  admonition  of  the  Lord,  (Eph.  vi :  4.)  The  slave- 
holder, in  virtue  of  the  relation  which  he  sustains,  and  by  the  right 
of  ownership  which  he  claims,  may  not  only  interfere  with  the  govern- 
ment of  the  parent  over  his  children,  but  entirely  and  forever  separate 
them  from  each  other. 

"7.  The  law  of  God  requires  every  man  to  search  the  Scriptures, 
(John  v :  39.)  The  right  of  the  slaveholder  interferes  with  this. 
The  laws  which  govern  all  property  necessarily  secure  to  him  the 
right  of  prohibiting  his  slave  from  doing  anything  which  maj^  operate 
against  the  attainment  of  the  end  for  which  this  species  of  property, 
in  common  with  all  others,  is  held — his  own  gain. 

"8.  The  law  of  God  forbids  man-stealing  (Deut.  xxiv:  7;  1  Tim,  i: 
9,  10.)  In  this  the  alleged  right  of  one  man  to  make  merchandize 
of  his  fellow-man  must  have  originated.  As  the  fountain  is  corrupt 
the  stream  can  not  be  pure. 

"  The  foregoing  considerations  clearly  show  this  relation  to  be,  as 
we  have  declared  it  to  be,  in  violation  of  the  law  of  God. 

"  We  have  also  declared  it  to  be  contrary  both  to  the  letter  and 
spirit  of  Christianity.  What  says  the  Author  of  Christianity  ?  He 
says :  '  All  things  whatsoever  ye  would  that  men  should  do  to  you, 
do  ye  even  so  to  them,"  (Matt,  vii :  12.)  There  is  no  slaveholder  who 
would  not  resist  being  made  a  slave,  and  who  would  not  feel  an  irre- 
pressible conviction  that  a  wrong  had  been  done  him.  This  being 
the  case,  he  is  bound,  by  this  express  precept  of  the  Saviour,  to  break 
the  yoke,  and  let  the  oppressed  go  free,  (1  Cor.  vii :  21 ;  Isa.  Iviii :  6.) 
And  what  is  the  spirit  of  Christianity?  It  is  surely  love,  (Rom.  xiii : 
10  ,••  1  John  iv :  20,  21 ;  Luke  x  :  27-37.)  Is  not,  however,  the  reduc- 
tion of  a  fellow-being  (he  may  be  a  brother  in  Christ,)  to  the  condition 
of  a  piece  of  property,  liable  to  be  bought  and  sold,  in  violation  of 
this  holy  and  divine  principle  ?  Who,  that  is  not  a  stranger  to  the 
impulses  of  a  Christian's  heart,  will  deny  it? 


372  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

*'  Wc  have,  therefore,  in  the  law  of  God,  and  in  the  letter  and  spirit 
of  Christianity,  abundant  reasons  for  testifying  against  slavcholding 
as  a  sin,  and  consequently  a  disqualification  for  membership  in  the 
Church  of  Christ.  It  is  the  relation  itself  which  we  have  examined 
in  the  light  of  Scripture,  and  which  we  have  found  to  be  so  inconsist- 
ent with  it,  and  not  the  many  cruel  laws  which  blacken  the  statute 
books  of  the  slaveholding  States,  and  the  many  gross  and  fearful  evils 
that  result  from  this  relation.  A  consideration,  however,  of  these 
laws  and  evils,  which  everywhere  attend  it,  can  not  fail  to  impress 
the  mind  with  a  sense  of  the  inherent  wickedness  of  the  system."  (8) 

2.  This  body,  at  its  meeting  in  May,  1861,  adopted  a  report 
and  resolutions,  on  the  "  state  of  the  country,"  from  which  we 
extract  the  following : 

"  Our  beloved  country  is  in  a  very  deplorable  condition.  War  is 
upon  us,  fraternal  war,  attended  generally  with  greater  ferocity  and 
destructiveness  than  other  wars.  But,  in  God's  great  mercy  to  us,  we 
are  united  among  ourselves ;  and,  having  able  leaders  and  boundless 
resources,  peace  and  prosperity  will,  ere  long,  be  established  on  surer 
foundations.  Nevertheless,  great  calamities  are  upon  us.  They  are 
from  the  Lord,  who  worketh  all  things  after  the  counsel  of  his  own 
will ;  and  so  the  question  naturally  arises.  What  meaneth  the  heat  of 
this  great  anger?  The  reply  to  which  must  be  this  :  Because  we  have 
sinned  against  the  Lord,  and  have  not  served  him  with  joyfulness  and 
xoith  gladness  of  heart  for  the  abundance  of  all  things.  That  covet- 
ousness,  which  is  idolatry  in  the  sight  of  God,  and  the  source  of 
numberless  disorders,  has  prevailed  in  every  section  and  corner  of 
this  wide-spread  country.  Very  many  are  involved  in  all  the  guilt  of 
intemperance  and  filthy  debaucheries.  But  the  sins  that  have  in  an 
especial  manner  provoked  the  eyes  of  the  Holy  One,  seem  to  be 
these : — 

"1.  Pride  and  self-suf&cieney ;  glorying  in  our  supposed  wisdom, 
and  greatness. 

"  2.  Inordinate  and  excessive  ambition. 

*'  3.  Contempt  of  the  unspeakable  grace  of  God  in  Christ,  for  which 
Bethsaida  and  Chorazin  were  doomed  to  woe,  and  Jerusalem  was  made 
an  utter  desolation. 

"4.  Sabbath  desecration. 

"  6.  Obstinacy  and  incorrigibleness  under  former  Providential  re- 


SCOTTISH    AMERICAN   CHURCHES   AND   SLAVERY.  3T3 

bukes.  We  have  been  visited  with  drouth  and  partial  famine — with 
pestilence  and  malignant  diseases — but  we  have  not  heard  the  Rod. 
We  have  not  returned  to  the  Lord ;  and,  therefore,  his  hand  is  laid 
more  heavily  upon  us. 

"  6.  Slaveholding,  the  great  and  immediate  cause  of  the  present 
trouble,  though  seldom  thought  of  as  an  evil  by  those  who  are  directly 
concerned  in  it.  Slavery  must  be  exceedingly  flagrant  in  the  sight 
of  the  Great  Parent  and  Ruler  of  men.  If  it  is  murder,  the  blackest 
of  crimes,  to  violate  the  image  of  God  instamped  on  man,  what  is  it 
to  debase  and  trample  on  that  image,  and  treat  it  as  a  brutal  thing? 
To  tear  asunder  the  tender  ties  of  nature  and  affection— what  is  it  but 
horrible  cruelty  ?  ,vCo  work  a  man,  and  give  him  no  wages,  or  no  suf- 
ficient wages,  is  nothing  but  robbery  and  oppression.  To  forbid  the 
great  God  to  speak  to  his  own  creatures,  that  they  may  be  saved,  is 
bidding  defiance  to  the  very  heavens.  To  deprive  a  people  of  the 
ordinance  and  privileges  of  marriage,  is  to  keep  them  in  beastly  con- 
cubinage. It  should  not  be  thought  that  we,  in  the  free  States,  have 
nothing  to  do  with  this  monstrous  iniquity.  Have  we  not  counten- 
anced those  who  practiced  it?  Have  we  not  contributed  to  extend, 
and  establish,  and  fortify  it?  Paul  was  guilty  of  the  murder  of 
Stephen,  though  he  did  not  cast  a  single  stone.  With  regard  to  the 
aboriginal  inhabitants  of  the  land,  it  is  to  be  feared  that  they  also 
have  had  cause  to  complain  of  injustice  and  cruel  rapacity." 

3.  Extract  from  the  Minutes  of  the  First  United  Presbyterian 
Synod  of  the  West,  held  in  the  First  U,  P.  Church,  Allegheny, 
Pa.,  commencing  October  \st,  1861.  n^ 

"  The  Select  Committee  appointed  by  Synod  to  consider  so  much 
of  the  Reports  and  Petitions  of  Presbyteries  as  refer  to  our  national 
troubles  and  the  judgments  with  which  we  are  at  present  afflicted, 
would  most  respectfully  submit  to  Synod  the  following,  as  the  result 
of  its  deliberations  : 

"  Wliereas,  The  Declaration  of  our  National  Independence  recog- 
nizes, in  accordance  with  the  Word  of  God,  the  unity  of  the  human 
race,  that  all  men  are  created  equal,  have  a  right  to  life,  liberty,  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness  ;  and, 

"  Wliereas^  This  nation  is  in  the  midst  of  a  great  and  wicked  rebel- 
lion, which  threatens  the  very  existence  of  our  Government,  and  seeks 
to  fasten  permanently  upon  the  nation  the  system  of  slavery — a  sya- 


374  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

tcm  at  war  with  the  Word  of  God,  with  the  interests  of  humanity, 
with  the  Declaration  of  our  National  Independence,  and  the  best  in- 
terests, in  any  sense,  of  the  nation ;  and, 

"  Whereas^  We,  as  a  nation,  have  too  much  countenanced  this  insti- 
tution and  given  it  support,  and  believe  that  by  this  and  our  other 
sins,  we  have  brought  our  liberties  into  jeopardy,  and  subjected  our- 
selves to  the  judgments  of  God  in  civil  war  and  in  other  forms ;  and, 

"  Whereas,  We  can  not  expect  a  removal  of  our  afflictions,  and  our 
restoration  to  the  favor  of  God,  until  we  acknowledge  our  sins,  and 
turn  from  them  unto  Him ;  therefore, 

^•Resolved,  1.  That  we  will,  in  every  way  consistent  with  tJie  law 
of  God,  defend  and  seek  to  hand  down  to  posterity,  unimpaired,  the 
religious  and  civil  liberty  inherited  from  our  fathers ;  and,  that  in 
order  to  do  this,  we  will  uphold  our  Federal  authorities  in  the  prose- 
cution of  our  present  war  for  the  suppression  of  the  existing  rebellion. 

"Resolved,  2.  That  while,  as  Christian  men  and  patriots,  we  zeal- 
ously and  heartily  support  our  National  Government  in  the  present 
war  for  the  maintenance  of  its  integrity,  we  are  not  blind  to  the  de- 
fects of  our  institutions,  to  the  defective  administration  of  law,  and 
our  sins  as  a  nation ;  that  we  trace  our  present  national  difficulties 
mainly  to  slavery  and  the  evils  growing  out  of  slavery ;  that  by  this, 
and  our  other  sins,  we  have  offended  God,  and  there  is  no  hope  for  us 
but  in  repentance  and  return  to  Him ;  and  that  we  recognize  that  our 
repentance  can  not  be  acceptable  to  God,  unless  we,  as  a  nation,  break 
off  our  sins,  unless  we  acknowledge  Him  and  His  law  and  providence, 
and  ceasing  to  countenance  this  wicked  system  of  slavery,  use  all  the 
means  in  our  power  to  carry  into  effect  the  law  of  the  Bible,  '  to  loose 
the  bands  of  wickedness,  undo  the  heavy  burdens,  to  let  the  oppressed 
go  free,  and  that  ye  break  every  yoke,'  and  remembering  that  'right- 
eousness exalteth  a  nation,'  and  that  '  sin  is  a  reproach  to  any  people,' 
in  accordance  with  the  principles  of  the  Declaration  of  our  National 
Independence,  seek  to  maintain  every  man  in  the  enjoyment  of  his 
rights  as  a  man. 

"  Resolved,  3.  That  the  Slave  Power,  by  inaugurating  this  wicked 
rebellion  against  the  government,  has  forfeited  all  claim  to  any  pro- 
tection or  toleration  of  its  peculiar  institution  ;  and  as  the  most  speedy 
way  of  establishing  justice,  insuring  domestic  tranquillity,  and  sup- 
pressing the  rebellion,  we  approve  of  the  manumission,  by  military 
proclamation,  of  the  slaves,  and  the  confiscation  of  all  the  property 
of  those  found   in   arms  against  the  government,  in  all   the  military 


SCOTTISH  AMERICAN  CHURCHES   AND   SLAVERY.  375 

districts  in  wliicli  our  commanding  officers  now  have,  or  may  hereafter 
have,  military  jurisdiction."  (9) 

A  committee  of  six  were  appointed  to  go  on  to  "Washington, 
for  the  purpose  of  pressing  upon  the  attention  of  the  President, 
etc.,  the  views  of  Synod,  and  urging  the  "necessity  of  taking 
immediate  steps  to  put  away  our  national  sins,  that  we  may  be 
restored  to  the  favor  of  God." 

The  Synods  of  New  York,  of  Illinois,  and  Iowa,  passed  similar 
resolutions  to  the  foregoing: 

Section  V. — Opinions  of  British  Churches  on  Americant 
Slavery. 

1.  In  1860,  a  deputation  was  sent  to  Scotland,  from  the  United 
Presbyterian  Church,  to  attend  the  Sessions  of  the  United 
Presbyterian  Church  of  Scotland.  The  subjoined  extracts, 
from  the  proceedings  of  that  body,  on  the  presentation  of  the 
delegates,  together  with  the  reply  of  Rev.  Dr.  Kerr,  so  far  as  he 
alluded  to  the  subject  of  slavery,  will  interest  the  reader,  as  being 
in  keeping  with  the  whole  tenor  of  the  policy  of  American  Anti- 
Slavery  men. 

"  The  Clerk  of  Committee  of  Bills  and  Overtures  said  that  he  had 
been  instructed  to  introduce  to  the  Synod  the  Rev.  Dr.  David  R.  Kerr, 
delegate  from  the  General  Assembly  of  the  United  Presbyterian 
Church  of  North  America.  The  credentials  of  Dr.  Kerr  having  been 
read,  together  with  the  letter  tabled  by  him  from  the  Church  he  re- 
presented, the  clerk  explained  that  with  one  branch  of  the  United 
Church  the  Synod  had  formerly  held  fraternal  intercourse.  The 
United  Presbyterian  Church  in  North  America  held  principles  in 
common  with  the  Synod,  and  adhered  to  the  same  doctrines  and  form 
of  government.  This  Church  was  also  honorably  distinguished  by 
their  testimony  against  slavery.  They  regarded  the  system  of  slavery, 
as  it  existed  in  America,  as  not  merely  an  evil,  but  a  sin,  and  treated 
it  in  the  same  way  as  any  other  sin.  It  was  made  by  them  a  term  of 
communion.  This  fact,  along  with  the  other  claims  they  had  on  their 
regards,  entitled  this  Church  to  their  warmest  sympathy  and  Christian 
affection.  He  (the  Clerk)  had  the  highest  satisfaction,  in  the  absence 
of  the  Rev.   Henry  Renton,  who  had  undertaken  the  duty,  but  was 


876  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

prevented  from  being  present,  to  introduce  Dr.  Kerr  to  the  affectionate 
regards  of  the  Synod.     (Applause.) 

"Dr.  Kerr  then  said — 'It  is  my  happiness  to  appear  before  this 
venerable  body  to  present  the  salutations  of  a  Church  of  kindred 
origin,  of  like  faith  and  order,  and,  with  the  exception  of  national 
designation,  of  the  same  name — the  United  Presbyterian  Church  of 
North  America AVe  declare,  in  our  testimony,  "  That  slave- 
holding — that  is,  the  holding  of  unoffending  human  beings  in  involun- 
tary bondage,  and  considering  and  treating  them  as  property,  and 
subject  to  be  bought  and  sold — is  a  violation  of  the  law  of  God,  and 
contrary  both  to  the  letter  and  spirit  of  Christianity."  And  we  not 
only  bear  testimony,  but  we  bring  our  discipline  to  bear  against  this 
great  moral  evil  of  our  land.  "We  make  our  declaration  on  the  subject 
a  term  of  communion.  We  deal  with  slavery  just  as  with  other  sins 
which,  after  due  instruction  and  admonition,  are  unrepented  of.  We 
believe  this  to  be  the  great  sin  of  the  American  nation  and  Church ; 
of  the  latter  even  more  than  the  former ;  for  if  the  Church  had  dealt 
faithfully  with  this  subject,  if  she  had  brought  her  testimony  and  dis- 
cipline to  bear  on  it,  as  faithfulness  to  the  law  of  her  King,  and  to  the 
claims,  not  of  Christianity  simply,  but  of  suffering  humanity,  de- 
manded, we  may  believe  that,  ere  this  time,  slavery  would  scarcely 
have  had  a  habitation  or  a  name  among  us.  And  we  may  be  at  a  loss 
which  the  more  to  deplore — the  great  evil  itself,  or  the  feeling  of 
indifference  with  which  so  many  Christians  in  our  land  have  allowad 
themselves  to  regard  it.  But  I  am  not  here  to  reproach  others,  but, 
in  seeking  your  acquaintance,  to  let  you  know  precisely  what  we  are 
ourselves.  And,  for  my  own  Church,  it  is  no  ordinary  gratification 
to  be  able  to  say  that,  however  other  churches  may  feel  at  liberty  to 
deal  with  this  subject,  we  have  felt  it  to  be  a  duty  to  array  against 
slavery  an  earnest  and  consistent  testimony.'     (Cheers.)"* 

Not  one  word  have  we  here,  nor  in  any  part  of  the  address  of 
Rev.  Dr.  Kerr,  in  relation  to  the  question  of  African  Evangeliza- 
tion, by  the  United  Presbyterian  Church  of  America.  Four 
millions  of  Africans,  nearly,  were  then  in  the  United  States,  and 
nearly  a  half  million  of  them  were  freemen;  and  yet  the  Rev. 
gentleman  could  cite  no  efforts  of  his  Church  for  their  spiritual 
welfare;  nor  did  the  Scotch  brethren  ask  what  their  American 

•  Christian  histrtictor,  Philadelphia,  August  2 2d,  1860. 


SCOTTISH    AMERICAN    CHURCHES    AND    SLAVERY.  377 

brethren  had  done  for  the  Christianization  of  the  colored  people. 
They  seemed  to  care  only  to  know  that  persistent  efforts  for  the 
overthrow  of  slavery  were  still  continued  in  the  United  States ; 
while,  at  the  same  time,  they  were  careful  not  to  inform  the 
American  deputation  that  the  British  government  were  preparing 
for  the  coming  emancipation  in  America,  by  earnestly  promoting 
cotton  culture,  by  slave  labor,  in  Africa.* 

2.  It  may  interest  the  reader  to  see  the  mode  in  which  foreign 
Churches  have  been  interfering  with  the  subject  of  American 
slavery.  As  a  fair  specimen  of  this  brotherly  kindness,  we  give 
the  following,  which  sufficiently  explains  itself: 

"  United  Presbyterian  Church    of    Scotland  on  American 

Slavery. 

"Resolutions  of  the  Si/nod  of  the  United  Preshyterian  Church  respect- 
ing American  Slavery  and  its  faithful  opponents  in  the  United  States 
at  the  present  time. 

"  At  Edinburgh,  and  within  the  Synod  Hall,  Queen  Street,  -» 
on  Wednesday,  22d  May,  1861,  11  o'clock,  A.  M.  J 

"  The  Synod  of  the  United  Presbyterian  Church  met,  and  was  con- 
stituted by  the  Rev.  John  Robson,  D.  D.,  Moderator,  when  the  Min- 
utes of  last  Sederunt  were  read. 

"  Transmitted  and  read  Overture  by  the  Presbytery  of  Kelso,  in 
favor  of  the  Synod's  renewal  of  the  condemnation  of  American  slav- 
ery, the  tenor  whereof  follows  : — 

"  '  That  the  disruption  of  the  United  States  of  America  by  the  ele- 
ment of  slavery — issuing,  as  it  has  done,  in  a  new  Confederation  of 
the  Southern  States,  founded  on  the  principle  of  slavery,  while  the 
remaining  Union  of  the  Northern  and  \Yestern  States  retains  all  that 
was  defective  in  the  original  Constitution  of  the  United  States  on  that 
principle,  and  all  the  obnoxious  laws  which  have  been  passed  to  up- 

*  Sec  Chapter  XI,  on  the  Cotton  Question.    See  also  the  Statistics,  Section , 

Chapter  III,  from  which  it  appears  that  the  membership  of  both  the  United 
Pi-esbyterian  Church  of  Scotland  and  Kev.  Dr.  Kerr's  Church,  of  the  same  name, 
in  the  United  States,  is  265,717  less  than  the  number  of  slave  converts  in  the 
South.* 

*  See  tabular  statement  at  end  of  volnmo. 


878  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

hold  it — call  for  much  concern  and  vigilance  on  the  part  of  all  who 
are  opposed  to  the  monstrous  iniquity  of  treating  human  beings  aa 
property,  that  in  the  close  commercial  relations  subsisting  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  American  States,  the  public  sentiment  of  this 
country  may  not  be  deteriorated,  nor  its  hostility  to  slavery  abated — 
and  calls  no  less  for  earnest  sympathy  and  moral  support  on  behalf 
of  all  those  in  the  American  States  who  are  withstanding  that  iniquity, 
and  laboring  for  its  overthrow ;  and,  therefore,  that  the  Synod  should 
at  this  time  renew  its  condemnation  of  slavery  and  its  repudiation  of 
fellowship  with  slaveholders,  and  testify  its  respect  for  and  sympathy 
with,  those  Christian  churches  and  ministers  in  the  United  States  who 
are  maintaining  a  faithful  and  intrepid  testimony  against  slavery  aa 
sin,  and  who  are  consistently  carrying  out  that  testimony  by  refusing 
all  fellowship  with  slaveholders.' 

"  The  Presbytery  of  Kelso  were  heard  in  support  of  their  Overture, 
when  the  Synod,  after  reasoning,  adopted  the  following  resolutions : 

"  1.  That  the  Synod,  in  the  different  bodies  of  which  it  consisted 
before  the  union,  as  well  as  in  its  united  state  since,  has  ever  regarded 
slavery  with  unanimous  and  unqualified  condemnation. 

"  2.  That  the  grounds  on  which  this  Synod  condemns  slavery  are 
not  merely  that  it  is  impolitic,  unjust,  inhuman,  and  subversive  of 
what  are  accounted  the  natural  rights  of  man — personal  liberty,  the 
disposal  of  his  own  labor,  and  the  enjoyment  of  its  fruits — but  that  it 
is  flagrantly  opposed  to  the  revealed  will  of  God,  and  is,  therefore  a 
heinous  sin,  when  maintained  by  those  who  possess  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures, and  profess  submission  to  them  as  the  supreme  rule  of  faith  and 
practice. 

"  3.  That  of  all  systems  of  oppression  and  legalized  iniquity  at  present 
known  in  the  world,  this  Synod  regards  that  of  slavery  in  the  United 
States  of  North  America  to  be  the  most  inexcusable  and  guilty,  as  up- 
held by  a  nation  which  proclaims  that  all  men  have  equal  rights  to 
life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  and  which  enjoys  a  widely- 
preached  Gospel,  a  free  circulation  of  the  Scriptures,  a  free  press,  and 
public  schools  for  the  education  of  all  its  children. 

"  4.  That  the  same  principles  which  led  this  Synod  and  the  congre- 
gations under  its  care  to  seek  the  total  and  immediate  abolition  of 
slavery  throughout  the  British  colonies  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago, 
prompt  and  require  its  earnest  sympathy  with  those  in  other  lands 
who  are  laboring  for  a  similar  end,  and  especially  with  Christian 
brethren  in  the  United  States  of  America,  who,  in  the  present  crisis 


SCOTTISH   AMERICAN   CHURCHES   AND   SLAVERY.  379 

of  that  country,  are,  amid  great  opposition  and  obloquy,  contending 
for  the  abolition  of  slavery  throughout  its  territories. 

"  5.  That  copies  of  these  resolutions  be  sent  to  the  Synods  of  the 
United  Presbyterian  and  Reformed  Presbyterian  Churches  in  the 
United  States,  and  to  the  representatives  and  organs  of  the  Christian 
abolitionists  of  other  denominations  in  that  country. 

Appointed  the  Rev.  Henry  Renton  and  George  C.  Hutton,  with  Mr. 
James  Henderson,  Edinburgh,  a  Committee  to  transmit  the  resolutions 
to  the  parties  named  therein — 3Ir.  Renton,  Convener. 

Extracted  from  the  Records  of  Synod  by 

David  Crawford,  Sj/nod  Clerk. 

3.  We  append  another  extract,  as  breathing  the  true  spirit  of 
the  liberal-minded  Christian.  The  General  Assembly  of  the  Free 
Church  of  Scotland  held  its  meeting  in  Edinburgh,  May,  1861. 

"  On  the  motion  of  the  retiring  Moderator,  seconded  by  the  Earl 
of  Dalhousie,  Dr.  Candlish  was,  by  acclamation,  called  to  the  Modera- 
tor's chair.  In  the  course  of  his  remarks  upon  taking  the  chair,  Dr. 
Candlish  made  an  eloquent  address  upon  the  religious  condition  of 
Scotland  and  of  the  world,  and  alluded  to  the  state  of  things  in  this 
country  as  follows : 

"  '  I  own  I  have  felt,  I  would  almost  say  amazement,  at  the  manner 
in  which  the  present  portentous  spectacle  looming  upon  us  from  across 
the  Atlantic  has  been  contemplated  on  our  side.  I  speak  of  relig- 
ious men  and  religious  associations,  and  I  can  not  but  express  sur- 
prise and  sorrow  that,  amid  the  endless  comments  and  speculations 
of  politicians,  the  voice  of  our  common  Christianity  has  been  so  little 
heard,  either  in  prayers  to  our  Father,  or  in  pleading  with  our  breth- 
ren, that  this  gigantic  fratricide  may  be  stayed,  and  some  better  way 
found  for  ridding  the  land  -of  the  crime  and  curse  of  slavery  than  the 
deluging  of  its  fertile  plains  with  fraternal  blood.  (Hear,  hear).  When 
war  seemed  imminent  between  that  country  and  our  own  some  few 
years  ago,  there  was  no  such  silence.  It  may  be  that  silence — the 
silence  of  suspense  and  awe — is  the  most  emphatic  speech  the  British 
Churches  and  British  Christians  can,  at  this  juncture,  send  over  the 
ocean.  It  may  be  that,  in  pi-esence  of  so  ominous  a  thunder-cloud, 
they  can  do  no  more  than  behold  and  wonder,  and  wait  and  weep. 
It  may,  however,  on  the  other  hand,  be  matter  for  consideration  in 
our  Assembly  of  Scotland's  Free  Presbyterian  Church,  accustomed  to 


880  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

respect  the  great  Presbyterian  community  in  the  States,  to  recognize 
among  her  sons  some  of  the  noblest  champions  of  the  faith  that  God 
has  raised  up  in  our  day,  and  to  rejoice  with  thankfulness  in  many 
revivals  within  her  borders,  from  of  old  till  now,  whether  some  duty 
may  not  lie  upon  us,  in  this  solemn  pause,  when  the  scarce  unsheathed 
sword  seems  to  be  trembling  ere  it  strike  the  first  fatal  and  irrevocable 
blow.  If  no  cry  of  ours,  appealing  to  ties  of  Christian  fellowship  as 
yet  unbroken,  binding  still  in  one  church-communion  the  stern  com- 
batants in  both  camps,  may  be  likely  to  be  heard  amid  the  din  of 
gathering  battle,  at  least  our  cry  can  go  up  to  heaven,  that  it  may 
please  Him  who  is  Head  over  all  things  to  this  Church,  and  who, 
making  the  wrath  of  man  to  praise  Him,  mercifully  restrains  the  re- 
mainder thereof — to  shorten  these  terrible  days,  for  the  elects'  sake, 
and  to  bring,  ere  long,  out  of  all  these  troubles  a  glorious  issue  of 
liberty  and  peace.' " 

Section  VI. — Brief  Remarks  /)n  the  foregoing  Legislation. 

(1)  The  interference  of  the  Associate  Synod  with  the  rights 
of  its  members  to  vote  aa  they  chose,  never  amounted  to  any 
thing.  Her  people,  generally,  were  an  intelligent  class  of  men, 
and  considered  themselves  about  as  capable  of  judging  in  civil 
affairs  as  their  ministers.  They  never  boAved  the  neck  to  this 
yoke. 

(2)  The  resolutions  of  the  Associate  Reformed  Church  were 
interpreted  differently  in  different  sections  of  the  Synod — some 
considering  them  as  excluding  the  slaveholder  from  the  commun- 
ion of  the  Church,  and  others  giving  them  a  different  interpret- 
ation. The  people  of  this  Church  at  large  never  attached  much 
importance  to  the  slavery  resolutions,  and  but  few  indeed  of  its 
ministers  ever  ranked  themselves  as  abolitionists.  Some  of  its 
ministers,  however,  were  rigid  in  their  rule  of  excluding  all  cler- 
gymen of  their  sister  Church  at  the  South  from  their  pulpits. 

(3)  The  repudiation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
is  a  distinctive  feature  in  the  principles  of  the  Reformed  Presby- 
terian Church.  They  declare,  unequivocally,  that  slaveholding  is 
sinful.  In  this  view  both  branches  agree  ;  but  the  New  Side  do 
not  set  aside  the  Constitution  as  sinful,  but  will  vote  and  hold 
office. 


SCOTTISH    AMERICAN    CHURCHES    AND    SLAVERY.  381 

(4)  The  doctrine,  that  the  civil  government  should  acknowl- 
edge its  submission  to  the  authority  of  the  Church,  is  a  peculiarity 
of  this  religious  body.  Its  practical  application  seems  impossible 
in  the  present  condition  of  the  Christian  Church,  torn,  as  it  is,  into 
so  many  fragments.  It  would  be  somewhat  difficult,  we  think, 
to  select  the  particular  Church  which  should  have  the  control  of 
the  Government  in  questions  pertaining  to  religion  and  morals. 
This  view  would  seem  to  be  a  fiction  of  the  olden  times,  such  as 
made  the  Pope  supreme  over  the  nations. 

(5)  Here  we  have  a  solemn  truth.  The  great  mass  of  the 
Northern  people  never  have  sympathized  with  the  abolitionists ; 
and  could  the  Southern  people  have  known  this  fact,  they  never 
would  have  been  induced  to  rebel  against  the  Government,  from 
the  fear  that  the  North  were  determined  to  let  their  slaves  loose 
upon  them. 

(6)  But,  notwithstanding  what  is  said  above  is  true,  yet  we 
have  had  continuous  repetitions  of  such  language  as  is  contained 
in  the  sixth  proposition  of  the  Reformed  Presbyterian  Church ; 
and  which  it  is  impossible  for  any  Southern  man  to  interpret  in 
any  other  way,  than  tliat  it  embodies  the  essential  elements  of 
abolitionism. 

(7)  This  resolution  embodies  the  extreme  radical  ground  since 
taken  by  the  abolition  politicians.  We  have  here  a  fair  specimen 
of  the  tender  mercies  of  fanatical  clergymen.  The  successful 
declaration  of  emancipation,  under  present  circumstances,  would 
be  the  letting  loose  of  four  millions  of  slaves,  to  pillage,  burn, 
destroy,  and  murder  all  before  them.  This  result  can  not  but  be 
foreseen,  and  yet  the  Reformed  Presbytery  of  Pittsburgh  would 
look  with  complacency  upon  the  rapine  and  murder  that  would 
follow  in  the  wake  of  their  scheme  of  settling  our  national  diffi- 
culties. 

(8)  The  United  Presbyterian  Church,  it  will  be  seen,  has 
taken  the  broad  ground  that  slaveholding  is  a  sin. 

(9)  Here  we  have,  again,  the  very  Christian-like  proposition 
of  letting  loose  the  slave  population  upon  defenseless  women  and 
children !     We  recommend  to  the  brethren  of  this  Synod  the 


382  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

declarations  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Candlish,  of  the  Free  Church  of 
Scotland,  copied  on  a  preceding  page. 

In  taking  a  survey  of  the  ecclesiastical  legislation  embodied 
in  the  present  chapter,  it  would  be  impossible  for  any  one,  not 
otherwise  informed,  to  come  to  any  other  conclusion  than  that 
these  whole  Scottish  Churches  are  intensely  abolitionized ;  and 
yet  such  is  not  the  fact,  as  to  many  of  the  ministry,  and  the 
great  majority  of  their  people. 

The  people  of  these  Churches  are  among  the  most  orderly  and 
law-abiding  of  any  of  the  citizens  of  the  Union.  At  no  one  time, 
within  the  period  of  the  excitement  upon  the  subject  of  slavery, 
could  there  have  been  one-third  of  them  induced  to  vote  for  the 
emancipation  of  the  slaves  at  the  South,  except  with  the  free  and 
full  assent  of  the  masters ;  and  not  one  in  a  hundred  could  ever 
have  been  induced  to  assent  to  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  as  a 
means  of  being  disconnected  from  slavery.  The  fanaticism  on 
this  question  has  been  limited  to  the  few,  and  the  many  have 
acquiesced  in  what  has  been  done  for  the  sake  of  peace.  The 
rabid  opinions  expressed  by  the  Pittsburgh  Synod  of  the  United 
Presbyterian  Church,  and  the  Reformed  Presbytery  of  Pitts- 
burgh, are  acts  done  under  intense  excitement,  and  will  be  sub- 
jects of  regret  hereafter.  The  declaration  of  emancipation  by 
the  Executive,  or  by  any  of  the  commanding  generals  under  him, 
as  recommended  by  these  religious  bodies,  is  a  measure  that  has 
already  received  the  seal  of  condemnation  by  the  President,  and 
will  not  be  attempted  again.  Why  a  Church  court  should  volun- 
teer its  judgment  upon  a  political  measure  of  such  moment,  is  a 
question  that  its  members  must  answer  for  themselves.  The 
public  will  naturally  inquire,  whether  the  ministers,  assuming  to 
dictate  to  the  Government,  have  themselves  given  such  evidences 
of  being  imbued  with  wisdom  from  on  high — have  had  such  suc- 
cess in  their  own  field  of  duties — as  to  warrant  their  assumption 
of  the  office  of  dictators  in  civil  affairs. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

THE  METHODIST  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH  IN  THE  U.  S.  AND  SLAVERY. 

The  Discipline  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  in  the 
United  States,  as  organized  under  the  direction  of  Mr.  Wesley, 
had  a  rule  on  slavery  which  aimed  at  the  extirpation  of  the  slave 
trade,  and  the  promotion  of  emancipation.  In  1784,  the  organ- 
ization of  the  Annual  Conferences  was  effected,  and  all  business 
conducted  by  them  until  1792.  In  1796,  the  organization  of 
the  General  Conference  may  be  considered  as  completed.  Its 
session  for  this  year  was  held  in  Baltimore,  and  it  has  met  once 
in  four  years  since  that  period. 

The  action  of  the  General  Conference,  at  the  meeting  of  1796, 
on  the  subject  of  slavery,  was  as  follows: 

"  Question  12.  What  regulations  shall  be  made  for  the  extirpation 
of  the  crying  evil  of  slavery  ? 

"Answer  1.  We  declare  that  we  are  more  than  ever  convinced  of 
the  great  evil  of  the  African  slavery  which  still  exists  in  these  United 
States ;  and  do  most  earnestly  recommend  to  the  yearly  Conferences, 
quarterly  meetings,  and  to  those  who  have  the  oversight  of  the  dis- 
tricts and  circuits,  to  be  exceedingly  cautious  what  persons  they  admit 
to  official  stations  in  our  Church;  and,  in  the  ease  of  future  admission 
to  official  stations,  to  require  such  security  of  those  who  hold  slaves, 
for  the  emancipation  of  them,  immediately  or  gradually,  as  the  laws 
of  the  States  respectively,  and  the  circumstances  of  the  case  will  admit. 
And  we  do  fiilly  authorize  all  the  yearly  Conferences  to  make  whatever 
regulations  they  judge  proper,  in  the  present  case,  respecting  the 
admission  of  persons  to  official  stations  in  our  Church. 

"2.  No  slaveholder  shall  be  received  into  society,  till  the  preacher 
who  has  the  oversight  of  the  circuit  has  spoken  to  him  freely  and 
faithfully  on  the  subject  of  slavery. 

(883) 


384  PULPIT   POLITICS.  ' 

"  3.  Every  member  of  tlie  Society  who  sells  a  slave,  shall  immedi- 
ately, after  full  proof,  be  excluded  the  Society.  And  if  any  member 
of  our  Society  purchase  a  slave,  the  ensuing  quarterly  meeting  shall 
determine  on  the  number  of  years  in  which  the  slave,  so  purchased, 
would  work  out  the  price  of  his  purchase.  And  the  person  so  pur- 
chasing shall,  immediately  after  such  determination,  execute  a  legal 
instrument  for  the  manumission  of  such  slave,  at  the  expiration  of  the 
term  determined  by  the  quarterly  meeting.  And  in  default  of  his  exe- 
cuting such  instrument  of  manumission,  or  on  his  refusal  to  submit  his 
case  to  the  judgment  of  the  quarterly  meeting,  such  member  shall  be 
excluded  the  Society.  Provided  also,  that  in  the  case  of  a  female 
slave,  it  shall  be  inserted  in  the  aforesaid  instrument  of  manumission, 
that  all  her  children  which  shall  be  born  during  the  years  of  her 
servitude  shall  be  free  at  the  following  times,  namely :  every  female 
child  at  the  age  of  twenty-one,  and  every  male  child  at  the  age  of 
twenty-five.  Nevertheless,  if  the  member  of  our  Society,  executing  the 
said  instrument  of  manumission  judge  proper,  he  may  fix  the  times 
of  manumission  of  the  children  of  the  female  slave  beforementioned, 
at  an  earlier  age  than  that  which  is  prescribed  above. 

"4.  The  preachers  and  other  members  of  our  Society  are  requested 
to  consider  the  subject  of  negro  slavery  with  deep  attention  till  the 
ensuing  General  Conference  ;  and  that  they  impart  to  the  General  Con- 
ference, through  the  medium  of  the  yearly  conferences  or  otherwise, 
any  important  thoughts  upon  the  subject,  that  the  Conference  may 
have  full  light,  in  order  to  take  further  steps  toward  the  eradication 
of  this  enormous  evil  from  that  part  of  the  Church  of  God  to  which 
they  are  united." 

In  the  year  1800,  the  General  Conference  again  met  in  Balti- 
more. During  this  session  resolutions,  varying  in  character,  were 
presented,  but  only  two  of  them  adopted:  the  first,  asking  for 
the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  prepare  an  affectionate  address 
to  the  Methodist  Societies,  stating  the  evils  of  the  spirit  and 
practice  of  slavery,  and  the  necessity  of  doing  away  the;  evil  as 
far  as  the  laws  of  the  respective  States  will  allow ;  the  second, 
that  traveling  preachers,  becoming  the  owners  of  slaves,  by  any 
means,  shall  forfeit  their  ministerial  character,  unless  they  execute, 
if  it  be  practicable,  a  legal  emancipation  of  such  slave  or  slaves, 
agreeably  to  the  laws  of  the  State  in  which  they  live. 


METHODIST   EPISCOPAL   CHUECH   AND   SLAVERY.  885 

In  the  year  1804,  tlie  General  Conference  again  held  its  session 
in  Baltimore. 

"  May  IG. — A  variety  of  motions  were  proposed  on  the  subject  of 
slavery,  and,  after  a  long  conversation,  it  was  moved  and  carried,  that 
the  subject  of  slavery  be  left  to  the  three  bishops,  to  form  a  section  to 
suit  the  Southern  and  Northern  States,  as  they,  in  their  wisdom,  may 
think  best,  to  be  submitted  to  this  Conference. 

"  May  17. — Read  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Slavery — which, 
with  amendments,  was  adopted  by  Conference,  and  forms  section  nine, 
'  Of  Slavery.' " 

This  document  is  substantially  the  same  as  that  of  1796,  except 
that  it  has,  as  its  2d  and  5th  articles,  the  following : 

"  2.  When  any  traveling  preacher  becomes  the  owner  of  a  slave,  or 
slaves,  by  any  means,  he  shall  forfeit  his  ministerial  character  in  our 
Church,  unless  he  executes,  if  it  be  practicable,  a  legal  emancipation 
of  such  slaves,  conformably  to  the  laws  of  the  State  in  which  he  lives. 

"  5.  Let  our  preachers,  from  time  to  time,  as  occasion  serves,  ad-i 
monish  and  exhort  all  slaves  to  render  due  respect  and  obedience  to, 
the  commands  and  interests  of  their  respective  masters." 

In  the  close  of  article  4,  this  amendment  is  made :  "  Never- 
theless, the  members  of  our  societies  in  the  States  of  North  Car- 
olina, South  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  shall  be  exempted  from  the 
operation  of  the  above  rules."  (1) 

During  the  sessions  of  1808  and  1812,  nothing  of  importance 
was  done  on  the  question  of  slavery,  excepting,  at  the  latter  ses- 
sion, to  lay  upon  the  table  a  memorial  on  the  subject. 

In  1816,  the  General  Conference  met  in  Baltimore.  The  Com- 
mittee on  Slavery  presented  their  report,  which  was  concurred  in 
by  the  Conference : 

"  The  committee  to  whom  was  referred  the  business  of  slavery,  beg 
leave  to  report,  that  they  have  taken  the  subject  into  serious  consid- 
eration, and,  after  mature  deliberation,  they  are  of  opinion  that,  under 
the  present  existing  circumstances  in  relation  to  slavery,  little  can  be 
done  to  abolish  a  practice  so  contrary  to  the  principles  of  moral  jus- 
tice. They  are  sorry  to  say  that  the  evil  appears  to  be  past  remedy ; 
25 


386  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

and  they  are  led  to  deplore  the  destructive  consequences  which  hj»  ^ 
already  accrued,  and  are  yet  likely  to  result  therefrom. 

"  Your  committee  find  that  in  the  South  and  West  the  civil  author- 
ities render  emancipation  impracticable,  and,  notwithstanding  they  are 
led  to  fear  that  some  of  our  members  are  too  easily  contented  with 
laws  so  unfriendly  to  freedom,  yet,  nevertheless,  they  are  constrained 
to  admit  that  to  bring  about  such  a  change  in  the  civil  code  as  would 
favor  the  cause  of  liberty,  is  not  in  the  power  of  the  General  Con- 
ference. Your  committee  have  attentively  read,  and  seriously  con- 
sidered, a  memorial  on  the  above  subject,  presented  from  several  per- 
sons within  the  bounds  of  the  Baltimore  Annual  Conference.  They 
have  also  made  inquiry  into  the  regulations  adopted  and  pursued  by 
the  different  annual  conferences  in  relation  to  this  subject,  and  they 
find  that  some  of  them  have  made  no  efficient  rules  on  the  subject 
of  slavery,  thereby  leaving  our  people  to  act  as  they  please ;  while 
others  have  adopted  rules,  and  pursued  courses  not  a  little  diff"erent 
from  each  other,  all  pleading  the  authority  given  them  by  the  Gen- 
eral Conference,  according  to  cur  present  existing  rule,  as  stated  in 
our  form  of  Discipline.  Your  committee  conclude  that,  in  order  to  be 
consistent  and  uniform,  the  rule  should  be  express  and  definite  ;  and, 
to  bring  about  this  uniformity,  they  beg  leave  to  submit  the  follow- 
ing resolution : 

"  Resolved,  by  the  delegates-  of  the  annual  conferences  in  General 
Conference  assembled.  That  all  the  recommendatory  part  of  the  second 
division,  ninth  section,  and  first  answer  of  our  form  of  Discipline, 
after  the  word  '  slavery,'  be  stricken  out,  and  the  following  words  in- 
serted :  '  Therefore  no  slaveholder  shall  be  eligible  to  any  official 
station  in  our  Church  hereafter,  where  the  laws  of  the  State  in  which 
he  lives  will  admit  of  emancipation,  and  permit  the  liberated  slave  to 
enjoy  freedom.' 

In  1820,  the  General  Conference  met  at  Baltimore.  Certain 
documents  from  Tennessee  were  referred  to  the  Committee  on 
Slavery,  which,  together  with  the  report  of  1816,  were  acted  upon 
by  the  committee,  a  substitute  reported,  one  of  its  propositions 
adopted,  the  report  recommitted,  and  the  whole  subject  finally 
postponed  indefinitely. 

In  1824,  the  General  Conference  met  at  Baltimore.  The  Com- 
mittee on  Slavery,  in  compliance  with  the  several  memorials  pre- 


METHODIST  EPISCOPAL    CHUKCH   AND   SLAVERY.  387 

sented,  asking  provision  to  be  made  for  the  spiritual  welfare  of 
the  colored  population,  free  and  slave,  reported,  and,  after  various 
modifications,  the  following  resolutions  were  adopted  : 

"Resolved,  1.  That  all  our  preachers  ought  prudently  to  enforce 
upon  our  members  the  necessity  of  teaching  their  slaves  to  read  the 
Word  of  God ;  and  also  that  they  give  time  to  hear  the  Word  of  God 
preached  on  our  regular  days  of  divine  service. 

"  Resolved,  2.  That  our  colored  preachers  and  official  members  have 
all  the  privileges,  in  the  district  and  quarterly  meeting  conferences, 
which  the  usages  of  the  country  in  diiferent  sections  will  justify : 
Provided,  also,  that  the  presiding  elder  may,  when  there  is  a  sufficient 
number,  hold  for  them  a  separate  district  conference. 

^^  Resolved,  3.  That  any  of  the  annual  conferences  may  employ 
colored  preachers  to  travel,  where  they  judge  their  services  may  be 
necessary,  provided  they  be  recommended  according  to  the  form  of 
Discipline.  (2) 

^'Resolved,  4.  That  the  above  resolutions  be  made  a  part  of  the 
section  in  the  Discipline  on  slavery." 

In  1828,  the  General  Conference  met  at  Pittsburgh,  Pa.  A 
resolution  against  the  bad  treatment  of  slaves  was  ofi"ered,  and 
subsequently  withdrawn,  and  resolutions  passed  approving  the 
course  of  the  American  Colonization  Society. 

In  1832,  the  General  Conference  met  at  Philadelphia.  During 
this  session,  the  subject  of  the  religious  rights  and  privileges  of 
the  colored  people,  and  also  what  change  should  be  made  in  the 
section  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  were  brought  forward  by  reso- 
lution, and  referred  to  committees. 

In  1836,  the  General  Conference  met  in  Cincinnati,  Ohio.  The 
following  resolution  was  ofi"ered  : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  committee  appointed  to  draft  a  pastoral  letter 
to  our  preachers,  members,  and  friends,  be,  and  they  are  hereby  in- 
structed, to  take  notice  of  the  subject  of  modern  abolition,  that  has 
so  seriously  agitated  the  different  parts  of  our  country,  and  that  they 
let  our  preachers,  members,  and  friends  know  that  the  General  Con- 
ference are  opposed  to  the  agitation  of  that  subject,  and  will  use  all 
prudent  means  to  put  it  down. 


888  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

"  On  motion  of  S.  G.  Rozel,  a  preamble  and  resolutions  on  the  case 
of  two  members,  lecturing  on  the  subject  of  abolition  in  this  city, 
was  taken  up,  which  produced  considerable  excitement  and  discussion, 
until  the  time  for  adjournment  had  arrived." 

The  discussion  on  Mr.  Rozel's  motion  was  prolonged  through- 
out three  sittings,  and  the  following  preamble  and  resolutions 
were  finally  adopted  by  an  overwhelming  majority  : 

"The  whole  of  the  motion,  as  adopted,  is  as  follows,  viz. : 

"  Whereas,  great  excitement  has  prevailed  in  this  country  on  the 
subject  of  modern  abolitionism,  which  is  reported  to  have  been  in- 
creased in  this  city  recently  by  the  unjustifiable  conduct  of  two  mem- 
bers of  the  General  Conference,  in  lecturing  upon  and  in  favor  of 
that  agitating  topic ;  and  ivhereas,  such  a  course,  on  the  part  of  any 
of  its  members,  is  calculated  to  bring  upon  this  body  the  suspicions 
and  distrust  of  the  community,  and  misrepresent  its  sentiments  in 
regard  to  the  point  at  issue ;  and  whereas,  in  this  aspect  of  the  case, 
a  due  regard  for  its  own  character,  as  well  as  a  just  concern  for  the 
interests  of  the  Church  confided  to  its  care,  demand  a  full,  decided, 
and  unequivocal  expression  of  the  views  of  the  General  Conference 
in  the  premises,  therefore, 

^^  Resolved,  by  the  delegates  of  the  annual  conferences  in  General 
Conference  assembled,  1.  That  they  disapprove,  in  the  most  unquali- 
fied sense,  the  conduct  of  two  members  of  the  General  Conference, 
who  are  reported  to  have  lectured  in  this  city  recently  upon  and  in 
favor  of  modern  abolitionism. 

"  Resolved,  2.  That  they  are  decidedly  opposed  to  modern  abolition- 
ism, and  wholly  disclaim  any  right,  wish,  or  intention  to  interfere  in 
the  civil  and  political  relation  existing  between  master  and  slave,  as 
it  exists  in  the  slaveholding  States  of  this  Union.  (3) 

"  Resolved,  3.  That  the  foregoing  preamble  and  resolutions  be  pub- 
lished in  our  periodicals." 

During  this  session  a  number  of  memorials  on  the  subject  of 
slavery  were  presented,  and  a  report  made  by  the  judiciary  com- 
mittee in  relation  to  grievances  complained  of  by  the  Baltimore 
Annual  Conference,  and  others,  in  which  it  is  said,  "  that  the 
exceptions  to  the  general  rule  in  the  Discipline  clearly  apply  to 
official  members  of  the  Church  in  Virginia,  according  to  the  laws 


METHODIST  EPISCOPAL   CHURCH   AND   SLAVERY.  889 

of  the  Commonwealth,  and  do,  therefore,  protect  them  against  a 
forfeiture  of  their  official  standing,  on  account  of  said  rule." 

*'  The  chairman  of  the  committee  on  the  subject  of  slavery  pre- 
sented a  report,  which  was  read  and  adopted,  as  follows : 

"  The  committee  to  whom  were  referred  sundry  memorials  from 
the  North,  praying  that  certain  rules  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  which 
formerly  existed  in  our  Book  of  Discipline,  should  be  restored,  and 
that  the  General  Conference  take  such  measures  as  they  may  deem 
proper  to  free  the  Church  from  the  evil  of  slavery,  beg  leave  to 
report : 

"  That  they  have  had  the  subject  under  serious  consideration,  and 
are  of  opinion  that  the  prayers  of  the  memorialists  can  not  be  granted, 
believing  that  it  would  be  highly  improper  for  the  General  Conference 
to  take  any  action  that  would  alter  or  change  our  rules  on  the  subject 
of  slavery.  Your  committee,  therefore,  respectfully  submit  the  fol- 
lowing resolution : 

'■'■  Reaolvpxl,  That  it  is  inexpedient  to  make  any  change  in  our  iBook 
of  Discipline  respecting  slavery,  and  that  we  deem  it  improper  further 
to  agitate  the  subject  in  the  General  Conference  at  present." 

In  1840,  the  General  Conference  met  in  Baltimore.  During 
this  conference  the  petitions  against  slavery  were  very  numer- 
ous, from  almost  all  portions  of  the  North.  There  was  also  a 
considerable  number  of  memorials  protesting  against  any  action 
of  the  General  Conference  upon  the  subject.  Majority  and 
minority  reports  were  made  by  the  committee  on  the  subject  of 
slavery.  The  whole  subject  seems  to  have  been  left  among  the 
unfinished  business,  though  considerable  discussion  was  had  upon 
the  majority  report.  The  Address  of  the  Bishops,  for  this  year, 
l^kes  notice  of  the  slavery  agitation  in  a  conciliatory,  conserva- 
tive, and  Christian  spirit.  The  following  extract  will  be  found 
interesting  and  important.  It  would  seem  that  these  pious  men, 
in  viewing  the  tendencies  of  the  slavery  agitation,  saw,  with 
almost  prophetic  vision,  that  its  practical  tendency  was  to  en- 
danger the  safety  of  the  Union  of  these  United  States : 

"  The  experience  of  more  than  half  a  century,  since  the  organiza- 
tion of  our  ecclesiastical  body,  will  afford  us  many  important  lights 


390  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

and  landmarks,  pointing  out  what  is  the  safest  and  most  prudent 
policy  to  be  pursued,  in  our  onward  course,  as  regards  African  slavery 
in  these  States  ;  and  especially  in  our  own  religious  community.  This 
very  interesting  period  of  our  history  is  distinguished  by  several 
characteristic  features  having  a  special  claim  to  our  consideration  at 
the  present  time,  particularly  in  view  of  the  unusual  excitement 
which  now  prevails  on  the  subject,  not  only  in  the  different  Christian 
Churches,  but  also  in  the  civil  body.  And,  first :  our  general  rule 
on  slavery,  which  forms  a  part  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Church,  has 
stood,  from  the  beginning,  unchanged,  as  testamentary  of  our  senti- 
ments on  the  principle  of  slavery  and  the  slave  trade.  And  in  this 
we  differ  in  no  respect  from  the  sentiments  of  our  venerable  founder, 
or  from  those  of  the  wisest  and  most  distinguished  statesmen  and 
civilians  of  our  own  and  other  enlightened  and  Christian  countries. 
Secondly  :  in  all  the  enactments  of  the  Church  relating  to  slavery,  a 
due  and  respectful  regard  has  been  had  to  the  laws  of  the  States, 
never  requiring  emancipation  in  contravention  of  the  civil  authority, 
or  where  the  laws  of  the  States  would  not  allow  the  liberated  slave  to 
enjoy  his  freedom.  Thirdly:  the  simply  holding  or  owning  of  slaves, 
without  regard  to  circumstances,  has,  at  no  period  of  the  existence 
of  the  Church,  subjected  the  master  to  excommunication.  Fourthly : 
rules  have  been  made,  from  time  to  time,  regulating  the  sale,  and 
purchase,  and  holding  of  slaves,  with  reference  to  the  different  laws 
of  the  States  where  slavery  is  tolerated ;  which,  upon  the  experience 
of  the  great  difficulties  of  administering  them,  and  the  unhappy  con- 
sequences both  to  masters  and  servants,  have  been  as  often  changed 
or  repealed.  These  important  facts,  which  form  prominent  features 
of  our  past  history  as  a  Church,  may  very  properly  lead  us  to  inquire 
for  that  course  of  action,  in  future,  which  may  be  best  calculated  to 
preserve  the  peace  and  unity  of  the  whole  body,  promote  the  general 
happiness  of  the  slave  population,  and  advance  generally,  in  the  sla^- 
holding  community  of  our  country,  the  humane  and  hallowing  influ- 
ence of  onr  holy  religion.  We  can  not  withhold  from  you,  at  this 
eventful  period,  the  solemn  conviction  of  our  minds,  that  no  new 
ecclesiastical  legislation  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  at  this  time,  will 
have  a  tendency  to  accomplish  these  most  desirable  objects.  And  we 
are  fully  persuaded  that,  as  a  body  of  Christian  ministers,  we  shall 
accomplish  the  greatest  good  by  directing  our  individual  and  united 
efforts,  in  the  spirit  of  the  first  teachers  of  Christianity,  to  bring  both 
master  and  servant  under  the  sanctifying  influence  of  the  principles 


METHODIST   EPISCOPAL   CHURCH    AND   SLAVERY.  391 

of  tliat  Gospel  which  teaches  the  duties  of  every  relation,  and  enforces 
the  faithful  discharge  of  them  by  the  strongest  conceivable  motives. 
Do  we  aim  at  the  amelioration  of  the  condition  of  the  slave?  How 
can  we  so  effectually  accomplish  this,  in  our  calling  as  ministers  of 
the  Gospel  of  Christ,  as  by  employing  our  whole  influence  to  bring 
him  and  his  master  to  a  saving  knowledge  of  the  grace  of  God,  and 
to  a  practical  observance  of  those  relative  duties  so  clearly  prescribed 
in  the  writings  of  the  inspired  apostles?  Permit  us  to  add,  that, 
although  we  enter  not  into  the  political  contentions  of  the  day,  neither 
interfere  with  civil  legislation  nor  with  the  administration  of  the  laws, 
we  can  not  but  feel  a  deep  interest  in  whatever  affects  the  peace,  pros- 
perity, and  happiness  of  our  beloved  country.  The  Union  of  these 
States,  the  perpetuity  of  the  bonds  of  our  national  confederation,  the 
reciprocal  confidence  of  the  different  members  of  the  great  civil  com- 
pact,— in  a  word,  the  well-being  of  the  community  of  which  we  are 
members,  should  never  cease  to  lay  near  our  hearts,  and  for  which  we 
should  offer  up  our  sincere  and  most  ardent  prayers  to  the  Almighty 
Ruler  of  the  universe.  But  can  we,  as  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  and 
servants  of  a  Master  '  whose  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world,'  promote 
those  important  objects  in  any  way  so  truly  and  permanently  as  by 
pursuing  the  course  just  pointed  out?  Can  we,  at  this  eventful  crisis, 
render  a  better  service  to  our  country,  than  by  laying  aside  all  inter- 
ference with  relations  authorized  and  established  by  the  civil  laws, 
and  applying  ourselves  wholly  and  faithfully  to  what  especially  apper- 
tains to  our  'high  and  holy  calling  ;'  to  teach  and  enforce  the  moral 
obligations  of  the  Gospel,  in  application  to  all  the  duties  growing  out 
of  the  different  relations  in  society?  By  a  diligent  devotion  to  this 
evangelical  employment,  with  an  humble  and  steadfast  reliance  upon 
the  aid  of  divine  influence,  the  number  of  '  believing  masters '  and 
servants  may  be  constantly  increased,  the  kindest  sentiments  and 
affections  cultivated,  domestic  burdens  lightened,  mutual  confidence 
cherished,  and  the  peace  and  happiness  of  society  promoted.  While, 
on  the  other  hand,  if  past  history  affords  us  any  correct  rules  of  judg- 
ment, there  is  much  cause  to  fear  that  the  influence  of  our  sacred 
oifice,  if  employed  in  interference  with  the  relation  itself,  and,  conse- 
quently, with  the  civil  institutions  of  the  country,  will  rather  tend  to 
prevent  than  to  accomplish  these  desirable  ends."  (4) 

In  1844,  the  General  Conference  met,  on  the  1st 'of  May,  in 
New  York.     The  petitions  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  this  year, 


S92  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

vrere  very  numerous.     On  the  14tli,  the  following  preamble  and 
resolution  was  introduced : 

"  In  view  of  the  distracting  agitation  which  has  so  long  prevailed 

on  the  subject  of  slavery  and  abolition,  and  especially  the  difficulties 

under  which  we  labor  in  the  present  General  Conference,  on  account 

of  the  relative  position  of  our  brethren  North  and  South  on  this  per- 

. plexing  question;  therefore, 

"  Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  three  from  the  North  and  three 
from  the  South  be  appointed  to  confer  with  the  Bishops,  and  report, 
within  two  days,  as  to  the  possibility  of  adopting  some  plan,  and  what, 
for  the  permanent  pacification  of  the  Church." 

After  a  slight  amendment,  the  resolution  was  adopted. 
Almost  immediately  thereafter,  the  following  resolution  was 
offered  and  adopted : — 

"  Resolved,  That  to-morrow  be  observed  as  a  day  of  fasting  and 
humiliation  before  God,  and  prayer  for  his  blessing  upon  the  com- 
mittee of  six,  in  conjunction  with  the  Bishops,  on  the  present  diffi- 
culties ;  and  that  the  hour  from  twelve  to  one  o'clock  be  devoted  to 
religious  services  in  the  Conference." 

This  resolution  was  devoutly  complied  with  at  the  time  ap- 
pointed. 

On  the  18th,  Bishop  Soule,  in  behalf  of  the  committee  of  six, 
reported,  that 

"  The  Committee  of  Conference  have  instructed  me  to  report,  that, 
after  a  calm  and  deliberate  investigation  of  the  subject  submitted  to 
their  consideration,  they  are  unable  to  agree  upon  any  plan  of  com- 
promise to  reconcile  the  views  of  the  Northern  and  Southern  con- 
ferences." 

The  report  was  accepted,  and  the  committee  discharged. 
On  the  20th,  a  crisis  was  produced,  in  this  contest,  by  the 
presentation  of  the  following  preamble  and  resolution : 

"  Whereas,  it  is  currently  reported,  and  generally  understood,  that 
one  of  the  Bishops  of  the  M.  E.  Church  has  become  connected  with 
slavery ;  and  whereas  it  is  due  to  this  General  Conference  to  have  a 
proper  understanding  of  the  matter ;  therefore, 


METHODIST   EPISCOPAL   CHURCH   AND   SLAVERY.  393 

"  Resolved,  That  tlie  Committee  on  the  Episcopacy  be  instructed  to 
ascertain  the  facts  in  the  case,  and  report  the  results  of  their  inves- 
tigation to  this  body  to-morrow  morning." 

The  person  referred  to  was  Bishop  Andrew,  who  had  become 
connected  with  slavery  by  marriage.  The  history  of  this  case 
need  not  be  presented  here.  It  led  to  the  disruption  of  the 
Church.  "  The  Southern  members  contended  that,  as  the  laws 
of  the  State  in  which  the  Bishop  lived  would  not  permit  eman- 
cipation, the  General  Conference  should  not  interfere  in  the  case. 
The  majority  of  the  delegates  insisted  that  as  a  Bishop  was  re- 
quired '  to  travel  through  the  connection  at  large,  any  connection 
with  slavery  would  embarrass  both  him  and  the  Church  in  the 
performance  of  his  duties,'  and  declared  their  judgment  to  be  that 
Bishop  Andrew  should  cease  from  the  exercise  of  episcopal  func- 
tions until  he  could  relieve  himself  of  this  impediment.  Then 
followed  that  separation  which  has  become  one  of  the  great  facts 
of  ecclesiastical  history."  * 

On  the  6th  June,  the  Committee  on  Slavery,  after  stating  that 
about  10,000  signatures  appeared  attached  to  the  various  memo- 
rials from  the  people,  and  that  they  find  petitions  from  nine 
Annual  conferences,  say,  that  they  deem  it  inexpedient  to  rec- 
ommend any  farther  action,  except  that  suggested  in  their  first 
report ;  and  then  proceed  to  say  that  they  "  have  also  received  a 
statement  of  the  votes  from  several  of  the  annual  conferences 
upon  the  alterations  proposed  to  be  made  in  the  General  Rules 
upon  the  subject  of  slavery.  No  evidence,  however,  has  as  yet 
reached  the  committee  that  a  constitutional  number  of  votes  in 
the  annual  conferences  has  been  obtained  to  make  any  altera- 
tions in  the  General  Rules  upon  the  subject  of  slavery." 

The  Address  of  the  Bishops,  for  this  year,  embraced  some 
very  important  statements  in  reference  to  the  progress  of  the 
Gospel  among  the  slaves,  and  the  very  limited  success  of  the 
Church  among  the  colored  people  of  the  free  States.     It  says  : 

"Although  we  have  not  been  able  to  extend  the  missions  among  the 
people  of  color  in  the  southern  and  southwestern  States,  according  to 

*  See  Minority  Keport  on  Slavery,  1860. 


394  PULPIT     POLITICS. 

our  ardent  desires,  and  the  providential  oi^enings  before  us,  for  want 
of  pecuniary  means,  still  we  rejoice  tliat  we  have  not  been  compelled 
to  abandon  the  fields  which  we  have  already  under  cultivation ;  and 
that  we  have  been  enabled  to  occupy  some  new  and  very  promising 
grounds.  It  is  a  matter  of  gratulation  to  the  friends  of  humanity  and 
religion,  and  of  devout  thanksgiving  to  Grod,  that  the  unhappy  excite- 
ment which,  for  several  years,  spread  a  dark  cloud  over  our  pros- 
pects, and  weakened  our  hands,  and  filled  our  hearts  with  grief,  has 
died  away,  and  almost  ceased  to  blast  our  labors.  Confidence  in  the 
integrity  of  our  principles,  and  the  purity  of  our  motives,  which,  for  a 
time,  was  shaken,  is  restored.  New  and  extensive  fields  are  opening 
before  us,  and  inviting  us  to  the  harvest.  The  conviction  of  the  duty 
and  benefit  of  giving  religious  instruction  to  servants  is  constantly 
increasing.  The  self-sacrificing  zeal  of  the  missionaries  is  worthy  of 
the  cause  in  which  they  are  engaged — the  cause  of  humanity ;  the 
cause  of  the  salvation  of  souls  ;  the  cause  of  God.  Brethren,  sufi'er 
us  to  beseech  you,  by  the  tender  mercies  of  God,  by  the  precious 
blood  of  Jesus,  and  by  the  crying  spiritual  wants  of  perishing  thou- 
sands for  whom  he  died,  to  strengthen  the  hands  and  encourage  the 
hearts  of  your  fellow-laborers,  who  are  more  directly  engaged  in  this 
blessed  work,  by  your  ceasless  prayers  to  God  for  them. 

"  We  can  not  but  view  it  as  a  matter  of  deep  regret,  that  the  spiritual 
interests  of  the  people  of  color  in  these  United  States  have  been  so 
long  and  so  greatly  neglected  by  the  Christian  Churches.  And  it  is 
greatly  to  be  feared  that  we  are  not  innocent  in  this  thing.  "While 
we  profess  to  sympathize  with  millions  of  the  African  race  in  this 
land,  being  children  of  the  same  common  Father  of  mankind,  '  who 
has  made  of  one  blood  all  nations  of  men,  to  dwell  upon  the  face  of 
the  whole  earth  ;'  but  who  are  deprived  of  equal  civil  rights  and  priv- 
ileges with  the  white  citizens,  by  the  laws  and  institutions  of  the 
country,  over  which  we  have  no  control ,  have  we  not  been  negligent 
of  their  higher,  even  their  eternal,  interests,  which  we  are  at  perfect 
liberty,  and  have  the  means,  to  promote?  And,  if  so,  is  not  this 
neglect,  especially  in  their  circumstances,  a  violation  of  the  laws  of 
our  common  nature,  and  the  obligations  founded  in  the  relations  we 
sustain  to  them,  in  a  common  brotherhood?  There  is,  blessed  be 
God,  no  bar  in  the  laws  of  our  country  to  prevent  them  from  receiving 
religious  instruction,  or  being  gathered  into  the  fold  of  God.  Here, 
then,  we  have  an  open  door.  We  may  preach  the  Gospel  of  Christ 
to  them,  unite  them  in  the  communion  of  his  Church,  and  introduce 


METHODIST   EPISCOPAL   CHURCH    AND    SLAVERY.  395 

them  to  a  participation  of  the  blessings  of  her  fellowship,  and  thus  be 
the  instruments  of  their  preparation  for  the  riches  of  the  inheritance 
of  the  saints  in  glory.  This,  as  ministers  of  Christ,  is  our  work,  and 
should  be  our  glory  and  joy.  This,  by  the  grace  of  God  helping  us, 
we  can  do ;  but  to  raise  them  to  equal  civil  rights  and  privileges  is 
not  within  our  power.  Let  us  not  labor  in  vain,  and  spend  our 
strength  for  naught.  In  this  cause  we  are  debtors  both  to  the  bond 
and  the  free ;  yea,  to  all  men.  But  are  we,  as  servants  of  a  Master 
whose  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world,  discharging  our  obligations  to 
the  utmost  extent  of  our  ability?  Have  we  neglected  no  means  within 
our  power  to  promote  the  present  and  eternal  well-being  of  this  nu- 
merous and  needy  class  of  our  brethren?  Let /acfe  give  the  answer. 
From  an  examination  of  official  records,  it  appears  that  there  are  four 
annual  conferences  in  which  there  is  not  a  single  colored  member 
in  the  Church.  Eight  others  have  an  aggregate  number  of  four  hun- 
dred and  sixty-three,  averaging  less  than  sixty.  And  taking  fifteen, 
almost  one-half  of  the  conferences  in  the  connection,  and  some  of 
them  among  the  largest,  both  in  the  ministry  and  membership,  and  the 
whole  number  of  colored  members  is  but  one  thousand  three  hundred 
and  nine,  giving  an  average  of  less  than  ninety.  It  is  well  known  that, 
in  many  of  these  conferences,  there  is  a  numerous  colored  population, 
and  in  each  of  them  a  very  considerable  number.  It  is  presumed  that 
the  freedom  of  the  people  of  color,  within  the  bounds  of  these  con- 
ferences, will  not  be  urged  as  the  cause  of  their  not  being  brought 
under  religious  influence,  and  gathered  into  the  fold  of  Christ.  We 
are  certainly  not  prepared  to  admit  that  a  state  of  servitude  is  more 
favorable  to  the  success  of  the  Gospel,  in  its  experimental  and  practical 
eifects,  than  a  state  of  freedom.  Facts  will  clearly  show  that  this  is 
not  the  cause.  In  the  city  of  Baltimore  alone,  there  are  nearly  four 
times  the  number  of  colored  people  in  the  Church  that  we  find  in  the 
fifteen  conferences  referred  to ;  and  yet  a  vast  majority  of  them  are  as 
free  as  they  are  in  almost  all  the  states  embraced  in  these  conferences. 
It  may  be  well  for  us  to  examine  this  subject  carefully,  in  connection 
with  our  high  responsibility."*  (5) 

As  necessary  to  a  proper  understanding  of  the  position  of  the 
South,  in  relation  to  slavery,  we  present  the  following  historical 
statement  from  the  Protest  of  the  Minority  of  the  General  Con- 

*  Journals  of  the  General  Conference,  1844. 


396  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

ference,  against  the  action  of  that  body,  in  the  case  of  Bishop 
Andrew.  From  this  view  of  the  subject,  it  appears  that  there 
has  been  an  "irrepressible  conflict"  between  the  North  and  the 
South,  almost  ever  since  the  organization  of  the  Methodist  Church 
in  this  country: 

"  The  law  of  the  Church  on  slavery  has  always  existed  since  1785, 
but  especially  since  1804,  and  in  view  of  the  adjustment  of  the  whole 
subject,  in  1816,  as  a  virtual,  though  informal,  contract  of  mutual  con- 
cession and  forbearance,  between  the  North  and  the  South,  then,  as 
now,  known  and  existing  as  distinct  parties,  in  relation  to  the  vexed 
questions  of  slavery  and  abolition.  Those  conferences  found  in  States 
where  slavery  prevailed  constituting  the  Southern  party,  and  those  in 
the  non-slaveholding  States  the  Northern,  exceptions  to  the  rule  being 
found  in  both.  The  rights  of  the  legal  owners  of  slaves,  in  all  the 
slaveholding  States,  are  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  by  the  local  constitutions  of  the  States  respectively,  as  the 
supreme  law  of  the  land,  to  which  every  minister  and  member  of  the 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States 
government  professes  subjection,  and  pledges  himself  to  submit,  as 
an  article  of  Christian  faith,  in  the  common  creed  of  the  Church. 
Domestic  slavery,  therefore,  wherever  it  exists  in  this  country,  is  a 
civil  regulation,  existing  under  the  highest  sanctions  of  constitutional 
and  municipal  law  known  to  the  tribunals  of  the  country,  and  it  has 
always  been  assumed  at  the  South,  and  relied  upon  as  correct,  that 
the  North  or  non-slaveholding  States  had  no  right,  civil  or  moral,  to 
interfere  with  relations  and  interests  thus  secured  to  the  people  of 
the  South  by  all  the  graver  forms  of  law  and  social  order,  and  that 
it  cannot  be  done  without  an  abuse  of  the  constitutional  rights  of 
citizenship.  The  people  of  the  North,  however,  have  claimed  to  think 
differently,  and  have  uniformly  acted  toward  the  South  in  accordance 
with  such  opposition  of  opinion.  Precisely  in  accordance,  too,  with 
this  state  of  things,  as  it  regards  the  general  population  of  the  North 
and  South,  respectively,  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  has  been 
divided  in  opinion  and  feeling  on  the  subject  of  slavery  and  abolition 
since  its  organization,  in  1784 :  two  separate  and  distinct  parties  have 
always  existed.  The  Southern  conferences,  in  agreeing  to  the  main 
principles  of  the  compromise  law  in  1804  and  1816,  conceded,  by  ex- 
press stipulation,  their  right  to  resist  Northern  interference  in  any 
form,  upon  the  condition,  pledged  by  the  North,  that  while  the  whole 


METHODIST   EPISCOPAL    CHURCH   AND   SLAVERY.  397 

Church,  by  common  consent,  united  in  proper  effort  for  the  mitigation 
and  final  removal  of  the  evil  of  slavery,  the  North  was  not  to  inter- 
fere, by  excluding  from  membership  or  ministerial  office  in  the  Church, 
persons  owning  and  holding  slaves  in  States  where  emancipation  is  not 
practicable,  and  where  the  liberated  slave  is  not  permitted  to  enjoy 
freedom.  Such  was  the  compact  of  1804  and  1816,  finally  agreed  to 
by  the  parties  after  a  long  and  fearful  struggle,  and  such  is  the  com- 
pact now — the  proof  being  derived  from  history  and  the  testimony 
of  living  witnesses.  And  is  it  possible  to  suppose  that  the  original 
purpose  and  intended  application  of  the  law  was  not  designed  to  em- 
brace every  member,  minister,  order,  and  officer  of  the  Methodist 
Episcopal  Church?  Is  the  idea  of  excepted  cases  allowable  by  fair 
construction  of  the  law  ?  Do  not  the  reasons  and  intendment  of  the 
law  place  it  beyond  doubt,  that  every  conceivable  case  of  alleged  mis- 
conduct that  can  arise,  connected  with  slavery  or  abolition,  is  to  be 
subjected,  by  consent  and  contract  of  parties,  to  the  jurisdiction  of 
this  great  conservative  arrangement? 

"  Is  there  anything  in  the  law  or  its  reasons  creating  an  exception 
in  the  instance  of  bishops?  Would  the  South  have  entered  into  the 
arrangement,  or  in  any  form  consented  to  the  law,  had  it  been  inti- 
mated by  the  North  that  bishops  must  be  an  exception  to  the  rule? 
Are  the  virtuous  dead  of  the  North  to  be  slandered  by  the  supposition 
that  they  intended  to  except  bishops,  and  thus  accomplish  their  pur- 
poses, in  negotiation  with  the  South,  by  a  resort  to  deceptive  and  dis- 
honorable means  ?  If  bishops  are  not  named,  no  more  are  presiding 
elders,  agents,  editors — or,  indeed,  any  other  officers  of  the  Church, 
who  are,  nevertheless,  included,  although  the  same  rule  of  construction 
would  except  them  also.  The  enactment  was  for  an  entire  people, 
east,  west,  north,  and  south.  It  was  for  the  Church,  and  every  mem- 
ber of  it — for  the  common  weal  of  the  body — and  is,  therefore,  uni- 
versal and  unrestricted  in  its  application;  and  no  possible  case  can  be 
settled  upon  any  other  principles,  without  a  direct  violation  of  this 
law  both  in  fact  and  form.  The  law  being  what  we  have  assumed, 
any  violation  of  it,  whatever  may  be  its  form  or  mode,  is  as  certainly 
a  breach  of  good  faith  as  an  infringement  of  law.  It  must  be  seen, 
from  the  manner  in  which  the  compromise  was  effected,  in  the  shape 
of  a  law,  agreed  to  by  equal  contracting  parties,  '  the  several  annual 
conferences,'  after  long  and  formal  negotiation,  that  it  was  not  a  mere 
legislative  enactment,  a  simple  decree  of  a  General  Conference,  but 
partakes  of  the  nature  of  a  grave  compact,  and  is  invested  with  all 


398  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

the  sacredness  and  sanctions  of  a  solemn  treaty,  binding  respectively 
the  well-known  parties  to  its  terms  and  stipulations.  If  this  be  so, — 
and  with  the  evidence  accessible  who  can  doubt  it? — if  this  be  so,  will 
it  prove  a  light  matter  for  this  General  Conference  to  violate  or  dis- 
regard the  obligation  of  this  legal  compromise^  in  the  shape  of  public 
recognized  law  !  " 

In  1848,  the  General  Conference  met  in  Pittsburgh.  But  one 
petition  on 'the  subject  of  slavery  Avas  presented,  and  no  com- 
mittee on  the  subject  was  appointed. 

In  1852,  the  General  Conference  met  in  Boston.  No  committee 
■was  appointed  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  and  the  few  petitions  re- 
ceived were  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Revisals. 

In  1856,  the  General  Conference  met  at  Indianapolis,  in  the 
State  of  Indiana.  A  Committee  on  Slavery,  consisting  of  one 
member  from  each  annual  conference,  was  appointed.  The  peti- 
tions on  slavery  were  very  numerous,  and  demanded,  among  other 
things,  such  an  alteration  of  the  Rule  on  slavery  as  would  exclude 
slaveholders.  This  demand  was  resisted,  on  the  ground  that  many 
of  the  border  Churches  had  agreed  to  remain  in  connection  with 
the  Northern  division,  on  the  ground  of  pledges  given  that  no  at- 
tempt would  be  made  to  alter  the  Rule,  or  give  to  it  an  abolition 
interpretation. 

The  majority  of  the  committee  reported  at  length  on  the  sub- 
ject. The  spirit  of  this  report  can  be  understood  from  the  fol- 
lowing extracts: 

"  That  the  reduction  of  a  moral  and  responsible  being  to  the  con- 
dition of  property  is  a  violation  of  natural  rights,  is  considered  by 
most  men  an  axiom  in  ethics ;  but  whatever  opinions  may  have  ob- 
tained in  general  society,  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  has  ever 
maintained  an  unmistakable  anti-slavery  position.  Affirmations  that 
'slavery  is  founded  in  the  philosophy  of  civil  society,'  that  it  'is  the 
corner-stone  of  republican  institutions,'  or  that  it  is  sanctioned  by  the 
Bible,'  have  never  met  with  an  approving  response  in  our  Church ; 
contrariwise,  the  Founder  of  Methodism  denounced  the  system  in 
unqualified  terms  of  condemnation,  and  the  fathers  unwaveringly  fol- 
lowed the  example  of  the  venerated  Wesley.  The  Methodist  Episco- 
pal Church  has,  in  good  faith,  in  all  periods  of  its  history,  proposed 


METHODIST    EPISCOPAL    CHURCH    AND    SLAVERY.  399 

to  itself  tte  question,  '  What  shall  be  done  for  the  extirpation  of  the 
evil  of  slavery  ?'  and  it  has  never  ceased,  openly  and  before  the  world, 
to  bear  testimony  against  the  sin,  and  to  exercise  its  disciplinary  powers, 
to  the  end  that  its  members  might  be  kept  unspotted  from  criminal 
connection  with  the  system,  and  that  the  evil  itself  be  removed  from 
among  men. 

"  It  is  affirmed  and  believed  that  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church 
has  done  more  to  diffuse  anti-slavery  sentiments,  to  mitigate  the  evils 
of  the  system,  and  to  abolish  the  institution  from  civil  society,  than 
any  other  organization  either  political,  social,  or  religious.  It  is  also 
affirmed  and  believed  that  the  administrators  of  discipline  in  our 
Church  within  the  bounds  of  slave  territory  have  faithfully  done  all 
that,  under  their  circumstances,  they  have  conscientiously  judged 
to  be  in  their  power  to  ansioer  the  ends  of  Discipline  in  exterminating 
this  great  evil.  (i'>) 

"  We  now  inquire  whether  the  time  has  come  when  it  becomes  the 
duty  of  the  Church,  through  its  representatives  assembled  in  its  high- 
est ecclesiastical  court,  to  so  revise  the  statutes  of  the  Church  as  to 
make  them  express  our  real  sentiments,  and  indicate  our  practice  as 
it  is.  We  answer,  yes !  first,  because  it  is  just  and  equal ;  it  is  right 
before  Grod  and  all  men,  that  in  a  subject  involving  directly  the  per- 
sonal liberties  of  thousands,  and  indirectly  of  millions  of  our  fellow- 
men,  the  position  of  the  Church  should  be  neither  equivocal  or 
doubtful'  Secondly,  because  we  can  not  answer  it  to  our  own  con- 
sciences, nor  to  God,  the  judge  of  all,  if  we  fail  to  do  what  is  in  our 
power  to  bear  testimony  against  so  great  an  evil.  Thirdly,  because 
it  is  solemnly  demanded  at  our  hands  by  a  very  lai-ge  majority  of  those 
whom  we  represent ;  and,  fourthly,  because  the  signs  of  the  times 
plainly  indicate  that  it  is  the  duty  of  all  good  men  to  rally  for  the 
relief  of  the  oppressed,  and  for  the  defense  of  the  liberties  transmitted 
to  us  by  our  fathers. 

"We  are  aware  that  it  is  objected,  that  in  the  present  excited  state 
of  the  public  mind,  to  take  any  action  on  the  subject  will  be  to  place 
a  weapon  in  the  hands  of  our  enemies  with  which  they  may  do  us 
essential  injury.  We  reply,  that  in  all  cases,  to  say  one  thing  and 
mean  another,  is  of  doubtful  morality.  We  judge  the  rather  that  on 
all  questions  vital  to  morality  and  religion,  the  honor  of  the  Church 
is  better  sustained  by  an  unqualified  declaration  of  the  truth. 

"We  come  now  to  state  what,  as  it  seems  to  us,  is,  always  has  been, 
and  ever  should  be,  the  true  position  of  our  Church  in  respect  to 


400  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

slavery.  We  hold  that  the  buying,  selling,  and,  by  inference,  the 
holding  of  a  human  being  as  property,  is  a  sin  against  God  and  man ; 
that  because  of  the  social  relations  in  which  men  may  be  placed  by 
the  civil  codes  of  slaveholding  communities,  the  legal  relations  of 
master  to  slave  may,  in  some  circumstances,  subsist  innocently ;  that 
connection  with  slavery  is  prima  facie  evidence  of  guilt;  that  in  all 
cases  of  alleged  criminality  of  this  kind,  the  burden  of  proof  should 
rest  upon  the  accused,  he  always  having  secured  to  him  the  advan- 
tages of  trial  and  appeal  before  impartial  tribunals. 

"In  view  of  these  facts  and  principles,  the  committee  recommend 
the  adoption  of  the  following  resolutions  : 

"  1.  Resolocd,  by  the  delegates  of  the  several  annual  conferences, 
in  General  Conference  assembled,  that  we  I'ecommend  the  several 
annual  conferences  so  to  amend  our  General  Rule  on  slavery,  as  to 
read,  '  The  buying,  selling,  or  holding  a  human  being  as  property.' 

"  2.  Resolved,  by  the  delegates  of  the  several  annual  conferences, 
in  General  Conference  assembled,  that  the  following  be,  and  hereby 
is,  substituted  in  the  place  of  the  present  seventh  chapter  of  our  Book 
of  Discipline." 

The  chapter  proposed  as  a  substitute  was  made  to  conform  to 
the  first  resolution,  as  interpreted  by  the  majority  report. 

The  first  resolution  was  put  to  vote,  the  result  being  122  ayes 
and  6Q  nays.  "  As  two  thirds  of  the  members  did  not  favor  the 
motion,  it  was  lost,  according  to  the  rule  of  the  discipline  in  such 
cases  made  and  provided." 

The  second  resolution  was  not  called  up. 

The  minority  of  the  committee  reported,  also,  upon  this  subject, 
setting  forth  the  destructive  tendencies  of  the  alteration  of  the 
Rule  upon  the  Churches  in  the  border  slave  States. 

In  1860,  the  General  Conference  met  in  Buffalo,  N.  Y.  A 
committee  of  47  was  appointed  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  The 
memorials  presented  were  very  numerous.     They  stood  thus  : 

Against  a  change  of  the  Rule,  32  annual  conferences,  137 
memorials,  signed  by  3,999  persons,  and  from  47  quarterly  meet- 
ing conferences. 

Asking  for  a  change  of  the  Rule,  from  33  annual  conferences, 
811  memorials,  signed  by  45,857  persons,  and  from  49  quarterly 
meeting  conferences. 


METHODIST   EPISCOPAL   CHURCH    AND   SLAVERY.  401 

The  General  Conference  met  on  the  1st  of  May,  and  on  the 
16th  the  majority  report  was  presented : 

MAJORITY  REPORT    ON    SLAVERY, 

The  Committee  on  Slavery  offer  the  following  report : 

When  He  who  spake  as  never  man  spake  would  comprehend  the 
sum  of  all  human  duty  as  between  man  and  man  in  one  brief  sentence, 
he  embodied  that  sentence  in  the  following  memorable  words :  "  All 
things  whatsoever  ye  would  that  men  should  do  unto  you,  do  ye  even 
so  unto  them;  for  this  is  the  law  and  prophets."  The  same  sublime 
epitome  of  human  duty  is  expressed  in  the  words,  "  Thou  shalt  love 
thy  neighbor  as  thyself."  These  precepts  form  the  moral  mirror 
which  God  has  hung  up  before  all  humanity.  Into  this  mirror  every 
man  is  bound  to  look  and  see  his  own  conduct  as  others  see  it,  and  as 
he  sees  that  of  others.  Or,  to  change  the  figure,  these  precepts  form 
the  moral  scales  in  which  every  man  is  bound  to  weigh  his  own  actions 
as  he  weighs  the  actions  of  other  men.  This  Golden  Law  of  God  sheds 
its  divine  light  upon  all  the  relationships  which  subsist  between  man 
and  his  fellow ;  and  that  which  we  would  have  a  right  to  desire  from 
any  human  being  with  whom  we  have  to  do,  if  we  were  in  his  circum- 
stances and  he  in  ours,  is  the  exact  measure  of  our  duty. 

The  enslavement  from  generation  to  generation  of  human  beings 
guilty  of  no  crime,  is  what  no  man  has  a  right  to  desire  for  himself  or 
his  posterity,  and  what  no  man  ever  did  or  can  desire.  The  constant 
liability  of  the  forcible  separation  of  husbands  and  wives,  of  parents 
and  children,  even  in  the  mildest  forms  of  slavery,  is  a  state  of  things 
from  which  every  enlightened  mind  desires  to  be  free.  The  impedi- 
ments which  slavery  interposes  in  the  way  of  the  observance  of  the 
conjugal  and  parental  relations,  depriving  the  parents  from  governing 
and  educating  their  children,  and  the  children  from  honoring  and  obey- 
ing their  parents,  as  God  has  commanded,  is  a  state  of  things  condemned 
alike  by  the  Bible  and  all  enlightened  consciences,  and  from  which  the 
heart's  holiest  aspirations  struggle  to  be  free.  The  sacredness  and 
inviolability  of  the  marriage  covenant  is  one  of  the  corner-stones  of 
all  Christian  civilization.  Slavery,  as  it  exists  in  the  United  States,  is 
fundamentally  at  war  with  this  most  ancient  and  sacred  institution. 
What  should  we  desire,  and  have  a  right  to  desire,  if  we  were  in  the 
place  of  the  injured  party?     This  is  the  measure  of  our  duty. 

A  system  which  converts  a  human  being  into  merchandise,  which 
denies  a  man  the  rights  of  property,  of  family,  of  "  liberty  and  the 
20 


402  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

pursuits  of  happiness,"  and  generally  of  the  power  to  read  the  record 
which  God  has  given  for  the  regulation  of  all  human  conduct,  is  a 
state  of  things  in  which  no  intelligent  and  right-minded  person  ever 
did  or  can  desire  to  be  placed.  In  reference  to  all  these,  and  to  all 
other  conditions  of  human  wrong,  the  solemn  mandate  comes  down 
from  Heaven :  "All  things  whatsoever  ye  would  that  men  should  do 
unto  you,  do  ye  even  so  to  them." 

God  has  laid  the  foundation  of  religious  education  in  the  family 
relationships.  His  claims  upon  us  find  their  readiest  response  where 
the  honor  and  obedience  due  to  parents  are  properly  inculcated.  The 
obligation  to  love  God,  because  he  first  loved  us,  finds  its  strongest 
response  where  the  tenderness  and  afi"ection  breathed  upon  childhood, 
by  its  divinely  constitutod  guardians,  prepare  the  young  heart  for  this 
high  duty.^  The  strongest  terms  by  which  the  indissoluble  afi"ection 
subsisting  between  God  and  his  Church  are  expressed  in  Scripture, 

*  All  the  arguments  of  this  nature  are  unsound,  because  thej'  are  based  upon 
a  totally  mistaken  view  of  the  question  at  issue.  Were  the  negroes,  as  a  class, 
sufficiently  civilized  to  be  capable  of  imparting  instruction  in  morals  and  relig- 
ion to  their  offspring,  the  argument  would  have  some  weight;  but,  rising  slowly 
from  the  lowest  barbarism,  they  possess  no  such  qualifications  for  teaching  as 
are  required  of  those  who  have  the  care  of  offspring  among  professing  Chris- 
tians. To  emancipate  them,  would  be  to  leave  them  to  sink  back  again  into 
barbarism;  and  what  does  African  barbarism  do  for  offspring?  Listen  to  the 
story  of  a  Christian  missionary  on  this  subject : 

"  A  Sad  Scene  in  Africa. — It  was  said  in  one  of  the  Psalms,  many  years 
ago,  'The  dark  places  of  the  earth  are  full  of  the  habitations  of  cruelty.'  They 
are  just  as  full  of  such  habitations  now  as  they  were  then,  and  this  is  one  of 
the  reasons  why  we  should  send  missionaries  to  all  the  heathens.  A  short  time 
ago  a  missionary  in  Africa  left  his  home  to  preach  the  Gospel  in  some  towns 
several  miles  away  from  the  mission  station.  As  he  entered  one  town  his  at- 
tention was  attracted  by  two  women,  whose  conduct  was  very  light  and  trifling, 
and  who  appeared  to  be  watching  some  object  under  the  eaves  of  the  opposite 
house.  What  was  that  shapeless  object  they  were  looking  at?  He  drew  near 
to  see.  It  was  a  poor  little  boy,  about  three  years  old,  reduced  almost  to  a 
skeleton,  but  still  breathing.  Every  rib  in  his  little  body  might  be  seen,  while 
his  back  appeared  to  be  broken.  By  his  side  there  was  a  raw  cassada,  (a  kind 
of  root  somewhat  like  a  potato),  and  a  little  gourd,  holding  water,  which,  with 
his  poor,  thin  hand,  he  was  trying  to  lift  to  his  mouth.  But  the  strength  of 
the  little  fellow  was  unequal  to  it,  and  his  low  wailings  of  distress  were  most 
piteous,  and  tilled  the  heart  of  the  missionary  with  distress.  He  pointed  the 
laughing  women  to  the  sufferings  of  the  poor  child ;  but  they  laughed  all  the 
more  at  his  concern.  He  then  learned  that  the  child  was  an  orphan,  and  had 
become  the  charge  of  one  of  the  women  of  the  family.     Either  through  her 


METHODIST   EPISCOPAL    CHURCH    AND    SLAVERY.  403 

are  taken  from  the  parental  and  conjugal  relationshiji.  The  inimit- 
able pi-ayev,  commencing,  "  Our  Father  which  art  in  heaven,"  is  a 
further  recognition  of  the  same  thing. 

What,  then,  must  be  the  religious  effect  of  an  institution  which 
tramples  these  sacred  relationships  in  the  dust? 

In  short,  there  is  not,  in  our  judgment,  one  distinctive  attribute 
of  chattel  slavery  which  is  not  incompatible  with  the  Golden  Rule. 

The  foregoing  considerations,  as  it  seems  to  us,  are  sufficient  to 
justify  the  opposition  which  from  the  beginning  we  have  manifested 
toward  slavery  ;  for,  be  it  remembered,  this  opposition  is  no  new  thing 
among  us,  but  is  coeval  with  our  very  existence  as  a  Christian  organ- 
ization. 

The  opinions  of  our  revered  founder  need  not  be  recounted  here. 
Imbibing  in  larger  measure,  than  was  common  in  his  day,  the  spirit 
of  Him  whose  sympathies  gush  forth  as  an  everlasting  fountain  toward 
the  poor  and  the  ojjpressed,  Mr.  Wesley  uttered  a  testimony  against 
slavery  immortal  as  his  own  name. 

His  genuine  sons  in  the  Gospel  have  followed  his  example.  The 
Conference  of  1780  declared  "  slavery  to  be  contrary  to  the  laws  of 
God,  man,  and  nature,  and  hurtful  to  society;  contrary  to  the  dictates 
of  conscience  and  pure  religion,  and  doing  that  which  we  would  not 
that  others  should  do  unto  us." 

The  General  Conference  of  1784  declared  the  practice  of  slavehold- 
ing  to  be  ''  contrary  to  the  Golden  Law  of  God,  and  contrary  to  the 
inalienable  rights  of  mankind,  as  well  as  to  every  principle  of  the 
Revolution."  The  Conference  say :  "  We  think  it  our  most  bounden 
duty,  therefore,  to  take  immediately  some  effectual  method  to  extir- 
pate this  abomination  from  among  us,  and  for  that  purpose  we  add 
the  following  to  the  rules  of  our  society." 

Then  followed  a  plan  of  emancipation,  specifying  the  age  at  which 
every  person  held  in  slavery  should  be  free,  and  declaring  that  no 

neglect,  or  from  disease,  it  had  become  this  miserable  object,  only  a  trouble  to 
her,  and  .';lie  had  left  it  there  to  die  while  she  went  to  her  farm  in  the  bush ! 

"  Two  or  three  native  Christian  young  men  were  with  the  missionary,  who 
proposed  to  take  the  child  to  a  little  out-station  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
lake,  and  take  care  of  it.  What  a  contrast  between  the  conduct  of  these  young 
Christians  and  that  of  the  women  who  had  left  that  child  to  die,  not  caring 
what  might  become  of  it  1  And  what  made  the  diflereuce  ?  Only  the  blessed 
Gospel ;  the  entrance  into  their  hearts  of  the  knowledge  of  Him  whose  name 
is  love." — Central  Christian  Advocate,  Feb.,  1861. 


404  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

person  thereafter  holding  slaves  should  be  admitted  into  the  society 
or  to  the  Lord's  Supper  till  he  had  previously  complied  with  these 
rules  concerning  slavery.  A  note  followed  these  stringent  measures, 
declaring  that  they  were  to  affect  the  members  no  further  than  they 
were  consistent  with  the  laws  of  the  States  in  which  they  resided  ;  and 
also,  in  view  of  peculiar  circumstances,  giving  the  members  in  Vir- 
ginia two  years  in  which  to  comply  with  these  regulations.  As  these 
measures  were  admitted  to  constitute  a  new  term  of  membership,  all 
persons  were  allowed  to  choose  between  voluntarily  retiring  and  being 
expelled. 

About  six  months  after,  it  was  thought  best  to  suspend,  for  the 
time,  the  execution  of  these  rules,  and  give  the  members  a  longer 
time  before  the  minute  should  be  enforced.  The  suspension  proved 
to  be  indefinite,  but  immediately  following  the  suspension  is  the  dec- 
laration :  "  We  do  hold  in  the  deepest  abhorrence  the  practice  of 
slavery,  and  shall  not  cease  to  seek  its  destruction  by  all  wise  and 
prudent  means."  In  1789,  the  General  Rule  read  :  "  The  buying  and 
selling  the  bodies  and  souls  of  men,  women,  or  children,  with  an  in- 
tention to  enslave  them."  In  1792,  it  read  :  "  The  buying  or  selling  of 
men,  women,  or  children,  with  an  intention  to  enslave  them."  From 
1808  until  now,  the  rule  has  read  as  at  present,  no  one  knowing  how 
the  or  came  to  be  substituted  by  and. 

For  seventy-six  years  the  question  at  the  head  of  our  present  chap- 
ter on  slavery  has  remained  substantially  what  it  now  is  :  "  What  shall 
be  done  for  the  extirpation  of  the  evil  of  slavery?"  During  all  this 
period  and  more,  there  has  no  day  intervened  in  which  our  Church 
has  not  testified  against  slavery  as  a  great  evil,  and  one  whose  extir- 
pation is  to  be  sought  by  all  lawful  and  Christian  means.  Nor  has 
our  acknowledged  anti-slavery  position  been  unproductive  of  good 
fruit.  There  is  a  power  in  the  truth,  when  faithfully  uttered,  to  influ- 
ence the  conscience  of  mankind.  The  testimony  which  our  Church 
has  borne  has  done  much  toward  the  formation  of  a  correct  public 
opinion.  Under  its  influence  many  thousands  of  slaves  have  been  set 
free ;  and  many  thousands,  who  otherwise  would  have  been  slavehold- 
ers, have  refrained ;  and  many  thousands  more,  who  are  still  holding 
slaves,  are  doing  so  with  consciences  ill  at  ease.  But  for  this  testi- 
mony a  number  of  western  States,  now  free,  and  embracing  a  vast 
range  of  territory,  would  probably  to-day  be  slave  States. 

These  facts  are  our  answer  to  the  question:  "What  good  has  our 
church-action  on  the  subject  ever  done?"     Is  it  a  small  thing  that 


METHODIST   EPISCOPAL   CHURCH   AND    SLAVERY.  405 

thousands  of  immortal  beings  have  been  delivered  from  bondage ; 
that  thousands  more  have  been  restrained  from  oppressing  their  fel- 
low-men ;  and  that  regions  of  country,  by  many  times  larger  than 
some  of  the  mightiest  empires  of  the  <5iirth,  have  been  secured  to 
freedom? 

To  the  charge  that  we  are  violating  the  laws  of  the  land,  a  brief 
answer  must  suffice.  If  we  choose  to  keep  as  free  as  we  can  from  the 
evils  of  slavery,  how  do  we  thus  violate  the  laws  of  the  land  ?  Do 
the  laws  of  the  land  require  the  members  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church  to  hold  slaves  ?  How  do  we  then  violate  the  laws  by  declin- 
ing to  hold  them?  Must  we  practice  every  evil  which  the  laws  will 
permit,  lest  we  be  charged  with  violating  them  ? 

While  we  have  no  sympathy  with,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  strongly 
condemn  the  mad  projects  of  reckless  and  desperate  men,  who,  in  de- 
fiance of  law,  seek,  by  violent  means,  either  to  establish  or  destroy 
slavery,  we  earnestly  pray  that  the  time  may  soon  come  when,  through 
the  blessed  principles  of  the  Gospel  of  peace,  slavery  shall  .cease 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  this  fair  land. 

But  why  should  we  seek  any  change  in  our  Discipline,  if  it  has 
worked  so  well? 

We  answer,  1.  Much  of  our  present  Chapter  on  Slavery  has  become 
obsolete  by  the  changed  circumstances  since  its  introduction,  and  the 
chapter  is  now,  in  consequence,  no  sufficient  answer  to  the  question 
with  which  it  commences.  Owing  to  the  present  laws  of  many  of  the 
slave  States,  the  Rule  in  the  chapter  can  have  no  practical  application 
where  we  have  any  considerable  membership. 

Again,  the  chapter,  by  making  one  rule  for  official  and  another  for 
private  members  of  the  Church,  fails,  we  think,  to  embody  our  real 
doctrine  on  the  subject  of  which  it  treats.  We  do  not  see  the  pro- 
priety of  having  one  rule  for  the  class-leader  and  another  for  the  mem- 
bers of  his  class ;  one  rule  for  the  trustee  and  another  for  the  member 
sitting  by  his  side  ;  one  rule  for  a  steward  and  another  for  the  person  of 
whom  he  collects  quarterage.  Such  discriminations,  we  presume,  will 
be  admitted  to  be  without  any  sufficient  foundation,  and  we  believe 
they  are  practically  disregarded. 

2.  Within  a  comparatively  recent  period  differences  of  opinion  have 
sprung  up  as  to  the  bearing  our  present  General  Rule  has  on  the  sub- 
ject of  slaveholding.  A  few  among  us  have  contended  that  the  Rule 
condemns  only  the  African  slave  trade ;  others  believe  that  it  con- 
demns both  the  foreign  and  domestic  traffic ;  others,  that  while  it  con- 


406  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

demns  the  traffic,  it  thereby  legalizes  the  holding  of  slaves  ;  others,  and 
we  think  by  far  the  larger  portion,  hold  that  while  the  Rule  in  express 
terms  condemns  the  traffic  for  a  certain  purpose,  it  also,  by  fair  impli- 
cation, condemns  the  holding  for  the  same  purpose. 

To  this  last  view  we  ask  a  somewhat  more  particular  attention. 
What  is  the  specific  thing  which  the  terms  of  the  General  Rule  for- 
bid ?  Not  the  buying  or  selling  of  a  human  being  simply,  but  the  buy- 
ing or  selling  loitli  an  intention  to  enslave.  The  buying  or  selling  with 
an  intention  to  free  is  not  forbidden.  What,  then,  is  the  meaning  of 
the  qualifying  phrase,  ^'■with  the  intention  to  enslave  them?"  Thia 
question  can  admit  of  but  one  answer.  The  person  has  already  been 
reduced  to  slavery  before  he  can  be  either  bought  or  sold.  Even  in 
the  foreign  slave  trade  the  persons  have  been  seized  and  reduced  to 
slavery  before  they  come  into  the  hands  of  the  trader ;  and  in  the 
domestic  traffic  the  persons  bought  or  sold  are  already  in  a  state  of 
slavery.  What,  then,  we  repeat,  is  the  meaning  of  the  phrase,  "  with 
the  iiitention  to  enslave  them?"  The  only  answer  that  can  be  given 
is,  it  means  with  the  intention  to  continue  them  in  slavery,  by  continu- 
ing to  hold  and  use  them  as  slaves ;  or,  as  in  the  case  of  selling,  put- 
ting it  in  the  power  of  others  to  continue  them  in  slavery. 

What,  then,  is  it  which,  in  the  eye  of  the  Rule,  gives  criminality  to 
the  act  of  buying  or  selling?  The  only  answer  is,  it  is  the  intention 
to  enslave  them;  that  is,  the  intention  to  continue  their  enslavement. 
This  is  what  clothes  the  act  of  buying  or  selling  with  moral  turpitude. 
It  is  the  enslaving,  therefore,  by  the  continued  holding  and  using  as 
slaves,  which  gives  criminality  to  the  buying  and  selling.  The  holding 
and  using  are  the  only  stimulus  to  the  guilty  traffic.  We  conclude, 
therefore,  that  as  the  holding  and  using  are  the  only  stimulating  causes 
for  the  traffic,  and  as  the  intention  to  continue  their  enslavement  is 
the  only  sinful  element,  so  ftir  a^  the  Rule  condemns  it,  the  spirit  of 
the  Rule  must  condemn  the  holding  and  the  using,  as  well  as  the  buy- 
ing and  selling.  The  intention  which  gives  criminality  to  an  act,  and 
without  which  the  act  would  not  be  criminal,  must  itself  be  criminal. 

We  do  not  affirm  that  the  holding  of  a  slave  is.  under  all  circum- 
stances, sinful ;  nor  is  the  buying  or  selling.  Otherwise  it  would  be 
wrong  to  purchase  a  slave,  even  to  free  him.  And  the  moral  right 
to  purchase  a  slave  to  free  him  involves  also  the  moral  right  to  hold 
the  legal  relation  of  owner  to  that  slave  until  the  benevolent  intention 
of  freeing  can  be  carried  into  execution.  So  when,  owing  to  what- 
ever circumstances    the   immediate   sundering  of   the  legal   relation 


METHODIST   EPISCOPAL   CHURCH    AND   SLAVERY.  407 

would  be  manifestly  a  greater  injury  to  the  slave  than  its  temporary 
continuance  ;  and  when  the  evident  intention  is  to  give  freedom  at  the 
earliest  practical  moment,  such  an  act  of  holding  is  not  only  not  wrong, 
but  it  may  be  a  duty.  It  is  something  necessary  to  be  done  in  order 
to  confer  permanent  freedom  upon  the  person  so  held.  In  such  a  case 
the  holder  is  not  released  from  the  obligation  to  give  unto  the  servant 
"  that  which  is  just  and  equal,"  and  to  guard  with  the  most  religious 
care  the  sacred  and  divine  rights  of  the  conjugal  and  parental  rela- 
tions, and  to  see  by  all  means  that  such  legal  provisions  as  are  prac- 
ticable shall  be  made  to  prevent  such  persons  and  their  posterity  from 
passing  into  perpetual  slavery. 

From  the  foregoing  considerations  it  appears  to  us  that  the  Greneral 
Rule  should,  in  plain  words,  embody  the  honest  doctrine  of  the  Church, 
as  well  on  the  subject  of  slaveliolding  as  on  that  of  the  slave  traffic.  If 
the  traffic  for  mercenary  and  selfish  purposes  should  be  condemned,  so 
also  should  the  holding.  And  if,  as  is  almost  universally  admitted 
among  us,  the  spirit  of  the  Rule  condemns  mercenary  and  selfish  slave- 
holding,  then  why  may  we  not  clothe  this  spirit  in  a  visible  hody^  and 
insert  the  word  holding  in  our  present  Rule,  subject  to  the  same  dis- 
criminating clause  as  the  buying  and  selling  ?  Such  a  rule  would  read : 
"  The  buying,  selling,  or  holding  of  men,  women,  or  children,  with  an 
intention  to  enslave  them."  This,  we  think,  is  only  embodying  in 
plain  language  the  true  doctrine  of  our  Church  on  the  subject. 

So  long  ago  as  the  year  1840,  our  bishops,  in  their  Episcopal  Ad- 
dress, in  view  of  the  different  interpretations  put  upon  the  General- 
Rule,  desired  the  General  Conference,  then  in  session  in  Baltimore,  to 
give  an  official  exposition  of  it.     The  following  is  their  language : 

"We  think  it  proper  to  invite  your  attention  in  particular  to  one 
point  intimately  connected  with  it,  [the  subject  of  slavery,]  and,  as  we 
conceive,  of  primary  importance.  It  is  in  regard  to  the  true  import 
and  application  of  the  General  Rule  on  Slavery.  The  different  con- 
structions to  which  it  has  been  subjected,  and  the  variety  of  views 
which  have  been  entertained  upon  it,  together  with  the  conflicting  acts 
of  some  of  the  annual  conferences,  North  and  South,  seem  to  require 
that,  a  body  having  legitimate  jurisdiction,  should  express  a  clear  and 
definite  opinion,  as  a  uniform  guide  to  those  to  whom  the  administra- 
tion of  the  Discipline  is  committed."  This  address  is  signed  by  R.  R. 
Roberts,  Joshua  Soule,  Elijah  Iledding,  James  0.  Andrew,  Beverly 
Waugh,  and  T.  A.  Morris. 

Without  expressing  an  opinion  here,  as  to  the  constitutional  right 


408  PULPIT     POLITICS. 

of  the  General  Conference  to  place  an  official  and  legal  exposition  of 
the  General  Rule  in  the  Discipline,  without  the  concurrence  of  the 
annual  conferences,  we  judge  it  the  more  prudent  course  that  the  ex- 
position should  be  embodied  in  the  Rule  itself,  by  a  process  which  can 
leave  no  doubt  as  to  its  constitutionality. 

We  therefore  recommend  for  adoption  the  following  resolutions : 
Resolved,  1.  By  the  delegates  of  the  several  annual  conferences  in 
General  Conference  assembled,  that  we  recommend  the  amendment  of 
the  General  Rule  on  Slavery,  so  that  it  shall  read :  "  The  buying,  sell- 
ing, or  holding  of  men,  women,  or  children,  with  an  intention  to  enslave 
them." 

[This  resolution  required  a  vote  of  iwo-thinls  to  carry  it.  There  were  138  votes 
cast  for  it,  and  74  against  it,  so  it  was  lost.     See  Journal,  pp.  244-246. — Editor.] 

Resolved,  2.  That  we  recommend  the  suspension  of  the  4th  Restrict- 
ive Rule,  for  the  purpose  set  forth  in  the  foregoing  resolution. 

[This  resolution  was  laid  on  the  table,  inasmuch  as  the  first  resolution  failed. 
See  Journal,  page  262. — Editor.] 

Resolved,  3.  By  the  delegates  of  the  several  annual  conferences  in 
General  Conference  assembled,  that  the  following  be,  and  hereby  is, 
substituted  in  the  place  of  the  seventh  chapter  on  slavery : 

Question.  What  shall  be  done  for  the  extirpation  of  the  evil  of 
slavery  ? 

•  Answer.  We  declare  that  we  are  as  much  as  ever  convinced  of  the 
great  evil  of  slavery.  We  believe  that  the  buying,  selling,  or  holding 
of  human  beings  as  chattels  is  contrary  to  the  laws  of  God  and  nature, 
inconsistent  with  the  Golden  Rule,  and  with  that  Rule  in  our  Discipline 
which  requires  all  who  desire  to  remain  among  us  to  "  do  no  harm, 
and  to  avoid  evil  of  every  kind."  We,  therefore,  affectionately  ad- 
monish all  our  preachers  and  people  to  keep  themselves  pure  from 
this  great  evil,  and  to  seek  its  extirpation  by  all  lawful  and  Christian 
means.  (7) 

C.  KiNGSLET,  Chairman. 

B.  F.  Crary,  Secretary. 

[For  the  action  of  the  conference  amending  and  adopting  the  third  resolution, 
and  adopting  the  report  as  a  whole  and  as  amended,  see  Journal,  pages  259, 
262.-  -Editor.] 


METHODIST   EPISCOPAL   CHURCH   AND    SLAVERY.  409 

MINORITY  REPORT    ON  SLAVERY. 

The  Minority  of  the  Committee  on  Slavery  appointed  by  this  Gen- 
eral Conference  to  take  into  consideration  the  interests  of  the  Church 
in  relation  to  this  grave  and  perplexing  subject,  and  also  its  duty  in 
the  premises,  being  unable  to  agree  with  the  majority  of  the  Com- 
mittee, and  believing  that  the  present  occasion  demands  at  our  hands 
a  full  exposition  of  our  principles,  submit  the  following  report : 

In  order  to  present  our  position  on  this  question  with  entire  clear- 
ness, we  ask  attention  to  the  following 

FACTS  OF  HISTOEY. 

Up  to  1844  we  remained  an  undivided  Church,  wonderfully  owned 
of  Grod,  and  eminently  successful  in  spreading  Scriptural  holiness 
over  these  lands ;  our  ministers  went  to  and  fro,  and  the  knowledge 
of  God  was  greatly  increased ;  the  people  felt  and  acknowledged  the 
power  of  our  anti-slavery  Gospel,  and  by  thousands  were  converted 
and  gathered  into  our  Methodist  fold.  In  no  part  of  this  country 
did  our  Church  find  more  favor  and  meet  with  more  success  than  in 
the  slaveholding  States.  Firm  in  our  convictions,  and  honest  in  our 
avowal  of  them,  we  placed  our  Discipline  in  the  hands  of  the  slave- 
holder, containing  provisions  which  limited  his  authority  over  the 
slave,  and  made  him  in  reality  the  slave's  guardian,  under  the  super- 
vision of  the  Church.  In  short,  we  taught  the  converted  slaveholder 
to  look  upon  his  slave  as  an  immortal  being,  and  to  provide  for  his 
moral  and  religious  cultivation,  by  "  teaching  him  to  read  the  Word 
of  God,  and  allowing  him  time  to  attend  public  worship  on  our  regular 
days  of  divine  service."  Under  this  Scriptural  Discipline  we  were 
instrumental  in  converting  both  masters  and  slaves,  besides  breaking 
the  yoke  from  the  neck  of  thousands  even  in  those  States  where 
emancipation  was  not  possible  by  law,  except  under  great  difficulties. 

This  was  our  condition  as  a  Church  when  the  General  Conference 
of  1844  held  its  session.  An  episcopacy  till  then  untarnished  by  con- 
nection with  slavery  had  become  implicated  in  the  great  evil,  in  the 
person  of  one  of  our  bishops.  Then  came  the  trial  of  our  anti-slav- 
ery principles,  and  the  Border  was  true  to  its  trust.  The  South 
contended  that  as  the  laws  of  the  State  in  which  the  bishop  lived 
would  not  permit  emancipation,  the  General  Conference  should  not 
interfere  in  the  case.  The  majority  of  the  delegates  insisted  that  as 
a  bishop  was  required  "to  travel  through  the  connection  at  large," 


410  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

"any  connection  with  slavery  would  embarrass  both  him  and  tho 
Church  in  the  performance  of  his  duties,"  and  declared  their  judg- 
ment to  be  that  Bishop  Andrew  should  cease  from  the  exercise  of 
episcopal  functions  until  he  could  relieve  himself  of  this  impediment. 
Then  followed  that  separation  which  has  become  one  of  the  great  facts 
of  ecclesiastical  history.  In  this  contest  for  anti-slavery  principles 
no  portion  of  the  Church  was  more  inflexibly  true  to  our  Discipline 
than  that  which  is  now  the  Border. 

Returning  to  their  homes,  the  Border  delegates  discerned  (what  has 
since  proved  to  be  a  well-grounded  apprehension)  a  new  source  of 
danger  in  the  preponderance  given  to  the  North  by  this  separation. 
Already  had  the  spirit  of  ultraism  begun  to  agitate  portions  of  the 
Church,  and  fears  were  entertained  that  innovations,  destructive  to 
the  peace  of  the  Border  conferences,  would  be  proposed  and  effected. 
These  fears  were,  to  some  extent,  quieted  by  the  assurance  that  our 
Northern  churches  were  true  to  the  interests  of  the  Border,  and  would 
faithfully  resist  all  attempts  to  destroy  its  power,  or  to  change  the 
Discipline.  These  assurances  were  corroborated  by  the  sympathy 
expressed  for  the  Border  in  the  organs  of  the  Church  generally,  and 
the  decided  action  of  at  least  one  of  the  New  England  conferences. 
The  Christian  Advocate  and  Journal  asked,  about  this  very  time,  the 
direct  question  :  "  Does  New  England  propose  to  contend  for  a  Rule 
of  Discipline  which  shall  make  the  emancipation  of  slaves  by  those 
who  hold  them  a  condition  of  membership?"  Zion's  Herald  replied: 
"Deeming  it  both  unjust  and  impolitic,  it  is  her  intention  to  abide 
by  the  Constitution  of  the  Church  as  it  now  is,  and  to  use  her  consti- 
tutional powers  for  the  extirpation  of  slavery  as  prudence,  the  best 
interests  of  the  whole  Church,  and  the  Providence  of  God  may 
demand." 

New  England  sustained  the  Herald  in  this  declaration,  and  the 
Providence  Conference,  to  show  its  sincerity,  and  to  quiet  the  fears 
of  the  Border  brethren,  at  its  session  in  1847,  passed  the  following, 
by  a  rising  vote  of  54  to  4 : 

^^  Resolved,  That  we  are  satisfied  with  the  Discipline  of  the  Church, 
as  it  is,  on  the  subject  of  slavery;  and  as  we  have  never  proposed 
any  alteration  in  it,  so  neither  do  we  now ;  and  that,  in  connection 
with  our  brethren  of  the  other  conferences,  we  icill  ever  abide  by  it." 

This  same  conference,  at  a  subsequent  session,  reaffirmed  the  pledge 
previously  made,  as  follows  :  "  We  pledge  ourselves  to  maintain  the 
same  conservative  and  true  anti-slavcrj'  ground  by  which  the  Provi- 


METHODIST   EPISCOPAL    CHURCH   AND   SLAVERY.  411 

dence  Conference  has  already  become  distinguished."  The  late  Pres- 
ident Olin,  about  the  same  time,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  East  through 
its  paper,  Zions  Herald,  declaring  that,  as  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church,  South,  was  now  gone,  the  internal  controversy  should  now  be 
considered  as  closed,  and  the  Church  should  turn  its  energies  to  its 
great  interests,  namely :  missions,  revivals,  education,  etc.  This  was 
not  only  the  sentiment  of  New  England,  but  of  the  whole  Church,  and 
was  fully  indorsed  by  its  official  action.  In  support  of  this,  we  call 
attention  to  the  fact  the  Greneral  Conference  of  1848  appointed  no 
Committee  on  Slavery,  and  but  one  petition  was  presented  on  the 
subject.  The  same  G-eneral  Conference  abolished  the  "  plan  of  sep- 
aration," and  took  under  its  care  the  scattered  membership  which  had 
been  cut  off  by  that  plan  in  Kentucky,  Arkansas,  and  Missouri. 

It  created  conferences  there,  and  thousands  have  been  converted 
and  gathered  into  the  Church  in  those  States.  The  sentiment  of  the 
Church  remained  substantially  the  same  during  the  four  succeeding 
years. 

At  the  General  Conference  of  1852  no  committee  was  appointed  on 
slavery,  and  only  seventeen  petitions  were  presented  on  the  subject. 
These  facts  are  not  only  significant,  but  they  are  conclusive.  The 
General  Conference  was  satisfied  with  the  position  of  the  Border 
churches,  and  the  membership  North  gave  these  suffering  brethren 
their  most  hearty  support. 

During  the  eight  years  immediately  succeeding  -'the  separation," 
the  Church,  in  her  official  action  and  sympathy,  was  faithful  to  her 
pledge  to  abide  by  the  Discipline  as  it  is. 

In  1850,  the  danger  of  future  aggressions,  on  the  part  of  the  North 
and  East,  was  distinctly  foreshadowed  ;  and  between  the  sessions  of  the 
General  Conference,  in  1852  and  1856,  this  agitation  on  the  question 
of  slavery  in  the  Church  made  its  first  real  development.  The  papers 
in  those  portions  of  the  Church  began  to  denounce  their  brethren  on 
the  Border,  and  this  so  far  influenced  the  popular  opinion  in  the 
North  as  to  shake  its  confidence  in  the  ministry  of  these  conferences. 
Sere  was  the  origin  of  the  outside  pressure,  lohich  the  North  now  pleads 
as  the  only  reason  why  the  Discipline  should,  be  changed  on  the  subject. 

In  the  General  Conference  of  1856,  the  first  official  effort  to  change 
the  Discipline  was  made  by  the  ministry  of  the  North,  without  the 
support  of  the  membership.  Out  of  790,000  not  quite  5,000  petitioned 
for  a  change,  and  most  of  these  were  obtained  by  the  personal  efforts  of 
preachers.     That  this  first  act  of  aggression  was  made  by  the  ministry 


412  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

was  admitted  in  1856.  The  reason  assigned  was  that  twenty-nine 
annual  conferences  out  of  thirty-eight  had  asked  the  Greneral  Con- 
ference to  make  a  change  in  our  Discipline  on  the  subject  of  slavery. 
In  obedience  to  this  demand  the  first  Committee  on  Slavery  for  eight 
years  was  appointed,  and  a  report  presented  in  accordance  with  their 
views.  That  report  presented  two  propositions :  one  for  a  general 
rule  by  the  constitutional  process  to  prohibit  "  the  buying,  selling,  or 
holding  of  a  human  being  as  property ;"  the  other  for  a  new  chapter 
making  slaveholding  prima  facie  evidence  of  guilt,  and  declaring  the 
man,  charged  with  this  offense,  to  be  guilty  until  he  proved  himself 
innocent.  That  chapter  was  laid  on  the  table,  and  the  new  rule  failed 
to  receive  the  vote  necessary  to  send  it  to  the  annual  conferences. 
The  failure  of  this  first  effort  on  the  part  of  the  ministry  only  re- 
doubled their  exertions.  They  have,  during  the  four  years  past, 
employed  both  the  pulpit  and  the  press  to  the  utmost  extent  in  pre- 
paring the  sentiment  of  the  Church  for  action  at  the  present  Session. 

This  controversy  has  been  marked  by  most  peculiar  features,  and 
attended  with  the  most  deplorable  results.  Churches  in  the  North 
have  been  torn  and  severed,  new  and  independent  societies  have  been 
organized,  papers  in  opposition  to  official  organs  supported,  the  friend- 
ship of  years  destroyed,  confidence  and  fraternal  affection  between  the 
North  and  the  Border  lost,  our  preachers  mobbed  by  lawless  and  pro- 
slavery  men,  and  bitterness  of  feeling  engendered,  until  it  has  become 
almost  impossible  for  us  to  become  a  united  people. 

There  are  now  two  parties  in  the  Church,  the  one  contending  for  an 
alteration  in  our  Discipline  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  and  the  other 
opposed.  The  question  vital  to  the  issue,  therefore,  is :  Which  one 
of  these  two  parties  has  changed  its  position  ?  We  answer  most  em- 
phatically. The  Border  has  not.  The  Border  was  truly  anti-slavery 
in  1844 ;  it  is  as  truly  so  now.  It  resisted  the  encroachments  of  the 
South  t;hen ;  it  resists  the  encroachments  of  the  South  now.  It  has 
steadily  resisted  the  South  till  this  present  moment,  at  fearful  cost 
and  constant  conflict.  It  has  resisted  pro-slavery  assaults  in  the 
pulpit,  on  the  platform,  and  through  the  press.  The  Border  has 
stood  faithfully  to  the  Discipline,  under  the  charge  of  pro-slaveryism 
from  the  North,  and  of  abolitionism  from  the  South.  It  has  never 
denied  being  anti-slavery ;  it  could  not  if  it  would,  and  would  not  if 
it  could.  The  Border  stands  now  where  it  has  ever  stood,  and 
though  pressed  sorely  by  the  friends  it  has  nev^r  forsaken,  and  by 
the  foes  it  has  always  resisted,  its  representatives  come  to  this  General 


METHODIST   EPISCOPAL    CHURCH   AND   SLAVERY.  413 

Conference,  asking  for  no  change  in  the  Discipline,  and  willing  to 
abide  by  it  as  it  is.  We  have  always  taught,  and  still  teach,  that 
slaveholding,  for  mercenary  and  selfish  purposes,  is  wrong ;  but  we 
have  never  held  that  the  relation  of  master  to  slave,  when  either 
necessary  or  merciful,  is  sinful.  On  this  principle  we  have  received 
the  slaveholder  into  the  Church,  and  by  it  we  have  regulated  our 
administration.  If  in  any  case  the  administration  has  been  defective, 
it  has  been  the  exception,  and  not  the  rule.  While  our  brethren  in 
the  North  and  Northwest  have  yielded  to  the  pressure  of  an  ultra- 
ism  which,  by  their  own  action,  they  have  largely  contributed  to 
create,  we  still  battle  for  old-fashioned,  anti-slavery  Methodism.  No 
human  administration  can  be  perfect,  and  our  Border  brethren  do  not 
claim  that  theirs  is  any  exception  to  this  rule  ;  but  they  do  claim  that 
integrity  of  purpose  has  characterized  their  action.  With  the  laws 
of  the  State  against  emancipation,  so  far  as  to  prevent  the  liberated 
slave  from  enjoying  freedom  without  the  liability  of  being  arrested 
and  expatriated,  they  have,  by  their  moral  influence  and  discipline, 
lifted  the  yoke  of  bondage  from  the  necks  of  thousands,  who,  with 
their  children,  are  now  contented  and  happy.  Of  late,  owing  to  the 
agitated  state  of  the  country,  their  influence  has  been,  to  some  extent, 
limited,  but  for  this  the  Church  of  the  Border  is  not  responsible. 
This  is  the  position  claimed  for  itself  by  the  Border,  and  the  claim 
is  sustained  by  the  testimony  of  others. 

The  bishops,  in  their  Address  to  the  General  Conference  of  1856, 
gave  the  results  of  their  observation  in  regard  to  the  position  and 
moral  influence  of  our  churches  on  the  Border.  In  the  Episcopal 
Address  of  the  present  session,  they  reaffirm  their  statements,  -and 
refer  the  General  Conference  to  the  language  used  by  them  in  1856. 
The  following  is  the  passage  referred  to,  namely : 
"  In  our  administration  in  the  territory  where  slavery  exists,  we 
have  been  careful  not  to  transcend,  in  any  instance  or  in  any  respect, 
what  we  understood  to  be  the  will  and  direction  of  the  General  Con- 
ference. That  body  having  retained  its  jurisdiction  over  conferences 
previously  existing  in  such  territory,  and  having  directed  the  organ- 
ization of  additional  Conferences,  it  becomes  our  duty  to  arrange  the 
districts,  circuits,  and  stations,  and  to  superintend  them  as  an  integral 
part  of  the  Church.  As  the  result,  we  have  have  six  annual  confer- 
ences which  are  wholly  or  in  part  slave  territory.  These  conferences 
have  a  white  church-membership,  including  probationers,  of  more 
than  one  hundred  and  thirty-six  thousand,  with  the  attendants  upon 


414  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

our  ministry,  making  a  probable  population  of  between  five  and  six 
hundred  thousand.  They  have  a  colored  church-membership,  includ- 
ing probationers,  of  about  twenty-seven  thousand,  with  the  attendants 
upon  our  ministry,  making  a  probable  population  of  upward  of  one 
hundred  thousand.  A  portion  of  this  population  are  slaves.  The 
others  are  mostly  poor.  They  are  generally  strongly  attached  to  the 
Church  of  their  choice,  and  look  to  it  confidingly  for  ministerial 
services,  religious  sympathy,  and  all  the  ofiices  of  Christian  kindness. 
The  white  membership  in  these  conferences,  in  respect  to  intelligence, 
piety,  and  attachment  to  Methodist  discipline  and  economy,  will  com- 
pare favorably  with  other  portions  of  the  Church. 

"In  our  judgment,  the  existence  of  these  conferences  and  churches, 
under  their  present  circumstances,  does  not  tend  to  extend  or  perpet- 
uate slavery.  They  are  known  to  be  organized  under  a  Discipline 
which  characterizes  slavery  as  a  great  evil ;  which  makes  the  slave- 
holder ineligible  to  any  official  station  in  the  Church,  where  the  laws 
of  the  State  in  which  he  lives  will  admit  of  emancipation,  and  permit 
the  liberated  slave  to  enjoy  freedom;  which  disfranchises  a  traveling 
minister  who  by  any  means  becomes  the  owner  of  a  slave  or  slaves, 
unless  he  executes,  if  it  be  practicable,  a  legal  emancipation  of  such 
slaves,  conformably  to  the  laws  of  the  State  wherein  he  lives ;  which 
makes  it  the  duty  of  all  the  ministers  to  enforce  upon  all  the  mem- 
bers the  necessity  of  teaching  their  slaves  to  read  the  Word  of  God, 
and  allowing  them  time  to  attend  upon  the  public  worship  of  God  on 
our  regular  days  of  divine  service ;  which  prohibits  the  buying  and 
selling  of  men,  women,  and  children,  with  an  intention  to  enslave 
theia,  and  inquires  what  shall  be  done  for  the  extirpation  of  slavery  ? 

"With  this  Discipline  freely  circulated  among  the  people,  or  cer- 
tainly within  the  reach  of  any  who  desire  to  examine  it,  and  with 
other  Churches  existing  in  the  same  territory  without  these  enact- 
ments, these  societies  and  conferences  have,  either  by  elective  affinity, 
adhered  to,  or  from  preference,  associated  with,  the  Methodist  Episco- 
pal Church.  In  a  few  instances  their  church-relations  have  exposed 
them  to  some  peril,  and  in  numerous  cases  to  sacrifice.  But  such 
have  been  their  moral  worth,  and  Christian  excellence,  and  prudent 
conduct,  that  generally  they  have  been  permitted  to  enjoy  their  relig- 
ious immunities,  and  sei-ve  and  worship  God  according  to  their  con- 
sciences." 

This  testimony  of  the  bishops,  in  1856,  was  corroborated  by  the 
delegates  from  the  Border,  and  the  Committee  on  Slavery  appointed 


METHODIST   EPISCOPAL   CHURCH    AND    SLAVERY.  415 

at  that  session  confirmed  its  trutli  by  the  following  language,  which, 
forms  part  of  their  report,  namely : 

"It  is  also  affirmed  and  believed  that  the  administrators  of  Disci- 
pline within  the  bounds  of  slave  territory  have  faithfully  done  all 
that  in  their  circumstances  they  have  conscientiously  judged  to  be  in 
their  power,  to  answer  the  ends  of  the  Discipline  in  exterminating 
that  great  evil." 

Such  is  the  position  of  the  Church  on  the  Border,  and  it  is  the  posi- 
tion held  by  most  of  the  members  of  this  General  Conference.  Very 
few  indeed  of  the  members  of  this  body  believe  or  teach  that  slave- 
holding,  except  for  mercenary  or  selfish  purposes,  ought  to  be  made 
a  test  of  membership.  Our  view  of  the  subject  is  sustained  by  the 
Scriptures,  and  also  by  Mr.  Wesley,  who  received  slaveholders  into 
his  societies,  and  is  in  strict  accordance  with  the  instructions  given  by 
the  Wesleyan  Connection  to  their  missionaries  in  Jamaica.  These 
instructions  are  in  the  following  words,  namely  : 

"  As  in  the  colonies  in  which  you  are  called  to  labor  a  great  propor- 
tion of  the  inhabitants  are  in  a  state  of  slavery,  the  Committee  must 
strongly  call  to  your  recollection  what  was  so  fully  stated  to  you  when 
you  were  accepted  as  missionaries  to  the  West  Indies,  that  your  only 
business  is  to  promote  the  moral  and  religious  improvement  of  the 
slaves  to  whom  you  may  have  access,  without,  in  the  least  degree,  in 
public  or  private,  interfering  with  their  civil  condition."  Who,  then, 
have  changed  position  on  this  subject?  The  Border  preachers  have, 
KOT.  The  change  of  ground  is  with  those  who  ask  for  an  altered 
Discipline,  a  new  term  of  membership. 

In  conclusion,  the  minority  respectfully  submit,  1.  That  the  action 
proposed  in  the  report  of  the  majority  has  been  recommended  without 
the  proper  consideration,  in  Committee,  of  the  documents  referred  to 
them  by  the  General  Conference,  which,  in  our  judgment,  the  gravity 
and  importance  of  the  subject  demand. 

2.  The  minority  further  represent,  that  the  desire  of  the  Church  at 
large  for  any  important  change  in  our  rules  on  the  subject  of  slavery 
is  not  sufficiently  indicated  in  the  petitions  that  have  been  referred  to 
this  Committee  to  demand  such  action  as  is  set  forth  in  the  report  of 
the  majority.  The  whole  number  of  petitioners  is  less  than  one  in 
twenty  of  the  entire  membership,  and  in  those  Conferences  that  have 
spoken  most  largely,  two-thirds  of  the  entire  membership  have  re- 
mained silent.  (8) 

3.  The   action   of  the    Annual    Conference,  as   expressed   in    their 


416  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

recorded  votes,  does  not  indicate  such  a  desire  for  a  constitutional 
change  as  to  call  on  this  General  Conference  to  inaugurate  an  attempt 
to  secure  it  by  sending  down  a  new  rule  for  their  action.  This  will 
be  evident  if  we  consider  that,  taking  the  highest  vote  obtained  in 
the  several  Annual  Conferences  by  any  single  measure,  it  falls  short, 
to  the  extent  of  over  five  hundred  of  the  requisite  number  among 
those  voting,  and  falls  short  more  than  three  thousand  of  three- 
fourths  of  the  whole  number  of  the  traveling  preachers  in  the  Method- 
ist Episcopal  Church. 

4.  The  change  in  the  General  Rule  proposed  in  the  report  of  the 
majority  is  still  further  objected  to,  in  that  the  action  they  recommend 
approaches  nearest  in  form  to  the  one  coming  from  the  Providence 
Conference,  and  would  be  likely  to  be  understood  by  our  people  as 
embodying  the  spirit  of  that  most  objectionable  of  all  the  changes 
which  had  been  previously  proposed. 

5.  The  form  of  the  chapter  proposed  in  the  report  of  the  majority, 
the  minority  confidently  believe  will  not  be  considered  by  the  Church 
as  embodying  sufficient  advantages  over  the  present  chapter  to  war- 
rant the  risk  incurred  in  making  any  change.  Though  being  intended 
only  as  a  declaration  of  sentiment^  as  it  is  placed  in  what  is  regarded 
as  a  book  of  ecclesiastical  law,  it  may  become  a  source  of  embarass- 
ment  by  being  misunderstood  by  our  people  and  misrepresented  by 
our  enemies, 

6.  The  minority  further  represent,  that  the  action  proposed  in  the 
report  of  the  majority  will  very  greatly  embarrass  and  cripple,  if  it 
does  not  altogether  destroy  our  Church  in  the  slaveholding  States 
and  along  the  border.  It  is  especially  calculated  to  do  this  in  the 
present  highly  excited  state  of  the  public  mind  in  that  territory. 

7.  The  minority  still  further  believe  that  such  a  result  would  in- 
volve a  loss  of  position  and  influence  in  slaveholding  territory,  by  the 
most  decidedly  anti-slavery  Church  among  the  larger  denominations 
of  the  land,  which  it  might  require  many  long  years  to  regain.  Such 
a  surrender  of  advantages  now  possessed  must  be  deprecated  by  every 
one  who  sincerely  asks,  "  What  shall  be  done  for  the  extirpation  of  the 
evil  of  slavery?  " 

8.  It  is  further  objected  to  the  action  proposed,  that  it  would  oper- 
ate most  disastrously  upon  the  interests  of  the  enslaved.  It  would 
not  only  deprive  them  of  ministrations  by  which  thousands  of  them 
have  been  blessed  and  saved,  but  from  those  by  whom  their  emanci- 
pation can  only  be  secured  it  would  withdraw  the  influence  of  that 


METHODIST   EPISCOPAL   CHURCH    AND   SLAVERY.  417 

Church,  in  regard  to  which  the  majority  of  the  Committee  on  Slavery 
in  1856  say :  "  It  is  afl&rmed  and  believed  that  it  has  done  more  to 
diffuse  anti-slavery  sentiments,  to  mitigate  the  evils  of  the  system, 
and  to  abolish  the  institution  from  civil  society,  than  any  other  or- 
ganization, either  political,  social,  or  religious." 

9.  The  members  of  the  minority  representing  conferences  located 
in  non-slaveholding  territory  also  submit,  that  the  action  proposed  in 
the  report  of  the  majority  would,  in  its  results,  as  admitted  by  the 
majority  (in  committee)  themselves,  expose  our  ministerial  brethren 
and  their  families,  in  the  Border  work,  to  privations  and  perils  which, 
while  they  ought  not  to  be  shrunk  from,  if  necessary  to  maintain  up- 
rightness and  truth,  yet,  if  brought  about  without  sufficient  cause, 
might  properly  be  considered  an  unbrotherly  recklessness  as  to  their 
condition,  specially  calculated  to  alienate  them  from  us  in  spirit  and 
affection. 

10.  The  testimony  of  the  representatives  of  the  work  on  the  Pacific 
coast  in  this  Committee,  impresses  us  with  the  conviction  that  the 
results  of  the  action  proposed  in  the  report  of  the  majority  would  be 
highly  disastrous  in  that  quarter,  destroying  much  of  the  fruit  of  their 
past  labor,  and  greatly  retarding  the  work  for  many  years  to  come. 

11.  The  minority  are  still  further  impressed'  with  the  conviction 
that  among  the  results  of  the  action  proposed  in  the  majority  report, 
one  painfully  probable  is  the  enfeebling  of  the  prestige  and  moral 
power  of  the  whole  Church  by  the  strifes  and  divisions  that  may  ensue, 
which  will  greatly  incapacitate  her  for  the  performance  of  that  grand 
work,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  to  which  God  in  his  providence  is 
now  so  evidently  calling  her,  in  this  the  opening  of  the  second  century 
of  her  history,  and  in  which,  if  her  resources  and  influence  are 
properly  husbanded  and  guarded,  she  may  achieve  so  eminent  and 
glorious  a  success. 

12.  The  minority  are  not  insensible  to  the  fact  that  an  embarrass- 
ing pressure,  produced  by  misrepresentations  of  our  anti-slavery 
position,  is  felt  in  some  portions  of  our  work  in  non-slaveholding 
territory ;  but  they  believe  that  this  may  be  relieved  by  a  distinct 
and  emphatic  testimony  on  the  subject,  in  a  mode  which  would  not 
involve  the  disas-ters  apprehended  from  the  course  to  which  they 
object.     They,  therefore,  recommend  the  adoption  of  the  following 

RESOLUTIONS  : 

Resolved,  1.  That  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  has,  in  good 
faith,  in  all  the  periods  of  its  history,  proposed  to  itself  the  question, 

27 


418  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

"What  shall  be  done  for  the  extirpation  of  the  evil  of  slavery?"  and 
it  has  never  ceased,  openly  before  the  world,  to  bear  its  testimony 
against  the  sin,  and  to  exercise  its  disciplinary  powers  to  the  end  that 
its  members  might  be  kept  unspotted  from  criminal  connection  with 
the  system,  and  that  the  evil  itself  be  removed  from  among  us. 

Resolved,  2.  That  any  change  of  our  Discipline  upon  the  subject 
of  slavery  in  the  present  highly-excited  condition  of  the  country 
would  accomplish  no  good  whatever,  but,  on  the  contrary,  would 
seriously  disturb  the  peace  of  our  Church,  and  would  be  especially 
disastrous  to  our  ministers  and  members  in  the  slave  States. 

Resolved,  3.  That  the  Committee  on  the  Pastoral  Address  be  in- 
structed to  state  our  position  in  relation  to  slavery,  and  to  give  such 
counsel  to  our  churches  as  may  be  suited  to  the  necessities  of  the 
case.  ^ 

John  S.  Porter,  Chairman. 

P.  CoOMBE,  Secretary. 
Buffalo,  May  16,  1860. 

REMARKS   ON   THE   PRECEDING   ECCLESIASTICAL   ACTION. 

(1)  The  attempt  to  enforce  a  rule  of  the  Church,  excluding 
slaveholders  from  its  communion,  having  failed,  and  the  neces- 
sity of  dropping  it  altogether  in  the  South,  argues  a  very  differ- 
ent state  of  public  sentiment,  in  the  days  of  early  Methodism, 
in  relation  to  slavery,  from  what  has  been  supposed  to  have  ex- 
isted. The  duty  of  emancipation  could  not  have  been  a  common 
sentiment,  otherwise  the  Rule  of  the  Church  on  slavery  would 
have  been  easily  enforced.  That  it  had  to  be  abandoned,  in 
both  the  North  and  the  South,  is  conclusive  on  this  question. 
In  this  fact  we  find  another  ground  for  setting  aside  the  abo- 
lition interpretation  of  the  Constitution,  which  claims  that  it 
must  be  understood  as  anti-slavery,  because  the  sentiment  of  the 
country  was  then  opposed  to  the  institution.  No  such  general 
hostility  to  slavery  prevailed  throughout  the  country ;  and  even 
in  the  States  where  emancipation  was  finally  adopted,  the  feel- 
ing in  its  favor  was  by  no  means  unanimous. 

(2)  It  will  be  noted,  that  as  early  as  1824,  the  General  Con- 
ference made  provision  for  the  distinct  organization  of  churches 
of  the  colored  people,  and  for  employing  colored  men  as  travel- 
ing preachers. 


METHODIST   EPISCOPAL   CHURCH    AND    SLAVERY.  419 

(3)  The  resolutions  of  General  Conference,  in  1836,  in  con- 
demnation of  abolitionism,  are  very  pointed,  and  afford  unmis- 
takable evidence  of  the  wisdom  of  the  bishops  in  laying  a  strong 
hand  upon  it  as  a  dangerous  movement  both  to  Church  and 
State. 

(4)  Here  are  considerations,  weighty,  indeed,  presented  by 
the  bishops,  in  favor  of  a  firm  reliance  upon  the  Gospel  as  the 
means  of  meliorating  the  condition  of  the  slaves,  and  against 
clerical  interference  in  civil  affairs.  Had  these  admonitions  of 
1840  been  heeded  by  the  Methodist  ministry,  that  Church,  as 
well  as  our  beloved  Union,  might  now  have  been  a  unit,  instead 
of  being  broken  into  fragments. 

(5)  The  remarks  of  the  bishops,  in  1844,  upon  the  subject  of 
abolition  petitions,  and  the  neglect  of  the  negro  population,  are 
well  worthy  the  most  deliberate  consideration. 

(6)  The  declaration  of  the  committee  of  the  General  Confer- 
ence, at  Indianapolis,  1856,  that  the  Methodist  Church  "  has 
done  more  to  diffuse  anti-slavery  sentiments,"  "  and  to  abolish 
the  institution  from  civil  society,  than  any  other  organization, 
either  political,  social,  or  religious,"  was  a  proud  boast,  and  may 
have  been  a  truth.  But,  if  so,  where  was  the  necessity  for  such 
boasting  ?  If  it  had  affected  the  committee  alone  ;  if  it  had  been 
confined  to  the  North,  all  would  have  been  well,  perhaps ;  but  it 
flew  upon  the  wings  of  the  lightning  to  the  extreme  South ;  and 
there,  in  consequence  of  the  claims  here  set  up,  the  Methodist 
Church  was  pronounced  an  abolition  organization,  having  in 
view  the  promotion  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  wherever  she  set 
her  foot.  Had  not  the  committee  set  up  such  high  claims,  be- 
fore Conference,  for  the  efiiciency  of  Methodism  as  an  instru- 
ment in  the  promotion  of  emancipation,  the  soil  of  Texas  would 
not  have  drank  up  the  blood  of  the  humble  Methodist  minister 
who  was  martyred  on  the  suspicion  that  he  was  an  emissary  of 
abolition. 

(7)  It  will  be  seen  that,  in  the  General  Conference  of  1860, 
the  alteration  of  the  Rule  on  Slavery  was  not  carried  —  there 
not  being  two-thirds  of  the  members  in  its  favor.  The  chapter 
on  Slavery,  however,  was  altered  so  as  to  conform  to  the  aboli- 


420  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

tidn  sentiment  in  the  Church — it  requiring  only  a  majority  vote 
for  its  adoption. 

(8)  This  authoritative  statement,  coming  from  the  Committee 
of  Conference,  that  two-thirds  of  the  entire  membership  of  the 
Methodist  Church  have  remained  silent,  while  only  one-third 
had  signed  the  abolition  memorials — confirms  the  opinions  here- 
tofore expressed,  that  the  great  majority  of  the  members,  in 
nearly  all  the  churches  which  have  legislated  on  the  subject  of 
slavery,  have  been  opposed  to  the  action  of  their  ecclesiastical 
courts.  In  this  fact,  we  are  to  look  for  the  origin  of  all  the 
evils  to  Church  and  State  which  have  flowed  from  the  ecclesi- 
astical legislation  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  Conservative  Chris- 
tian men  have  remained  silent,  while  their  fanatical  brethren 
have  been  allowed  to  occupy  public  attention,  so  as  to  create 
the  impression  that  abolition  sentiments  were  in  the  ascendancy 
at  the  North.  Had  the  facts  been  clearly  known  —  had  con- 
servative men  come  boldly  forward  to  rebuke  and  repudiate  the 
fanatics  who  were  troubling  the  land  —  we  should,  at  this  day, 
have  seen  our  churches  undivided,  our  Union  existing  in  har- 
mony, and  our  people  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  wonted  pros- 
perity. The  responsibility  of  the  evils  which  have  befallen  us 
must  rest  upon  the  conservative  men  who,  for  the  sake  of  peace, 
have  neglected  to  lift  up  a  standard  against  the  errors  of  aboli- 
tionism. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

CONGREGATIONAL   CHURCHES    AND    SLAVERY. 

Some  notice  is  taken  of  the  Congregational  Churches,  in  their 
relations  to  slavery,  in  Chapter  III.  To  aiFord  a  more  definite 
view  of  their  position  on  the  great  question  of  the  day — forcible 
emancipation — we  here  append  some  extracts  from  two  docu- 
ments, which  may  be  taken  as  representing  the  opinions  of  Con- 
gregationalists  in  general. 

So  universally  have  this  body  occupied  abolition  ground,  as  we 
have  been  told  by  one  of  their  most  intelligent  clergymen,  that 
we  have  not  considered  it  important  to  gather  up  in  detail  their 
Church  action  upon  slavery.  Their  present  position  will  be  un- 
derstood by  what  follows : 

1.  The  General  Association  of  New  York  held  its  twenty- 
eighth  annual  session  at  Binghamton  last  week.* 

A  committee  upon  the  "  state  of  the  country,"  consisting  of  Rev. 
J.  P.  Thompson,  D.  D.,  J.  Butler,  and  H.  N.  Dunning,  reported 
a  series  of  resolutions  which,  after  debate  and  amendment,  were 
adopted.  There  was  a  deep  and  strong  feeling  in  the  meeting 
that  slavery,  as  the  original  cause  and  fountain  of  our  national 
troubles — as  the  serpent  of  evil  which  has  entered  our  garden  of 
liberty,  to  beguile  us  into  sin  and  ruin,  should  not  be  left  un- 
touched by  the  nation  in  this  eventful  crisis,  (1)  that  the  occasion 
which  the  providence  of  God  has  offered,  ought  to  be  seized,  to 
inflict  upon  its  head  a  final  and  fatal  blow.  Some  hesitation, 
however,  was  felt  in  msisti7ig  upon  any  particular  measures  as 
means  of  its  destruction,  which  might  embarrass  the  Administra- 
tion, though  it  was  felt  that  the  public  mind  ought  to  be  prepared 

♦New  York  Independent.  Oct.  17,  1861. 

(421) 


422  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

for  this  issue,  and  the  Government  urged  for\Tard  to  confront  and 
decide  it  in  every  way  possible. 

The  following  are  the  resolutions  as  adopted : 

"It  having  pleased  the  Great  Ruler  of  nations  in  his  righteous 
sovereignty  to  visit  this  nation  with  the  calamity  of  intestine  war, 
crippling  our  industry,  disabling  our  commerce,  desolating  large  por- 
tions of  our  territory,  and  bringing  anxiety  and  sorrow  to  thousands 
of  families ; — therefore, 

"  Resolved,  That  we  pledge  to  the  Government  our  constant  devo- 
tion and  earnest  support  in  its  determination  to  suppress  the  iniqui- 
tous and  formidable  rebellion  of  the  South,  and  to  re-establish  and 
enforce  the  authority  of  the  Constitution  over  the  whole  Union,  and 

"  WTiereas,  The  immediate  occasion  of  this  rebellion  and  its  foment- 
ing spirit  was  the  determination  of  its  leaders  to  secure  and  perpetuate 
the  system  of  slavery  ;  and  xcTiereas,  there  can  be  no  guarantee  of  peace 
and  prosperity  in  the  Union  while  slavery  exists ; — therefore, 

'■'■Resolved,  That  we  rejoice  in  every  act  and  declaration  of  the  Gov- 
ernment that  brings  freedom  to  any  of  the  enslaved,  and  earnestly 
hope  for  some  definite  and  reliable  measure  for  the  abolition  of  slav- 
ery as  the  conclusion  of  this  great  conflict  for  the  support  of  the  Gov- 
ernment and  the  Union. 

"  Wliereas,  In  his  good  providence,  God  has  opened  the  way  for  the 
emancipation  of  the  enslaved  in  this  land,  either  by  the  instructions 
of  the  Government  to  military  commanders  to  enfranchise  all  slaves 
within  their  several  districts,  or  by  general  proclamation  of  the  Presi- 
dent, or  by  act  of  Congress  under  the  state  of  war ; — therefore, 

^'■Resolved,  That  it  is  our  duty,  as  Christian  patriots,  in  all  proper 
ways  to  urge  this  measure  upon  the  attention  of  the  Government,  and 
to  pray  for  its  consummation,  lest  the  condemnation  of  those  who 
knew  their  duty  to  the  poor  and  oppressed,  and  did  it  not,  should  be 
visited  upon  the  nation. 

"  Resolved,  That  whatever  the  issue  of  the  war  upon  slavery,  and 
whatever  political  phases  the  question  of  slavery  may  hereafter  as- 
sume, this  Association  will  adhere  to  the  testimony  it  has  so  often 
borne  against  the  wickedness  of  holding  human  beings  as  property, 
and  against  the  compound  and  stupendous  iniquity  of  the  whole  sys- 
tem of  slavery ;  and  that  as  our  Congregational  ministry  and  churches 
have  been  so  far  faithful  and  persistent  in  the  past,  in  testifying  against 
slavery  as  sinful,  so  they  should  continue  faithful  and  unremitting  in 
their  opposition  to  it,  until  the  iniquity  shall  be  done  away." 


congregational  churches  and  slavery,  423 

2.  Triennial  Convention  of  Congregational  Churches  in 
THE  Northwest.* 

The  organic  rules  of  the  Chicago  Theological  Seminary  pro- 
vide that  in  every  third  year  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Board 
of  Directors  to  call  a  Convention,  consisting  of  one  delegate  from 
each  of  the  Congregational  Churches  in  the  Northwest,  and  the 
ministers  of  the  same,  which  Convention  has  the  appointment  of 
trustees,  and  has  a  right  of  "perpetual  patronage  as  founders  of 
the  Seminary.  The  Convention  met  at  Chicago,  Oct.  8th,  1861, 
and  was  attended  by  upward  of  130  ministers  and  delegates. 

The  "  state  of  the  country"  also  occupied  the  thoughts  of  the 
Convention.  An  able  committee  was  early  appointed,  consisting 
of  Prof.  Joseph  Haven,  Hiram  Foote,  G.  S.  F.  Savage,  H.  D. 
Kitchel,  Asa  Turner,  H.  L.  Hammond,  S.  D.  Cochran,  S.  Wol- 
cott,  H.  H.  Hitchcock,  and  the  second  evening  allotted  to  the 
consideration  of  their  report.  Eloquent  speeches  were  made  by 
Rev.  Asa  Turner,  of  Iowa,  Dr.  Charles  Jewett,  of  Wisconsin,  etc. 

"  REPORT   OP    THE    COMMITTEE. 

"  As  lovers  of  our  eouutfy  and  of  the  cause  and  kingdom  of  Christ, 
it  is  with  the  deepest  sadness  that  we  look  upon  the  present  state  of 
this  nation,  once  united  and  prosperous,  now  distracted  and  torn 
asunder  by  civil  war — a  war  which  we  can  not  but  regard  as  ground- 
less— wicked  in  its  origin,  and  of  which  the  whole  fearful  responsi- 
bilities rest,  and  ever  will  rest,  on  those  who,  without  provocation  or 
any  just  cause,  have  conspired  to  overthrow  the  Grovernment  and  sub- 
vert the  Constitution  under  which  we  live.  If  we  look  about  us  for 
the  source  of  the  evils  which  now  afflict  us,  we  can  find  it  only  in 
the  system  of  American  slavery.  Whatever  other  causes  may  have 
contributed  to  this  result,  they  sink  into  comparative  insignificance 
beside  this  prime  source  and  prolific  fountain  of  all  our  woes.  It  is 
this  which  has  raised  the  standard  of  revolt ;  it  is  this  which  has 
armed  brother  against  brother,  and  State  against  State ;  it  is  this 
which  has  crippled  our  industry,  wasted  our  resources,  devastated 
our  towns  and  cities,  dishonored  our  flag,  made  desolate  our  homes, 
and  brought  such  wide-spread  confusion  and  disaster  upon  the  nation. 
If  we  seek  a  remedy  for  these  evils,  we  can  find  it  only  in  the  eradi- 

*New  York  Independent,  October  17,  1861. 


4^4  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

cation  and  utter  subversion  of  that  which  has  been  their  producing 
O'ause.  Nothing  short  of  this  can  or  will  reach  the  difficulty.  The 
present  wicked  rebellion  is  purely  a  rebellion  of  the  slaveholding 
portion  against  the  rule  of  the  majority,  and  against  the  principles 
which  lie  at  the  foundation  of  all  purely  democratic  institutions.  It 
can  be  brought  to  an  end  only  by  earnest  and  well-directed  blows  at 
that  which  is  the  real  root  of  the  evil.  It  is  no  time  for  oompromisea 
or  sedatives.  The  black  and  bloody  Jiand  of  African  servitude  is 
upon  the  throat  of  this  nation,  and  we  must  break  that  arm,  or  it 
will  strangle  us.  There  can  be  no  compromise  with  this  gigantic 
wrong.  There  can  be  no  peace,  no  division  of  territory,  no  safe  and 
permanent  adjustment  of  any  kind  while  this  system  continues.  We 
are  one  nation,  one  territory,  and  we  ought  and  shall  remain  one 
people,  from  Maine  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico — one  from  the  Atlantic  to 
the  Pacific.  Such  are  our  profound  convictions,  our  deliberate  opin- 
ions ;  and  entertaining  these  sentiments,  we  can  not,  as  a  Convention 
of  pastors  and  delegates  representing  the  Congregational  Churches 
of  the  several  Northwestern  States,  consent  to  disperse  without  first 
bearing  our  united  testimony  to  the  truths  which  we  have  uttered, 
and  which  we  more  definitely  express  in  the  following  resolutions  : 

"  Resolved^  That  the  fearful  strife  in  which  our  Government  is  now 
engaged  with  the  armed  traitors  who  have  risen  up  against  it,  involv- 
ing, as  it  does,  the  defense  of  all  that  is  dear  to  us  as  citizens  and 
patriots,  and  of  the  principles  that  underlie  all  free  institutions,  is,  in 
our  view,  a  just  and  righteous  war ;  that  we  are  bound,  by  every  in- 
terest of  Christian  patriotism  and  civilization,  to  prosecute  this  contest 
with  vigor,  and,  as  speedily  as  possible,  bring  it  to  a  triumphant  con- 
clusion ;  and  that,  in  the  efficient  prosecution  of  this  war,  the  Govern- 
ment has  our  profoundest  sympathy,  our  most  cordial  support,  and 
our  most  earnest  prayers. 

^'■Resolved,  That  the  present  rebellion  is,  in  our  view,  the  direct 
and  legitimate  result  of  the  system  of  American  slavery,  which  is  at 
once  the  radical  cause  and  the  main  strength  of  the  whole  evil ;  and 
that,  consequently,  the  conflict  can  never  be  brought  to  a  successful 
end  till  that  system  shall  also  forever  terminate. 

"  Resolved,  That  we  can  not  but  view,  in  the  present  war,  the  hand 
of  Providence,  that  divine  Arbiter  and  Ruler  of  nations,  opening  the 
way  for  the  termination  of  this  accursed  system,  this  gigantic  wrong ; 
and  we  pray  God  that  the  heart  of  this  great  people  and  of  this  Gov- 
ernment may  be  brought  to  the  fixed  determination  that  that  which 


CONGREaATIONAL   CHURCHES   AND    SLAVERY.  425 

has  brought  this  war  upon  us,  shall  itself  be  brought  to  a  perpetual 
end ;  (2)  and  that  wherever  our  armies  go,  and  our  flag  waves,  under 
the  whole  heavens,  there  shall  also  go  freedom  and  universal  eman- 
cipation." 

REMARKS    ON    THE    PRECEDING  ARTICLES. 

(1)  We  have  here  a  very  apt  illustration  indeed.  The  framers 
of  our  Constitution  found  a  barbarous  people  in  their  midst,  to- 
tally unfitted  for  the  rights  of  citizenship,  and  held  in  servitude 
under  pre-existent  customs  and  laws.  Slavery,  under  the  Con- 
stitution, was  declared  to  be  the  "  forbidden  fruit,"  which  was  to 
remain  untouched  by  the  nation  at  large.  The  declaration,  on 
this  point,  virtually  was,  "  in  the  day  thou  eatest  thereof,  dying, 
thou  shalt  die."  The  serpent  of  abolition  entered  the  "  garden 
of  liberty,"  at  the  Northern  gate,  and  beguiled  the  inhabitants 
"into  sin  and  ruin."  From  the  day  that  abolitionism  put  forth 
its  hand,  from  New  England,  in  disobedience  to  the  commands 
of  the  Constitution,  to  pluck  the  fruit  of  "  the  tree  of  the  knowl- 
edge of  good  and  evil ;"  from  that  day,  briars  and  thorns  have 
been  springing  up,  wherever  the  serpent's  trail  has  left  its  slime ; 
and  the  ruin  now  resting  upon  our  Eden  is  traceable,  directly, 
to  those  who,  adopting  abolition  sentiments,  taught  treason  to  the 
Constitution  in  reference  to  the  institution  of  slavery. 

(2)  Abolitionism  being  at  the  foundation  of  our  national 
troubles,  every  true  patriot  can  unite  in  the  sentiment  expressed 
by  the  Chicago  resolutions,  in  the  prayer  to  God,  "  that  the  heart 
of  this  great  people  and  of  this  Government  may  be  brought  to 
the  fixed  determination  that  that  which  has  brought  this  war 
upon  us,  shall  itself  be  brought  to  a  perpetual  end  ;"  that  aboli- 
tionism shall  be  crushed  into  non-existence,  and  secessionism 
forced  to  lay  down  its  arms  of  rebellion,  so  that  the  Union  may 
once  more  arise  in  its  glory  and  its  power  ;  and  that,  under 
our  beneficent  Constitution,  the  dominant  race  may  continue  to 
rise  upward,  and  progress  onward  in  intelligence  and  civiliza- 
tion, and  the  lowly  continue  to  advance  in  personal  comfort  and 
Christian  knowledge,  until  the  millennial  day  shall  find  the  whole 
human  race  redeemed  from  its  long  years  of  degradation. 


CHAPTER   X. 

Section  1. — Rise  of  Political  Abolitionism  and  the  Un- 
constitutional Teachings  of  its  Leaders. 

We  have  seen  that  the  early  clerical  anti-slavery  writers,  in 
discussing  the  question  of  slavery,  as  it  affected  the  moral  stand- 
ing of  church-members,  believed  they  could  thereby  transfer  the 
agitation  of  the  subj'ect  to  the  arena  of  politics,  and  thus  array 
the  legislation  of  the  country  against  the  institution.  It  is  true, 
that  this  party,  in  its  efforts  at  religious  reform,  professed  to  have 
only  in  view  the  purification  of  the  Church ;  but  the  opinions 
propagated,  and  the  measures  adopted,  served  as  a  most  efficient 
basis  for  the  organization  of  the  Abolition  party.  The  example 
of  the  Apostles,  in  their  teachings  on  slavery,  had  been  pronounc- 
ed an  insufficient  guide  to  the  people  of  this  age,  and  a  doubt 
was  thus  thrown  over  the  Scriptures  as  an  infallible  rule  of  moral 
conduct.  A  higher  law  than  the  Bible,  as  heretofore  interpreted, 
was  demanded  for  the  exigencies  of  the  times.  As  anticipated, 
the  ecclesiastical  legislation  prepared  pubic  sentiment  for  politi- 
cal action,  by  creating  an  intense  anti-slavery  feeling  among  a 
portion  of  the  members  of  the  Church,  who  were  ready  to  be 
roused  into  energetic  effort  for  the  overthrow  of  slavery,  when- 
ever an  opportunity  offered.  But  for  the  votes  that  could  be 
secured  at  the  polls,  from  the  ranks  of  the  religious  anti-slavery 
men,  no  political  party  would  ever  have  made  the  slavery  ques- 
tion a  plank  in  its  platform.  In  this  fact  is  contained  the  demon- 
stration of  the  proposition,  that  the  Churches  are  responsible  for 
the  political  agitation  of  this  subject,  and  for  much  of  its  deplor- 
able consequences. 

It  was  from  the  action  of  the  Churches,  almost  exclusively, 
that  Southern  statesmen  originally  took  the  alarm,  in  relation  to 

(426) 


MOVEMENTS   OF   THE   ABOLITIONISTS — BY  POLITICIANS.        427 

Northern  interference  with  their  institutions.  But  in  organizing 
an  opposition  to  this  interference,  they  did  not  base  their  resist- 
ance upon  the  true  grounds  of  their  alarm — the  fear  of  forcible 
emancipation.  Other  issues  at  first  were  made,  so  that  an  avowal 
of  the  real  source  of  their  fears  could  be  avoided.  This  is  appar- 
ent from  the  testimony  of  competent  witnesses  then  residing  in 
the  slave  States,  one  of  whom  we  quote  below.*     No  political 

*  The  following  interesting  extracts,  descriptive  of  the  condition  and  tenden- 
cies of  Abolitionism,  at  the  period  when  it  had  fully  manifested  its  general 
character,  are  from  the  pen  of  Jeremiah  Hubbard,  Clerk  of  the  Yearly  Meet- 
ing of  Friends  in  North  Carolina,  to  a  Friend  in  England.  We  copy  from  the 
Christian  LiteUiffencer,  of  June,  1834: 

"  But  I  need  not  dwell  much  on  the  subject  of  universal  emancipation,  in 
stating  the  best  or  worst,  or  most  probable  results  of  such  a  measure,  because 
the  Southern  people  have  no  more  idea  of  the  general  emancipation  of  slaves, 
without  colonizing  them,  than  the  Northern  people  have  of  admitting  the  few 
among  them  to  equal  rights  and  privileges.  Not  even  the  friends  of  humanity 
here  think  that  a  general  emancipation,  to  remain  here,  would  better  their  con- 
dition ;  and  if  they  did,  I  believe  that  none  of  the  slave  States'  laws  admit  of 
emancipation  without  sending  them  out  of  the  State.  And  the  ultra  slavehold- 
ers are  as  much  opposed  to  the  Colonization  Society  as  the  Northern  manumis- 
sionists  are,  and  have,  for  several  years  past,  been  viewing  its  growing  popu- 
larity, and  the  Northern  policy  in  Congress,  with  great  jealousy;  which  keeps 
them  upon  the  ground  of  nullification  and  the  verge  of  rebellion,  though  they 
have  other  pretexts  for  it,  such  as  the  tariff,  etc.  But  it  is  evident  that  slavery, 
or  rather  the  general  anticipation  of  its  being  abolished,  is  the  primary  cause 
of  their  discontent.'*  ...  It  is  a  little  singular,  that  the  hardened  slave- 
holders and  the  Northern  manumissionists  are  so  decidedly  and  bitterly  op- 
posed to  each  other  as  to  threaten  a  dangerous  collision,  and  a  political  division 
of  this  government,  and,  at  the  same  time,  are  offering  and  urging  the  same  rea- 
sons for  abolishing  the  Colonization  Society.  But  here  we  will  leave  the  slave- 
holders inclosed  in  their  chariots  of  iron,  with  an  iron  grasp  upon  their  slaves, 
bidding  defiance  to  the  denunciations  and  imprecations  of  the  New  England 
anti-slavites,  and  watching,  with  a  jealous  eye,  the  mild,  gradually  increasing 
influence  of  the  Colonization  Society,  and  take  a  view  of  the  plan  of  the  Colo- 
nizationist,  and  that  of  the  Universal  Manumissionist,  without  colonization, 
and  see  which  of  the  two  is  likely  to  abolish  slavery  in  America. 

"The  primary  object  of  the  latter  appears  to  be  that  of  producing  such  a 
revolution  in  public  sentiment  as  to  cause  the  national  legislation  to  be  brought 
to  bear  directly  on  the  slaveholders,  and  compel  them  to  emancipate  their  slaves. 
And  in  order  to  effect  this,  they  have  formed  themselves  into  a  society,  that  they 


*  We  omit  here  his  remarks  in  relation  to  Colonization,  and  the  disposition  of  a  few  to  melior- 
ate the  condition  of  the  slaves  by  that  means,  etc. 


428  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

organizations  for  the  overthrow  of  slavery  had  been  effected  in  the 
North,  when  the  hostility  to  a  Protective  Tariff,  and  the  advocacy 
of  the  Nullification  doctrines  were  first  heard  of  at  the  South. 
But  the  action  there,  to  guard  against  the  evils  of  emancipation, 
by  arresting  all  tendencies  toward  its  adoption,  only  served  to 
stimulate  the  efforts  at  the  North  for  the  promotion  of  that 
object.  The  anti-slavery  men  claimed  that  they  had  a  right  to 
use  moral  means  for  the  removal  of  so  great  an  evil  as  human 
bondage ;  and  that  in  so  doing,  either  by  Church  action  or  indi- 

call  the  New  England  Anti-slavery  Society ;  where  they  write  and  print  a  great 
many  things  against  the  evils  of  slavery,  and  against  slaveholders  and  the  Colo- 
nization Society,  in  a  style  and  manner  that  savors  more  of  the  spirit  of 
those  who  would  ask  for  fire  to  come  down  from  heaven  to  consume  their  ene- 
mies, than  of  those  that  would  feed  them  if  they  were  hungry,  and  if  they  were 
thirsty,  give  them  drink.  Their  principal  intrenchment  appears  to  he  in  Boston, 
from  whence  they  issue  their  periodicals,  which,  I  suppose,  they  circulate  pretty 
generally  through  the  free  States;  but  whenever  one  of  the  papers  called  the 
Liberator,  edited  by  W.  L-.  Garrison,  chances  to  alight  in  any  of  the  slave 
States,  it  is  counted  incendiary,  and  immediately  proscribed.  Their  orators 
travel  and  lecture  in  the  free  States;  there  they  propagate  their  doctrines  or 
opinions  of  universal  emancipation,  coercion,  etc.,  with  much  zeal  and  fluency, 
and,  no  doubt,  with  sincerity  on  the  part  of  many  of  them ;  but  mark,  my  friend, 
they  are  too  discreet,  or  too  timid,  to  travel  and  attempt  to  propagate  these  views, 
and  harangue  in  the  slave  States.  The  general  course  of  their  eflTorts,  of  late, 
puts  me  in  mind  of  what  Young  says  about  working  the  ocean  into  a  tempest, 
'to  waft  a  feather  or  to  drown  a  fly.'  .  .  .  The  plan  of  the  Northern  anti- 
slavites,  instead  of  softening,  appears  to  be  hardening  the  slaveholders.  .  .  . 
I  would  give  thee  a  little  specimen  of  Garrison's  style  and  manner  of  writing ;  in 
his  opinion  of  the  Colonization  Society,  he  says :  '  The  superstructure  of  the  Colo- 
nization Society  rests  upon  the  following  pillars :  1st.  Persecution ;  2d.  False- 
hood; 3d.  Cowardice;  4th.  Infidelity.  If  I  do  not  prove  the  Colonization 
Society  to  be  a  creature  without  heart,  without  brains,  eyeless,  unnatural,  hypo- 
critical, relentless,  unjust,  then  nothing  is  capable  of  demonstration  I '  His 
language  to  slaveholders,  or  of  slaveholders,  is,  'They  are  hypocrites,  man- 
stealers;  and  such  as  hold  oflSces  in  the  United  States,'  he  says,  'are  guilty  of 
corrupt  perjury,  and  unless  they  repent,  will  have  their  part  in  the  lake  that 
burns  with  fire  and  brimstone.'  This  kind  of  language  is  not  at  all  calculated 
to  make  good  impressions  on  the  minds  of  slaveholders,  even  on  those  of  whom 
it  may  be  true." 

One  thing  worthy  of  note  is  said  by  this  venerable  Quaker.  The  primary 
cause  of  discontent  in  the  South,  in  1834,  was  the  general  anticipation  that 
slavery  would  be  forcibly  abolished  by  Northern  influence.  What  was  true  in 
1834  was  equally  true  in  1860. 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  ABOLITIONISTS — BY  POLITICIANS.        429 

vidual  effort,  they  were  not  violating  the  Constitution.  To  the 
Southern  people,  however,  it  mattered  not  whether  their  enemies 
employed  moral  suasion  or  physical  force — logic,  law,  or  lead — 
in  promoting  abolition  measures,  as  the  result  to  them  would  be 
the  same — the  loss  of  their  property  without  their  assent. 

When  abolitionism  became  fairly  ingrafted  upon  the  church- 
anti-slavery  stock,  its  votaries  claimed  the  right  to  use  both 
moral  suasion  and  political  means  to  effect  the  abolition  of  slav- 
ery. Their  plans  of  operation,  in  the  main,  contemplated  the 
aggregate  action  of  the  States  in  the  production  of  this  result, 
by  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution ;  or,  in  the  event  of  the 
failure  of  this  measure,  some  of  them  were  determined,  as  a 
last  resort,  to  effect  a  dissolution  of  the  Union.  The  northern 
States,  in  abolishing  slavery,  had  done  so  by  their  own  uncon- 
trolled action,  and  had  brought  upon  themselves  the  burden  of 
a  helpless  free  colored  population.  This  result  presented  a  bar- 
rier to  the  progress  of  abolition,  as  the  South  were  well-informed 
as  to  the  disastrous  results  of  emancipation  in  the  North ;  and 
farther  manumissions  by  State  action,  even  where  the  measure 
had  once  been  favorably  entertained,  could  not  now  be  effected. 
This  made  it  necessary  to  the  success  of  abolition,  that  the  united 
action  of  two-thirds  of  the  States  should  be  secured,  in  the  mode 
prescribed  by  the  Constitution,  for  such  an  alteration  of  that 
instrument  as  would  secure  general  emancipation,  without  the 
assent  of  the  minority  of  the  States.  But  the  South  denied  that 
such  powers  had  been  conferred  by  the  Constitution  as  would 
allow  of  any  change  in  its  provisions  on  the  subject  of  slavery ; 
and  held,  that  each  State  was  sovereign  and  independent,  in  rela- 
tion to  all  measures  not  provided  for,  in  express  terms,  in  the 
Constitution.  The  Nullification  movement  was  designed,  in  part 
at  least,  to  serve  as  an  emphatic  remonstrance,  by  the  South, 
against  any  interference  with  her  domestic  institutions  by  the 
North. 

The  general  character  of  the  political  action  against  slavery, 
in  its  varying  aspects,  will  be  best  understood  by  presenting  the 
opinions  expressed  by  representative  men,  and  the  principles 
avowed  in  the  party  platforms.     It  is  impracticable  here  to  give 


430  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

the  history  of  these  movements  in  detail ;  but  enough  can  be 
presented  to  afford  a  true  idea  of  the  objects  that  were  expected 
to  be  accomplished. 

It  must  be  remembered,  as  necessary  to  the  comprehension  of 
certain  movements  of  the  Churches  in  1861,  that  many  of  the 
ministers  who  had  produced  the  agitation  of  this  subject  in  the 
ecclesiastical  courts,  continued  to  participate  in  the  struggle 
when  it  had  been  taken  up  by  the  politicians. 

It  must  also  be  noted,  that  after  the  first  whirl  of  excitement 
had  passed  away,  and  the  disturbed  elements  had  subsided  a 
little,  two  classes  of  political  abolitionists  were  found  arrayed 
against  Southern  slavery.  The  principles  held  by  each  are  thus 
described  by  Dr.  Bailey  : 

"  The  Liberty  party  take  the  ground  that,  under  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  and  the  Constitutions  of  the  several  States, 
powers,  fully  adequate  to  the  complete  extinction  of  slavery  in  this 
country,  are  lodged  in  the  hands  of  the  citizens,  and  that,  in  sup- 
porting the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  using  the  powers 
it  confers,  no  one  is  necessarily  involved  in  moral  wrong. 

"  What  is  called  the  Garrison  party  among  abolitionists,  assumes 
that  the  Federal  Constitution  is  '  a  covenant  with  death  and  an  agree- 
ment with  hell ;'  that  no  man  can  make  oath  or  affirmation  to  support 
it,  without  committing  an  immoral  act ;  and  that,  consequently,  to 
seek  disunion  becomes  the  duty  of  the  citizen."* 

The  Abolition  party  "first  made  its  appearance  in  national  politics 
in  the  Presidential  contest  of  1840,  when  its  ticket,  with  James  Gr. 
Birney,  of  Michigan,  as  its  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  and  Francis 
J.  Lemoyne,  of  Pennsylvania,  as  its  candidate  for  Vice-President, 
polled  7,000  votes.  In  1844,  with  Mr.  Birney  again  as  its  candidate, 
it  polled  62,140  votes.  In  1848,  with  Martin  Van  Buren  as  the  Pres- 
idential candidate  of  the  Buffalo  Convention,  and  Gerrit  Smith  as  that 
of  the  more  ultra  anti-slavery  men,  it  polled  296,232  votes.  In  1852, 
John  P.  Hale,  its  nominee,  polled  157,296  votes.  In  1856,  the  can- 
didate of  the  Republican  party,  John  C.  Fremont,  supported  by  the 
entire  abolition  party,  polled  1,341,812  votes. "f 

*  Cincinnati  Morning  Herald,  July  12,  1845.     Editorial. 
t  Political  Text-Book,  by  M.  W.  Cluskey,  Postmaster  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives of  the  United  States  Congress. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   THE    ABOLITIONISTS — BY   POLITICIANS.      431 

On  the  29tli  December,  1841,  a  State  Convention  met  in  Colum- 
bus, Ohio.  This  meeting  was  called  by  S.  P.  Chase,  S.  Lewis,  T- 
Morris,  J.  JollifFe,  and  W.  Keys.  Its  object  was  to  organize  a 
separate  political  action,  so  as  "  to  make  the  cause  of  Liberty  tri- 
umphant at  the  ballot-box."*  An  address,  prepared  by  Mr.  Chase, 
was  issued,  and  a  series  of  resolutions  adopted.  The  first  reso- 
lution charges  that  the  General  Government,  for  fifty-three  years, 
had  pursued  a  course  of  policy  exhibiting  great  partiality  to  the 
slave  States  ;  the  second,  that  the  negotiations  with  foreign  gov- 
ernments had  been  so  conducted  as  to  secure  an  admission  of 
Southern  products  into  foreign  markets  upon  favorable  terms, 
while  the  productions  of  the  North,  in  the  same  markets,  were 
subject  to  the  payment  of  high  duties  ;  (1)  the  third,  fourth,  fifth, 
sixth,  seventh,  and  eighth  were  as  follows : 

"  3.  That  experience  has  clearly  shown  that  the  institution  of  slav- 
ery, which  establishes  within  a  State  a  larger  amount  of  non-laboring 
population  than  the  laborers  can  possibly  support  in  the  habits  of 
extravagance  which  it  generates,  always  impoverishes  the  State  in 
which  it  exists,  and  thus  creates  a  demand  for  the  agricultural,  me- 
chanical, and  manufactured  products,  and  for  the  money  and  mer- 
chandise of  the  free  States,  far  beyond  the  means  of  repayment,  and 
IS  a  drain  upon  the  resources  so  inordinate  as  to  operate  as  a  serious 
check  upon  their  prosperity. 

"  4.  That  our  fathers  ordained  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
to  establish  justice,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  bless- 
ings of  liberty ;  but  the  powers  which  it  confers  have  been  used  to 
promote  injustice,  endanger  the  general  welfare,  and  to  perpetuate  the 
evils  of  slavery.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  people  to  see  that  the  Consti- 
tution fulfills  the  ends  for  which  it  was  established. 

"  5.  That  the  exclusion  of  slavery  from  the  Northwestern  Territory 
by  Congress,  in  1787,  and  the  history  of  that  period,  clearly  show 
that  it  was  the  settled  purpose  of  the  Government,  not  to  extend  or 
nationalize,  but  to  limit  and  localize  slavery,  and  to  this  policy,  which 
should  never  have  been  departed  from,  the  Government  ought  imme- 
diately to  return. 

"  6.  That  the  patronage  and  support  hitherto  extended  to  slavery 
by  the  General  Government,  ought  to  be  withdrawn,  and  wherever  the 

*  Life  of  Samuel  Lewis,  page  308. 


432  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

Oeneral  Grovernment  possess  constitutional  jurisdiction,  slavery  ought 
to  cease. 

"  7.  That  we  expressly  disclaim,  in  behalf  of  the  General  Govern- 
ment, all  right  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  exists  ; 
but  we  shall  ever  insist  that  the  General  Government  may  and  ought 
to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  in  Florida,  and 
on  the  seas. 

"  8.  That  the  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press,  and  the  right  of 
petition,  and  the  right  of  trial  by  jury,  are  sacred  and  inviolable  ;  and 
that  all  rules,  regulations,  and  laws,  in  derogation  of  either,  are  op- 
pressive, unconstitutional,  and  not  to  be  endured  by  a  free  people."* 

The  Address  issued  by  this  Convention  embraced  the  views 
of  the  Liberty  party.     A  few  extracts  will  show  its  tone  : 

"Against  hope,  we  have  persevered,  in  hope  that  deliverance  to  the 
people  of  this  country  from  the  manifold  evils  which  they  suffer  in 
consequence  of  the  ascendancy  of  slaveholding  influence  in  all  the 
departments  of  our  General  Government,  would  arise  from  the  action 
of  one  or  the  other  of  the  political  parties  which  now  claim  to  divide 
the  country.  All  such  expectation,  however,  after  having  been  re- 
peatedly disappointed  and  repeatedly  resumed,  is  now  finally  relin- 
quished. .  .  .  The  Constitution  found  slavery,  and  left  it,  a  State 
institution  —  the  creature  and  dependent  of  State  law  —  local  wholly 
in  its  existence  and  character.  It  did  not  make  it  a  national  institu- 
tion. It  gave  it  no  national  character — no  national  existence. 
We  admit — we  assert  it  is  strictly  a  State  institution,  and  that  Con- 
gress has  no  control  over  it  in  the  States. 

"  No  candid  man,  acquainted  with  the  history  of  his  country,  will 
deny  that,  at  the  formation  of  the  Constitution,  a  general  expectation 
prevailed  that  slavery  would  soon  cease  in  all  the  States  in  which  it 
actually  existed.  (2)  .  .  .  But  very  different  are  the  facts  of  his- 
tory. Encroachment  has  succeeded  encroachment,  and  usurpation 
has  followed  usurpation,  and  the  influence  of  slavei-y  runs  through 
the  whole  action  of  the  Government,  and  is  felt  in  the  remotest  corner 
of  the  land. 

"  Fifty-three  years  have  elapsed  since  the  adoption  of  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States.  .  .  .  During  the  same  period  seven 
slave  States  have  been  added  to  the  Union,  and  slavery  has  been 

*  Cincinnati  Gazette,  January,  1843. 


MOVEMENTS   OP  THE   ABOLITIONISTS — BY   POLITICIANS.       433 

maintained  by  the  authority  of  the  General  Government  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  and  in  the  Territories  of  Louisiana  and  Florida. 
We  will  say  nothing  of  the  admission  of  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  and 
Alabama  into  the  Union  as  slave  States.  The  fact  that  these  were 
taken  from  the  original  slave  States  may  be  admitted  as  an  apology, 
though  not  as  a  sufficient  warrant  for  it.  But  the  continuance  of 
slavery  in  the  District,  and  in  the  Territories  purchased  from  France 
and  Spain,  and  the  admission  of  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Arkansas,  and 
Missouri  into  the  Union  as  slave  States,  were  in  violation  of  the  im- 
plied pledge  contained  in  the  Ordinance  of  1787 — in  manifest  disre- 
gard of  the  principles  of  the  Constitution — and  utterly  at  variance 
with  the  original  policy  of  the  country  in  respect  to  slavery.  Thus 
has  the  slave  power  prevailed  in  the  admission  of  new  slave  States, 
and  in  the  extension  of  slavery  beyond  its  original  limits. 

"  For  a  considerable  period  after  the  organization  of  the  Federal 
Government,  wheat  and  flour,  the  products  of  free  States,  constituted 
our  chief  articles  of  export  and  our  principal  means  of  paying  for 
supplies  from  foreign  nations.  After  some  years,  however,  cotton, 
the  product  of  slave  labor,  became  the  great  article  of  export,  and 
has  since  continued  to  be  so.  Every  energy  of  our  government  has 
been  put  in  requisition  to  secure  this  result.  ...  Similar  exports 
have  been  made  in  behalf  of  tobacco  and  rice,  also,  for  the  most  part, 
products  of  slave  States.  In  the  mean  time  wheat,  flour,  and  pork, 
and  the  other  products  of  free  labor,  have  been  gradually  excluded 
from  foreign  markets,  and  our  government  has  cared  nothing  and 
thought  nothing  about  the  matter.  At  length  the  surplus  of  these 
products  has  become  immense,  and  the  free  laborer  anxiously  looks 
for  a  market,  but  finds  almost  all  the  ports  of  the  world  nearly  or 
absolutely  closed  against  him.  Thus  has  the  slave  power  protected 
the  interests  of  slave  labor,  and  sacrificed  the  interests  of  free  labor, 
through  its  influence  on  our  foreign  negotiations.     .     .     . 

"  We  ask  you,  fellow  citizens,  to  acquaint  yourselves  fully  with  the 
details  and  particulars  belonging  to  the  topics  which  we  have  briefly 
touched,  and  we  do  not  doubt  that  you  will  concur  with  us  in  believ- 
ing   that   THE    HONOR,    THE    WELFARE,    THE    SAFETY,   of    OUr    country 

imperiously  require  the  absolute  and  unqualified  divorce  of  the  Gov- 
ernment from  slavery  /*     .     .      . 

"  This  is  the  great  object  of  our  efforts.  We  believe  that  our 
national  Constitution  aff"ords  no  sanction  to  the  doctrine    that    man 

•  The  italics  and  small  capitals  are  in  the  original. 

28 


434  '  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

can  hold  property  in  man.  We  believe  that  its  only  safe  refuge, 
from  universal  disavowal  and  repudiation,  is  in  the  constitution  of 
the  separate  States  which  admit  and  sanction  it.  We  believe  that 
neither  the  domestic  nor  foreign  policy  of  the  Government  will  be 
permanently  settled  so  as  to  secure  steady  and  adequate  rewards  to 
free  labor,  until  slavery  shall  be  confined  within  the  limits  of  those 
States,  and  the  General  Government  be  delivered  from  the  control  of 
the  slave  power. 

"We  would,  therefore,  withdraw  the  support  of  national  legislation 
and  negotiation  from  the  system  of  slavery. 

"We  would  enforce  the  just  and  constitutional  rule  that  slavery  is 
the  creature  of  local  law,  and  cannot  be  extended  beyond  the  limits 
of  the  State  in  which  it  exists.  (3)     .     .     . 

"We  would  secure  to  every  man  a  speedy  and  impartial  trial  by 
jury,  in  all  cases  where  life  and  liberty  shall  be  in  question."* 

The  Abolition  Convention,  in  New  York,  held  shortly  after 
this  period,  is  thus  noticed  by  the  Cincinnati  Gazette,  February 
2d,  1842: 

"  The  Abolitionists  of  New  York  seem  to  be  governed  by  the  fiercest 
bigotry.  The  proceeding  of  this  Convention,  as  reported  in  the  Th'i- 
bune,  are  ultra  in  spirit,  and  rash  to  madness.  They  have  addressed 
the  slaves  at  the  South,  recommending  them  to  run  away,  and  so  far 
as  may  be  essential  to  their  escape,  to  steal  horse,  or  boat,  or  food,  or 
clothing,  urging  their  friends  at  the  South  to  furnish  them  with  pocket 
compasses  and  locofoco  matches  for  this  purpose. 

"  The  Convention  closed  by  adopting  the  following  resolution  by 
acclamation : 

^^  Resolved,  That  we  solemnly  and  deliberately  proclaim  to  the 
nation,  that  no  power  on  earth  shall  compel  us  to  take  up  arms 
against  the  slaves,  should  they  use  violence  in  asserting  their  right 
to  freedom." 

In  the  course  of  the  proceedings  of  the  abolitionists  in  their 
arrangements  for  prosecuting  the  presidential  campaign  of  1844, 
the  Hartford  Committee  addressed  Mr.  Birney,  asking  his  opinions 
on  the  various  questions  of  the  day.  In  his  reply,  Mr.  Birney, 
under  date  of  August  15,  1843,  said : 

♦Cincinnati  Gazette,  January  13  and  14,  1842. 


J 


MOVEMENTS   OF   THE    ABOLITIONISTS — BY   POLITICIANS.       435 

"  4.  I  am  not  in  favor  of  creating  a  National  Bank  while  slavery  is 
continued  in  our  country.  Slave  labor,  on  a  large  scale,  can  never 
support  itself;  or  I  should  rather  say,  it  can  never  support  the  indo- 
lence and  the  prodigality  which  it  never  -fails  to  beget  in  those  who 
lay  claim  to  its  fruits. 

"  5.  My  mind  strongly  inclines  to  the  opinion  that,  if  Congress  can 
rightfully  abolish  slavery  in  time  of  war,  it  may  abolish  it  in  time  of 
peace.  A  vicious  and  dangerous  state  of  things  existing  in  the  com- 
munity generally,  may  as  certainly,  if  not  as  suddenly,  become  as  de- 
structive of  the  government  as  war.  The  principle,  then,  on  which 
Congress  might  rightfully  proceed  to  abolish  slavery  as  a  measure  of 
relief  and  safety  in  war,  might  be  equally  applicable  and  imperative, 
on  the  same  grounds,  in  time  of  peace.  In  both  cases,  the  instant  at 
which  emancipation  would  be  ordered  to  take  place  would  depend  on 
the  sound  judgment  of  the  government.  (4) 

"  As  a  people,  we  have  undertaken,  before  God  and  the  nations  of  the 
earth,  to  maintain  in  our  political  organization  the  principles  of  liberty 
asserted  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  substantially  incor- 
porated into  the  Constitution.  Thus  have  we  voluntarily  brought 
ourselves  under  a  guarantee  to  purge  our  country  from  whatever  is  in- 
consistent with  these  principles.  Nothing  is  more  palpably  so  than 
slavery.  We  are  under  a  pledge,  then,  to  the  world,  and  to  one  an- 
other, to  abolish  it;  and,  in  so  far  as  our  government  has  permitted 
slavery  to  remain  at  ease — much  more  to  enlarge  and  magnify  itself — 
it  has  proved  recreant  to  its  solemn  undertaking — has  brought  on  us, 
as  a  people,  the  charge  of  hypocrisy,  and  dishonored  us  before  the 
heavens  and  the  earth. 

''  Persons  of  great  experience  and  intelligence,  as  jurists,  have  sat- 
isfied themselves  that  the  Constitution  authorizes,  in  express  terms, 
the  fulfillment  of  this  guarantee,  by  the  Government.  Congress,  say 
they,  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  relation  of  master  and  slave.  Neither 
the  relation  itself,  nor  the  parties  between  whom  it  exists,  are  any- 
where mentioned  in  the  Constitution,  while,  at  the  same  time,  (Amend- 
ment IV,)  it  declares  that  no  '  person '  shall  be  deprived  of  liberty 
without  due  process  of  law : — and  this  without  the  slightest  reference 
to  his  being  a  native  or  foreigner — a  citizen  or  an  alien — black  or 
white.  Those  who  are  called  '■slaves'  at  the  South,  are  called  '■per- 
sons' in  the  Constitution.  Are  these  persons  deprived  of  their  liberty? 
Yes.     By  due  process  of  law?     No.     Then  why,  it  may  be  asked,  are 


436  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

they  not  entitled  to  the  benefits  of  the  Constitutional  provision  within 
the  words  and  spirit  of  which  they  are  so  expressly  brought? 

"  But  should  the  Liberty  party  be  brought  into  power,  a  proceeding 
wholly  unobjectionable  as  to  its  constitutionality — as  simple  as  it  is 
constitutional,  and  one  that  would  prove  as  effectual  as  it  is  simple, 
would,  doubtless,  be  adopted  for  the  abolition  of  slavery.  It  is  to 
confine  the  appointments  to  office  under  the  Government  to  such  as 
are  not  slaveholders.  The  justness  and  propriety  of  such  a  course 
would  be  as  unobjectionable  as  its  other  characteristics;  for,  surely, 
nothing  could  be  more  reasonable  than  to  exclude  from  all  share  in 
the  administration  of  the  Government — from  its  offices  and  its  hon- 
ors— those  whose  whole  lives  are  passed  in  open  contempt  of  its  fun- 
damental principles  !  (5) 

"  6.  It  is  my  opinion  that  Congress  can  stop  the  domestic  slave- 
trade  between  the  States,  under  that  provision  of  the  Constitution 
which  gives  it  the  power  to  regulate  commerce  among  them.  If  it 
be  said  that  Congress  has  no  power  to  obstruct  the  transit  or  removal 
of  persons  from  one  of  the  States  into  another — it  may  be  replied, 
that,  if  commerce  lay  her  hands  on  '  persons,'  and  transmute  them 
into  things  to  deal  in,  she  brings  herself,  by  that  act,  and  in  relation 
to  that  matter,  completely  within  the  scope  of  the  Constitutional  pro- 
vision."* (6) 

Again,  under  date  of  September  2,  1844,  in  reply  to  the  Hart- 
ford Committee,  and  of  August  5,  1844,  in  reply  to  Mr.  Errett, 
of  Pittsburgh,  Mr.  Birney  said : 

"  The  sentiments  I  have  expressed  above  [on  the  National  Bank, 
the  Tarifi",  etc.],  would  not,  I  know,  meet  with  acceptance  in  many 
parts  of  the  country.  Many,  even  of  the  most  faithful  of  the  Liberty 
party,  would  probably  dissent  from  them.  I  have  not  been  forward 
to  publish  them,  lest,  by  doing  so,  I  might,  in  some  degree,  contribute 
to  divert  our  friends  from  our  paramount  object,  the  overthrow  of  the 
slave  power; — and  because  I  felt  well-assured,  as  I  still  do,  that,  if 
the  Liberty  party  come  into  power,  the  whole  country  will  soon  be 
brought  into  the  most  favorable  circumstances  for  harmonizing  all  its 
apparently  discordant  interests,  and  for  settling,  on  their  proper  bases, 
all  the  important  existing  questions  of  national  policy.  N^ow,  the 
labor  of  the  country  is  made  up  of  two  hostile  parts — slave  and  free. 

*  Cincinnati  Weekly  Herald,  Sept.  24,  1844. 


i 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE   ABOLITIONISTS — BY   POLITICIANS.      437 

Irreconcilable  in  their  nature,  they  can  never  be  brought  to  operate 
harmoniously  together  under  one  system  of  legislation.  Let  no  one, 
then,  look  for  jarrings  and  dissensions  to  pass  away  from  among  us, 
till  slave  labor  have  passed  away,  or  be  seen  to  be  passing  away,  with 
a  certainty  of  its  speedy  and  entire  disappearance. 

"  The  accession  to  power  of  the  Liberty  party  implies,  as  I  take 
it,  the  speedy  extinction  of  slavery  everywhere  within  our  country ; 
and,  of  course,  the  bringing  of  all  its  lahor  into  a  homogeneous  state. 
Till  our  labor  be  brought  into  this  state,  all  legislation  for  its  benefit 
must  necessarily  be,  in  a  great  measure,  unavailing ;  and  this  can  be 
done  only  by  the  extinction  of  slavery.* 

"But  you  are  ready  to  ask,  how  could  the  Liberty  party,  if  in 
power,  extinguish  slavery,  seeing,  as  is  admitted  on  all  hands,  that 
the  G-eneral  Grovernment — except  as  a  war  measure,  to  save  itself — 
has  no  Constitutional  power  over  that  institution  in  the  States?  I 
reply — all  that  is  necessary  to  be  done  is  for  the  appointing  power  of 
the  General  Government  to  bring  into  its  offices  and  stations  of  honor, 
and  trust,  and  profit,  throughout  the  South,  only  such  as  are  not  slave- 
holders— only  such  as  practically  acknowledge  that  all  men  are  cre- 
ated equal,  and  entitled  to  their  lives  and  liberty.  No  objection  can 
be  made  to  the  constitutionality  of  such  a  course.  It  is  as  simple, 
too,  as  it  is  constitutional,  and  it  will  be  found  as  efi"ective  as  it  is 
simple.  Its  spirit  and  object  would  commend  it  to  all,  except  the 
slaveholders  themselves  ;  for  I  have  always  found  it  true,  that  how- 
ever slow  a  people  may  themselves  be  to  put  away  wrong  from  among 
them,  yet  when  once  justice  is  boldly  done  on  it  by  their  rulers,  the 
act  never  fails  of  receiving  their  heartiest  sanction  and  approbation. 

"  The  slaveholders  would  first  huddle  together  for  their  mutual 
defense.  But  it  would  be  unavailing.  They  could  no  more  with- 
stand the  influence  of  public  opinion,  now  purified  by  an  illustrious 
act  of  justice,  and  flaming  on  them  from  every  side,  than  the  snow- 
drift of  an  April  night  can  withstand  the  meridian  rays  of  the  nest 
day's  sun."f 

From  Mr.  Birney  we  turn  to  Mr.  Chase. 

The  Cincinnati  Morning  Herald,  May  21,  1845,  contains  the 
great  speech  of  Hon.  Salmon  P.  Chase,  on  the  occasion  of  his  re- 

*  Here  is  the  first  dawn  of  the  "  irrepressible  conflict." 
t  Cincinnati  Morning  Herald,  Sept.  23,  1844. 


438  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

ception  of  a  silver  pitcher  from  the  colored  people  of  Cincinnati. 
A  few  extracts  mil  show  his  positions  on  the  negro  question. 
He  said : 

"  I  embrace,  with  pleasure,  this  opportunity  of  declaring  my  disap- 
probation of  that  clause  in  the  constitution  which  denies  to  a  portion 
of  the  colored  people  the  right  of  sulGFrage.*  ...  I  regard,  therefore, 
the  exclusion  of  the  colored  people,  as  a  body,  from  the  elective  fran- 
chise as  incompatible  with  free  democratic  principles.  .  .  .  The  ex- 
clusion of  colored  children  from  the  schools  is,  in  my  judgment,  a 
clear  infringement  of  the  Constitution,  and  a  palpable  breach  of  trust. 
I  arraign  the  whole  policy  of  our  legislation  in  relation  to  our  colored 
population.     I  deny  its  justice  ;  I  deny  its  expediency. (7) 

"  Let  me  turn  now,  for  a  moment,  to  the  condition  of  the  enslaved. 
They  number  two  millions  and  a  half.  I  claim  for  these  the  rights 
which  the  Constitution  and  the  law,  rightly  interpreted,  secure  to 
them.  I  claim  that  nowhere,  unless  within  the  limits  of  the  original 
States,  can  a  single  person  be  enslaved,  except  in  violation  of  the  Con- 
stitution and  the  laws.  (8)  I  maintain  that  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  are  the  expressions 
of  the  anti-slavery  sentiment  of  an  anti-slavery  people.  In  the 
former,  these  expressions  assumed  the  form  of  a  solemn  proclamation 
of  the  National  Creed,  on  the  subject  of  human  rights.  In  the  latter, 
these  expressions  took  the  shape  of  permanent  declarations  of  the 
National  Will  embodied  as  the  fundamental  law  of  the  land.  The 
Declaration  assumed  the  natural  equality  of  all  men  as  the  foundation 
principle  of  all  just  government.  The  Constitution,  acting  on  things 
as  it  found  them,  established  the  National  Government,  with  such 
powers  and  such  limitations  of  power,  as  would,  it  was  then  thought, 
secure  the  final  conformity  of  the  actual  condition  of  the  people  to 
the  theory  of  the  Declaration. 

"  In  the  case  of  Watson,  of  which,  sir,  you  have  so  feelingly  spoken, 
the  constitutional  limitations  of  slavery  were  fully  discussed.  In  that 
case  it  was  my  part  to  re-state  the  positions  and  reiterate  the  reason- 
ings of  the  able  lawyers  associated  with  me.  I  may  be  permitted, 
therefore,  to  say  that,  in  my  judgment,  the  positions  were  sound  and 
the  arguments  unanswerable.  The  first  of  these  positions,  and  that 
on  which  the  whole  argument  hinged,  was  that  the  Constitution  was 
not  designed  to  uphold  slavery,  and  conferred  no  power  on  Congress 

*  The  Constitution  of  Ohio  is  here  referred  to. 


I 


MOVEMENTS   OF  THE  ABOLITIONISTS — BY  POLITICIANS.       439 

to  establish,  continue,  or  sanction  slaveholding  anywhere.  We  also 
maintained  that  slaveholding  could  not  be  continued  anywhere  with- 
out the  sanction  and  aid  of  positive  law.  .  .  .  Slavery  is  an  institu- 
tion of  force.  If  I  claim  to  own  you,  sir,  and  require  you  to  do  some 
service  for  me,  and  you  refuse,  and  the  law  puts  forth  the  power  of 
the  community,  in  aid  of  mine,  to  compel  you  to  submit  to  my  dis- 
posal, and  you  are  compelled  to  submit,  then  you  are  a  slave.  Con- 
gress is  not  authorized  to  exert  any  such  power  in  behalf  of  the  mas- 
ter. Congress  is  expressly  prohibited  from  exerting  any  such  power 
by  the  fifth  amendment  of  the  Constitution,  which  declares  that  no 
person  shall  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due 
process  of  law.  How,  then,  could  slavery  continue  in  the  territory  of 
Louisiana,  after  its  acquisition  by  the  United  States  ?  There  was — 
there  could  be  no  law  in  the  Territory  inconsistent  with  the  Consti- 
tution, which  forbade  that  any  person  should  be  deprived  of  liberty 
without  due  process  of  law.  There  was — there  could  be  no  law  in  the 
Territory  which  did  not  exist  either  through  the  adoption  or  by  the 
enactment  of  Congress,  or  of  the  Territorial  Legislature,  which  derived 
all  its  power  from  Congress.  Congress  could  not  adopt  law  which  it 
could  not  enact,  nor  confer  a  power  on  the  Territorial  Legislature 
which  it  did  not  itself  possess.  Congi-ess  has  no  power  to  legalize  the 
practice  of  slaveholding.  The  practice  of  slaveholding,  therefore,  in 
the  Territory  could  not  be  legalized.  Nor  could  it  be  legalized  in 
any  state  created  out  of  the  Territory,  unless  it  can  be  maintained 
that  a  part  of  the  people  of  any  one  of  the  States  in  this  Union  can 
convert  another  part  into  property,  if  they  can  get  possession  of  the 
Legislature  and  have  physical  force  enough  to  enforce  its  detestable 
enactments. 

"  I  have  no  doubt  of  the  correctness  of  these  positions,  or  of  the 
soundness  of  the  inevitable  inference  from  them,  that  slaveholding  in 
Arkansas  is  unconstitutional,  and,  consequently,  that  Watson,  having 
been  conveyed  to  Arkansas,  by  his  Virginia  master,  was  free.  But  I 
was  aware  that  this  doctrine  was  too  little  in  accordance  with  the  re- 
ceived pro-slavery  theories  of  constitutional  construction,  to  find  much 
favor  upon  a  first  hearing,  and  was  not  disappointed  that  the  judge  did 
not  acquiesce  in  it.  I  expect,  however,  to  live  to  see  it  recognized  in 
all  courts  as  sound  law.     .     .     . 

"  For  myself,  I  am  ready  to  renew  my  pledge,  and  I  will  venture  to 
speak  also  in  behalf  of  my  co-workers — that  we  will  go  straight  on, 
without  faltering  or  wavering,  until  every  vestige  of  oppression  shall 


440  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

be  erased  from  the  statute-book;  until  the  sun  in  all  Ms  journey  from 
the  utmost  eastern  horizon,  through  the  mid-heaven,  till  he  sinks  be- 
yond the  western  mountains  into  his  ocean  bed,  shall  not  behold,  in 
all  our  broad  and  glorious  land,  the  footprint  of  a  single  slave."  (9) 

The  proceedings  of  the  "  Southern  and  Western  Liberty  Con- 
vention," which  met  in  Cincinnati,  June  11, 1845,  were  published 
in  the  Cincinnati  Morning  Herald.  A  few  extracts  from  the  pro- 
ceedings will  serve  to  show  the  aims  it  had  in  view. 

James  G.  Birney,  Esq.,  on  the  first  day  of  the  session,  said :  "  "We 
are  not  met  to  abolish  the  Union.  I  have  no  idolatrous  veneration 
for  the  Union.  If  slavery  could  not  be  abolished  without  the  disso- 
lution of  the  Union,  I,  for  one,  would  go  for  dissolution.  (10)  But  it 
is  not  necessary.  We  should  feel  some  charity  for  those  who  think 
that  dissolution  is  the  only  way  of  eradicating  the  evil.  They  do  not 
oppose  the  Union  as  it  ought  to  have  been ;  but  as  it  is,  with  the 
usurpation  of  the  slave  power."* 

John  M.  Wills,  of  Pittsburgh,  during  the  evening  session,  said : 
"Our  object  must  be  to  build  up  a  power  in  the  North,  which  shall 
be  as  much  dreaded  as  the  slave  power  of  the  South.  And  we  can 
do  it.  In  several  States  we  have  already  the  balance  of  political 
power  in  the  free  States.  We  can  soon  obtain  the  balance  of  power 
in  all  the  free  States,  and  when  we  have  done  that,  one  of  the  political 
parties  must  inscribe  one  fundamental  doctrine  of  the  Liberty  party, 
to  wit :  the  entire  divorce  of  the  General  Government  from  all  con- 
nection with  slavery.  The  moment  this  is  done,  the  necessity  of  a 
Liberty  party  ceases.  All  we  wish  is  the  accomplishment  of  our 
object,  and  the  party  which  shall  give  us  this,  destroys  the  necessity 
of  our  longer  existence.  And  it  is  thus  equally  the  interest  of  both 
Whig  and  Democratic  parties  to  raise  the  standard  of  emancipa- 
tion."t  (11) 

Judge  Stevens,  of  Indiana,  during  the  same  session,  said :  "  We 
are  now  a  separate  moral  and  political  organization.  We  shall  ever 
continue  so.  The  other  parties  may  come  to  us,  but  we  can  not  go 
to  them.  They  are  destined  to  become  one  simple  chemical  sub- 
stance, fused  into  one  by  the  Liberty  principle.  .  .  .  We  are 
asked  how  slavery  is  to  be  abolished  ?  Sir,  I  will  tell  you.  We  must 
reach  the  abolition  of  slavery  over  the  dead  bodies  of  both  the  old 

•  Morning  Herald,  June  12,  1845.  t  Ibid.,  June  13,  1845. 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  ABOLITIONISTS — BY  POLITICIANS.        441 

political  parties.     ...     In  tlie  second  place,  we  must  reach  the 

abolition  of  slavery  through  the  doors  of  20,000  churches 

But  we  are  told  that  our  plan  is  seditious  and  factious  ....  that 
we  shall  divide  the  churches !  Sir,  division  implies  separation,  and 
what  shall  we  separate  ?  Why  the  sin  of  slaveholding  from  Christiaa- 
ity.  .  .  .  We  are  told,  too,  that  we  shall  divide  the  Union — that 
we  are  disunionists.  Now,  sir,  I  am  for  the  Union — but  I  say,  if  the 
only  Union  we  can  have  with  the  South,  in  Church  and  State,  is  to 
be,  and  must  be,  cemented  by  the  blood  of  three  millions  of  my 
brethren,  I  say,  in  God's  name,  let  it  go  down."  (12)  .  .  .  "Judge 
Steven's  Address  produced  a  profound  impression,  and  was  received 
with  applause."* 

The  following  resolutions,  among  others,  were  adopted  by  the 
Convention : 

"  3.  Resolved,  That  we  love  the  Union,  and  desire  its  perpetuity, 
and  revere  the  Constitution,  and  are  determined  to  maintain  it;  but 
the  Union  which  we  love  must  be  a  Union  to  establish  justice,  and 
secure  the  blessings  of  liberty ;  and  the  Constitution  which  we  sup- 
port, must  be  that  which  our  fathers  bequeathed  to  us,  and  not  that 
which  the  constructions  of  slavery  and  servilism  have  substituted  for  it. 

"4.  Resolved,  That,  as  a  national  party,  our  purpose  and  determin- 
ation is  to  divorce  the  National  Government  from  slavery  ;  to  prohibit 
slaveholding  in  all  places  of  exclusive  national  jurisdiction;  to  abol- 
ish the  domestic  slave  trade ;  to  harmonize  the  administration  of  the 
Government  in  all  its  departments  with  the  principles  of  the  Dec- 
laration ;  (13)  and,  in  all  proper  and  constitutional  modes  to  encour- 
age, and  discontinue  the  system  of  work  without  wages ;  but  not  to 
interfere,  unconstitutionally,  with  the  local  legislation  of  particular 
States."! 

In  the  Address  of  the  Convention  to  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
we  find  the  following  :  "  We  are  willing  to  take  our  stand  upon  propo- 
sitions generally  conceded  : — that  slaveholding  is  contrary  to  natural 
right  and  justice ;  (14)  that  it  can  subsist  nowhere  without  the  sanc- 
tion and  aid  of  positive  legislation ;  that  the  Constitution  expressly 
prohibits  Congress  from  depriving  any  person  of  liberty  without  due 
process  of  law.  From  these  propositions  we  deduce,  by  logical  infer- 
ence, the  doctrines  upon  which  we  insist.     .     .     ,     The  question  of 

*  Morning  Herald,  June  13,  1845.  t  Ibid.,  June  16,  1845. 


442  •  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

slavery  is,  and  until  it  shall  be  settled,  must  be,  tbe  paramount  moral 
and  political  question  of  the  day.  We,  at  least,  so  regard  it ;  and  so 
regarding  it,  must  subordinate  every  other  question  to  it."* 

We  defer  additional  quotations  from  other  sources,  in  the  pres- 
ent section,  but,  if  space  permits,  may  do  so  in  a  subsequent  one. 

REMAEKS    ON   THE   PRECEDING   PRODUCTIONS. 

(1)  The  complaint  made  by  the  Columbus  Abolition  Convention, 
in  both  its  resolutions  and  address,  that  Northern  products  were 
excluded  from  foreign  markets  while  Southern  products  were  ad- 
mitted on  advantageous  terms,  was  not  founded  in  an  intelligent 
view  of  that  question.  Foreign  nations,  generally,  were  able  then, 
as  now,  to  grow  their  own  breadstuifs  and  provisions,  but  could 
not  produce  their  cotton.  Hence,  while  they  retained  a  tariff  of 
duties  on  such  commodities  as  the  North  produced,  they  were  in- 
terested in  admitting  the  products  of  the  South  on  the  most  favor 
able  terms.  The  argument  was  offered,  doubtless,  for  political 
effect  merely,  and  to  enlist  the  prejudices  of  Northern  and  West- 
ern agriculturists  against  the  South. 

(2)  Here  we  have  the  first  authoritative  announcement  of  the 
theory,  that,  "  at  the  formation  of  the  Constitution,  a  general  ex- 
pectation prevailed  that  slavery  would  soon  cease  in  all  the  States 
in  which  it  actually  existed,"  This  view  is  proven  to  be  false,  not 
only  by  the  letter  of  Mr.  Jefferson  to  M.  Muissner,  but  by  the 
action  of  the  Methodist  Church  in  dropping  its  Rule  on  Slavery 
in  the  Southern  States.  This  theory  has  been  the  most  danger- 
ous one  entertained  by  the  abolitionists.  They  did  not  claim  that 
the  Constitution  itself  repudiated  slavery,  but  that  it  was  the 
general  expectation,  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, that  slavery  would  soon  die  out.  This  expectation  was 
limited  to  the  North,  and  never  had  an  existence  at  the  South. 
Southern  statesmen  never  understood  the  Constitution  as  contem- 
plating a  course  of  legislation,  under  its  provisions,  that  would 
secure  the  abolition  of  slavery.  They  adopted  it  with  the  dis- 
tinct  understanding,   that    "  the    powers    not    delegated    to    the 

»  Morning  Herald,  June  20,  1845. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   THE   ABOLITIONISTS — BY   POLITICIANS.       443 

United  States  by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the 
States,  are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  or  to  the  people." 
Slavery  was  an  existing  institution,  over  which  Congress  had  no 
constitutional  power  granted  to  it ;  that  institution,  therefore,  was 
left  wholly  under  the  control  of  the  States  and  of  the  people.  To 
urge  emancipation  on  the  ground  of  a  sectional  opinion,  and  in 
opposition  to  the  plain  provisions  of  the  Constitution,  was  a  pal- 
pable violation  of  the  principles  of  that  instrument,  and,  neces- 
sarily, provoked  resistance  on  the  part  of  those  to  be  affected  by 
the  new  doctrine. 

(3)  "  Slavery  is  the  creature  of  local  law."  This  has  been  an 
axiom  with  abolitionists  ever  since  the  decision  of  Lord  Mansfield 
in  the  case  of  Somersett ;  but  its  accuracy  has  not  been  acquiesced 
in  by  later  English  judges.  The  discussion  of  this  point  came  up 
in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  January  30,  1861,  when 
Hon.  John  W.  Stevenson,  of  Kentucky,  in  reply  to  Hon.  Mr. 
Stanton,  of  Ohio,  said : 

"It  pained  me  to  hear  the  gentleman  from  Ohio,  (Mr.  Stanton,) 
for  whom  I  entertain  the  highest  respect,  both  as  a  lawyer  and  a  man, 
assert  that  slavery  was  never  sanctioned  by  the  common  law,  or  law 
of  nations,  but  was  the  creature  of  local  law.  Sir,  I  diifer  with  him, 
toto  ccelo.  Where  can  he  show  me  a  statute,  in  any  State,  establishing 
slavery  ?  Our  ancestors  brought  the  common  law  with  them,  and  it  is 
an  admitted  historical  fact,  that  African  slavery  existed  in  the  thirteen 
original  States.  Now,  if  the  common  law  does  not  sanction  slavery, 
and  no  statute  can  be  found  establishing  it,  how  was  it  recognized,  and 
how  did  it  originally  find  a  footing  in  the  free  States  ?  Whence  the 
necessity  of  statutes  for  its  abolition  ?  Why  did  not  the  pernicious 
thing  perish  in  the  pure  atmosphere  of  Puritanism  of  New  England, 
denounced  by  the  common  law,  and  unsupported  by  any  statute  ?  Yet 
it  continued  for  years ;  and,  strange  to  say,  opposition  to  the  abolition 
of  the  slave  trade,  insisted  on  by  Southern  men,  came  from  the  ances- 
tors of  Republicans  who  wish  us  now  to  become  their  pupils  in  the 
school  of  morals.  Nay,  more,  Mr.  Speaker :  I  doubt  not,  even  at  this 
day,  in  New  England,  that  a  note  given  in  New  Orleans  for  the  price 
of  a  slave,  and  transferred  to  some  Boston  merchant,  could  be  re- 
covered before  a  Republican  jury,  with  a  plea  impeaching  its  consider- 
ation as  vicious.     If  so,  then  slavery  is  not  contrary  to  the  law  of 


444  PULPIT    POLITICS. 


nature,  or  of  morals^l^WPfc^x  turpi  causa,  non  oritur  actio,*  and  I 
would  cite  Republican  action  against  Republican  theory. 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  I  deny  that  slavery  is  the  creature  of  municipal  law. 
It  is  one  of  the  erroneous  corollaries  which  has  been  deduced  from  a 
loose  noxious  obiter  dictum  of  Lord  Mansfield  in  Somersett's  case  ;  and 
which,  I  regret  to  say,  but  frankly  admit,  has  crept  into  the  opinions 
of  many  able  judges  in  our  American  courts.  I  may  be  pardoned  for 
saying  it  is,  nevertheless,  a  legal  heresy.  I  cannot,  however,  forbear 
making  England  herself,  well  known  to  be  no  apologist  for  slavery, 
a  witness  against  the  position  of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio,  (Mr. 
Stanton,)  on  this  point.  He  is,  I  know,  familiar  with  the  case  of 
the  slave  Grace,  decided  by  Lord  Stowell,  and  reported  in  2  Hazzard's 
Reports,  page  94.  The  facts  of  that  case  were,  that  Mrs.  Allen,  of 
Antigua,  came  to  England,  in  1822,  bringing  her  female  slave  Grace. 
She  remained  with  her  mistress  until  1823,  when  she  returned  with 
her  voluntarily  to  Antigua.  She  continued  as  a  domestic  slave  with 
Mrs.  Allen  until  1825,  when  she  was  seized  by  the  waiter  of  the  cus- 
toms at  Antigua,  as  forfeited  to  the  king,  on  having  been  illegally  im- 
ported in  1823.  The  vice-admiralty  court  of  Antigua  decreed  the 
slave  to  her  owner,  Mrs.  Allen,  from  which  an  appeal  was  prayed. 

"  Lord  Stowell  affirmed  the  judgment,  in  a  learned,  lengthy,  and 
able  opinion.  I  commend  it  to  the  gentlemen  from  Ohio.  In  it,  he 
reviews  Lord  Mansfield's  opinion  in  the  Somersett  case,  with  a  spice 
of  ironical  satire.     Lord  Stowell  says  : 

"  '  The  real  and  sole  question  which  the  case  of  Somersett  brought 
before  Lord  Mansfield,  was,  whether  a  slave  could  be  taken  from  this 
country  in  irons  and  carried  back  to  the  West  Indies  to  be  restored  to 
the  dominion  of  his  master  ?  And  all  the  answer,  perhaps,  which  that 
question  required  was,  that  the  party,  who  was  a  slave,  could  not  be 
sent  out  of  England  in  such  a  manner  and  for  such  a  purpose,  stating 
the  reasons  of  that  illegality.  It  is  certainly  true  that  Lord  Mansfield, 
in  his  final  judgment,  amplifies  the  subject  largely.  He  extends  his 
observations  to  the  foundation  of  the  whole  system  of  the  slavery  code  ; 
for,  in  one  passage,  he  says  '  that  slavery  is  so  odious  that  it  cannot  be 
established  without  positive  law.' 

"  '  Far  be  the  presumption  of  questioning  any  ohiter  dictum  that  fell 
from  that  great  man  on  that  occasion  ;  but  I  trust  I  do  not  depart  from 
the  modesty  that  belongs  to  my  situation,  and,  I  hope,  to  my  character, 
when  I  observe  that  ancient  custom  is  generally  recognized  as  a  just 
foundation  for  all  law  ;  that  villenage  of  both  kinds,  which  is  said  by 


MOVEMENTS  OP  THE  ABOLITIONISTS — BY  POLITICIANS.      445 

some  to  be  the  prototype  of  slavery,  had  no  other  origin  than  ancient 
custom ;  that  a  great  part  of  the  common  law  itself,  in  all  its  relations, 
has  little  other  foundation  than  the  same  custom  ;  and  that  the  practice 
of  slavery,  as  it  exists  in  Antigua  and  several  other  of  our  colonies, 
though  regulated  by  law,  has  been,  in  many  instances,  founded  upon 
a  similar  authority.' 

"  Lord  Stowell  adds,  in  regard  to  the  suggestion  in  the  Somersett 
case,  that  the  air  of  the  island  was  too  pure  for  slavery — 

"  '  How  far  this  air  was  used  for  the  common  purposes  of  respiration 
during  the  many  centuries  in  which  the  two  systems  of  villenage  main- 
tained their  sway  in  this  country,  history  has  not  recorded.' 

'^  Again,  he  says,  as  to  the  revival  of  slavery  in  the  colonies : 

•" '  I  have  first  to  observe  that  it  (slavery)  returns  upon  the  slave  by 
same  title  by  which  it  grew  up  originally.  It  never  was,  in  Antigua,  the 
creature  of  law,  but  of  that  custom  which  operates  with  the  force  of 
law ;  and  when  it  is  cried  out,  that  malus  usus  abolendus  est,  it  is  first 
to  be  proved  that,  even  in  the  consideration  of  England,  the  use  of 
slavery  is  considered  as  a  malus  usus  in  the  colonies.' 

"  Here  is  a  direct  authority  as  to  the  usage  and  common  law  of 
England  in  tolerating  slavery,  and  from  a  most  eminent  English  jurist. 
This  opinion,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  was  commended  by  the  late  Justice 
Story. 

"  Allow  me  to  read  another  short  opinion  by  the  same  distinguished 
judge,  in  the  case  of  Demarara  and  its  dependencies.  (6  Admiralty 
Reports.)  The  question  arose  as  to  the  character  of  slaves  in  the 
arsenals  and  forts  of  Demarara,  on  the  31st  September,  1803,  when  it 
surrendered  to  Great  Britain  : 

"  '  The  slaves  are  in  number  three  hundred  and  ninety-nine,  of  whom 
two  hundred  are  no  longer  the  subject  of  contest,  but  are  now  admitted 
to  have  belonged  to  the  estate  on  which  they  were  employed  as  glebes 
adscriptitii ;  they  were  attached  to  the  soil  as  part  and  parcel  of  the 
realty,  and,  upon  that  account,  the  question  with  respect  to  them  has 
very  properly  been  given  up  by  the  captors. 

"  '  The  first  question  is,  whether  slaves  are  at  all  given  to  the  cap- 
tors by  the  prize  act,  that  is,  whether  they  pass  by  words  "  stores  of 
war,  goods,  merchandise,  or  treasure,"  which,  by  the  third  section  of 
the  statute,  are  to  be  deemed  prize,  and  to  be  apportioned  by  his  maj- 
esty between  the  army  and  navy,  when  acting  in  conjunction.  Now, 
the  fact  is,  that  slaves  have  generally  been  considered  as  personal 


446  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

property.  The  word  mancipia,  as  it  has  been  well  observed,  signifies 
qucn  manu  capiunter.  This  is  unquestionably  the  meaning  of  the 
word  according  to  the  civil  law.  In  our  West  India  colonies,  where 
slavery  is  continued,  and  is  likely  to  continue  longer  than  in  any  of 
the  countries  of  Europe,  slaves  have  been  for  some  purposes  consid- 
ered as  real  property  ;  but  I  apprehend  that,  where  the  contrary  is 
not  shown,  the  general  character  and  description  of  them  is,  that  they 
are  personal  property,  and  I  see  no  reason,  in  the  present  case,  for 
saying  that  they  are  not  within  the  general  rule,  and,  consequently, 
that  they  are  not  to  be  considered  "as  goods  or  merchandise."  They 
are  liable  to  be  transferred  by  purchase  and  sale,  and  although  the 
owner  may  choose  to  employ  them  on  his  own  works,  instead  of  trans- 
ferring them  for  a  valuable  consideration,  they  are  not,  I  apprehend, 
the  less  "goods  and  merchandise"  on  that  account.  The  very  same 
observation  applies  to  all  other  cases  of  personal  property,  for  all 
such  property,  if  saleable,  is  merchandise,  although  the  person  in 
possession  may  not  be  a  merchant,  or  mean  to  dispose  of  it  by  sale.* 

"  Once  more  :  in  the  case  of  Le  Louis  (6  Admiralty  Reports)  Lord 
Stowell  is  still  more  emphatic  on  the  subject  of  the  recognition  by 
the  law  of  nations  of  the  African  slave  trade,  if  recognized  as  lawful 
by  the  country  whose  bottoms  are  engaged  in  it.     He  says : 

" '  It  (the  Court)  must  look  to  the  legal  standard  of  morality ;  and 
upon  a  question  of  this  nature,  that  standard  must  be  found  in  the 
law  of  nations,  as  fixed  and  evidenced  by  general,  and  ancient,  and 
admitted  practice,  by  treaties,  and  by  the  general  tenor  of  the  laws 
and  ordinances,  and  the  formal  transactions  of  civilized  States ;  and 
looking  to  those  authorities,  I  find  a  difficulty  in  maintaining  that  the 
traffic  is  legally  criminal. 

"  '  Let  me  not  be  misunderstood,  or  misapprehended,  as  a  professed 
apologist  for  this  practice,  when  I  state  facts  which  no  man  can  deny, 
that  personal  slavery,  arising  out  of  forcible  captivity,  is  coeval  with 
the  earliest  periods  of  the  history  of  mankind ;  that  it  is  found  exist- 
ing— and,  as  far  as  appears,  without  animadversion — in  the  earliest 
and  most  authentic  records  of  the  human  race ;  that  it  is  recognized 
by  the  codes  of  the  most  polished  nations  of  antiquity ;  that,  under 
the  light  of  Christianity  itself,  the  possession  of  persons  so  acquired 
has  been,  in  every  civilized  country,  invested  with  the  character  of 
property,  and  secured  as  such  by  all  the  protections  of  law ;  that 
solemn  treaties  have  been  framed,  and  national  monopolies  eagerly 
sought,  to  facilitate  and  extend  the  commerce  in  this  asserted  prop- 


MOVEMENTS   OF  THE   ABOLITIONISTS — BY   POLITICIANS.       447 

erty ;  and  all  this,  with  all  the  sanctions  of  law,  public  and  municipal, 
and  without  any  opposition,  except  the  protests  of  a  few  private  mor- 
alists, little  heard  and  less  attended  to,  in  every  country,  till  within 
these  very  few  years,  in  this  particular  country.  If  the  matter  rested 
here,  I  fear  it  would  have  been  deemed  a  most  extravagant  assumption 
in  any  court  of  the  law  of  nations  to  pronounce  that  this  practice,  the 
tolerated,  the  approved,  the  encouraged  object  of  law  ever  since  man 
became  subject  to  law,  was  prohibited  by  that  law,  and  was  legally 
criminal.  But  the  matter  does  not  rest  here.  Within  these  few  years 
a  considerable  change  of  opinion  has  taken  place,  particularly  in  this 
country.  Formal  declarations  have  been  made,  and  laws  enacted,  in 
reprobation  of  this  practice  ;  and  pains,  ably  and  zealously  conducted, 
have  been  taken  to  induce  other  countries  to  follow  the  example,  but 
at  present  with  insufficient  effect ;  for  there  are  nations  which  adhere 
to  the  practice  under  all  the  encouragement  which  their  own  laws  can 
give  it.  What  is  the  doctrine  of  our  courts,  of  the  law  of  nations, 
relative  to  them  ?  Why,  that  their  practice  is  to  be  respected ;  that 
their  slaves,  if  taken,  are  to  be  restored  to  them;  and,  if  not  taken 
under  innocent  mistake,  are  to  be  restored  with  costs  and  damages. 
All  this,  surely,  upon  the  ground  that  such  conduct,  on  the  part  of 
any  State,  is  no  departure  from  the  law  of  nations  ;  because,  if  it  were, 
no  such  respect  could  be  allowed  to  it  upon  an  exemption  of  its  own 
making,  for  no  nation  can  privilege  itself  to  commit  a  crime  against 
the  law  of  nations  by  a  mere  municipal  regulation  of  its  own.  And 
if  our  understanding  and  administration  of  the  law  of  nations  be,  that 
every  nation,  independently  of  treaties,  retains  a  legal  right  to  carry 
on  this  traffic,  and  that  the  trade,  carried  on  under  that  authority,  is 
to  be  respected  by  all  tribunals,  foreign  as  well  as  domestic,  it  is  not 
easy  to  find  any  consistent  grounds  on  which  to  maintain  that  the 
traffic,  according  to  our  views  of  that  law,  is  criminal.' — English  Ad- 
miralty Reports,  vol.  2. 

"Need  I  refer  to  the  case  of  the  Antelope,  in  which  the  distin- 
guished and  lamented  Chief  Justice  Marshall  held  that — 

"  '  The  African  slave  trade  had  been  sanctioned,  in  modern  times, 
by  the  laws  of  all  nations  who  possess  distant  colonies,  each  of  whom 
has  engaged  in  it  as  a  common  commercial  business  which  no  other 
could  rightfully  interrupt.  It  has  claimed  all  the  sanction  which 
could  be  derived  from  long  usage  and  general  acquiescence.' 

"  The  gentleman  from  Ohio  (Mr.  Stanton)  will  surely  not  contend 
that  these  decisions  sustain  his  position,  that  African  slavery  is  a 


448  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

local  institution,  created  exclusively  by  State  laws,  or  that  the  com- 
mon law  did  not  recognize  property  in  a  person.  Sir,  upon  what 
ground  could  we  have  ever  obtained  indemnity,  as  we  have  often 
done,  for  the  loss  of  our  slaves  on  the  high  seas,  if  this  doctrine  were 
true?  The  official  correspondence  of  our  ministers  abroad  abounds 
in  claims  of  this  character,  and  many  have  been  successful ;  but  if 
foreign  nations  had  followed  the  doctrines  of  the  Republican  party, 
our  claims,  in  every  instance,  would  have  been  ignored."* 

(4)  We  have  here  the  extraordinary  claim  set  up  by  Mr.  Bir- 
ney,  the  Liberty  party  candidate  for  President,  that  Congress, 
even  in  time  of  peace,  may  rightfully  proceed  to  abolish  slavery. 
Mr.  Clay,  about  this  time,  in  speaking  of  abolitionism  as  a  polit- 
ical element  in  the  nation,  used  the  following  prophetic  language : 

"Mr.  President: — It  is  at  this  alarming  stage  of  the  proceedings  of 
the  ultra-abolitionists,  that  I  would  seriously  invite  every  considerate 
man  in  the  country  solemnly  to  pause,  and  deliberately  to  reflect,  not 
merely  on  our  existing  posture,  but  upon  that  dreadful  precipice  down 
which  they  would  hurry  us.  It  is  because  these  ultra-abolitionists 
have  ceased  to  employ  the  instruments  of  reason  and  persuasion,  have 
made  their  cause  political,  and  have  appealed  to  the  ballot-box,  that 
I  am  induced  upon  this  occasion  to  address  you."f 

Again,  Mr.  Clay,  referring  to  the  abolitionists,  said :  "  To  the 
agency  of  their  powers  of  persuasion  they  now  propose  to  substitute 
the  power  of  the  ballot-box  ;  and  he  must  be  blind  to  what  is  pass- 
ing before  us,  who  does  not  perceive  that  the  inevitable  tendency  of 
their  proceedings  is,  if  these  should  be  found  insufficient,  to  invoke, 
finally,  the  more  potent  powers  of  the  bayonet. "J 

(5)  Mr.  Birney  here  proposes  a  very  simple  process  indeed, 
and  as  silly  as  it  is  simple.  His  scheme  for  administering  the 
Government,  and  eradicating  slavery,  is  to  disfranchise  the  slave- 
holders— a  measure  more  easily  proposed  than  executed. 

(6)  The  prohibition  of  the  transit  of  slaves  from  one  State  to 
another,  has  long  been  a  favorite  measure  with  abolitionists.     Its 

♦Speech  of  Hon.  John  W.  Stevenson,  of  Kentucky,  on  the  State  of  the 
Union,  delivered  in  the  House  of  Kepresentatives,  January  30,  1861. 
t  Senate  speech,  1839,  as  quoted  in  Cincinnati  Morning  Herald,  Oct.  9,  1844. 
t  Ibid. 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  ABOLITIONISTS — BY  POLITICIANS.        44& 

practical  bearing  is  readily  understood.  The  natural  increase  of 
the  slaves,  if  it  were  all  kept  within  a  State,  would  soon  lead  to 
over-population ;  and  thus  their  labor  would  become  profitless, 
and  emancipation  become  a  necessity. 

(7)  The  claim  set  up  here  for  negro  suffrage,  and  the  comming- 
ling of  all  colors  in  the  same  schools,  is  in  accordance  with  the 
views  of  the  abolitionists,  but  has  never  been  acceptable  to  others. 

(8)  This  interpretation  of  the  Constitution  is  such  an  extreme 
departure  from  that  put  upon  it  by  the  framers  of  that  instru- 
ment, that  it  is  no  wonder  the  South  took  the  alarm  when  the 
writer  of  this  Address  was  elected,  by  the  Legislature  of  Ohio,  to 
the  United  States  Senate. 

(9)  And  not  only  was  this  novel  interpretation  of  the  Consti- 
tution thrown  broadcast  over  the  land,  but  we  have  the  declara- 
tion of  the  determination  of  these  abolitionists  to  go  straight 
on,  without  faltering  or  wavering,  until  there  shall  not  be  seen, 
"  in  all  our  broad  and  glorious  land,  the  footprint  of  a  single 
slave." 

(10)  Here  we  have  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  Mr.  Birney, 
declaring  that,  if  slavery  could  not  be  abolished  without  the  dis- 
solution of  the  Union,  he,  for  one,  would  go  for  dissolution.  This 
traitorous  utterance  was  a  fatal  one.  The  sentiment  became  a 
part  of  the  abolition  creed,  and  was  afterward  repeated  by  a 
thousand  tongues. 

(11)  The  policy  announced  by  the  Southern  and  Western  Lib- 
erty Convention,  by  means  of  which  the  abolition  of  slavery  was 
to  be  accomplished,  was  to  persevere  in  its  agitation  of  the  sub- 
ject until  the  balance  of  political  power  should  be  secured,  and 
one  or  the  other  of  the  political  parties  forced  to  inscribe  upon 
its  banner  the  fundamental  doctrines  of  the  abolitionists.  In  con- 
formity with  this  scheme,  the  abolitionists  kept  up  their  organi- 
zation, in  one  form  or  another,  until  they  succeeded  in  "fusing" 
with  the  "  Free  Soil  party,"  under  Mr.  Fremont,  as  the  Presi- 
dential candidate. 

(12)  It  is  painful  to  put  upon  record  the  traitorous  utterances 
against  the  Union  which  abounded  in  the  public  demonstrations 
of  the  abolitionists  at  this   period.     The  declaration  of  Judge 

29 


450  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

Stevens,  that  if  the  only  union  we  can  have  "with  the  South,  in 
Church  and  State,  is  to  be,  and  must  be,  cemented  by  the  slavery 
of  three  millions  of  his  brethren,  then,  in  God's  name,  let  it  go 
down,  was  received  with  applause  instead  of  with  execration,  as 
it  should  have  been. 

(13)  The  idea  of  making  the  legislative,  judicial,  and  executive 
action  of  the  nation  conform  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
instead  of  to  the  Constitution,  is  as  absurd  as  to  make  our  inter- 
course with  foreign  nations  conform  to  the  non-importation,  non- 
exportation  and  non-consumption  compact  of  the  colonists  pre- 
vious to  the  Revolution.*  The  Declaration  had  its  uses  when 
announced,  and  has  its  uses  still,  as  embodying  the  great  leading 
doctrines  of  human  rights — rights  that  were  denied  to  the  colo- 
nists by  the  mother  country.  But  the  Declaration  was  never  so 
interpreted,  by  those  who  adopted  it,  as  to  include  any  of  the 
barbarous  races,  in  the  sense  of  admitting  them  to  civil  equality ; 
otherwise,  as  we  have  elsewhere  shown,  that  equality  would  have 
been  recognized  in  the  Constitution. f  The  grand  error  of  the 
abolitionists  has  been  in  the  adoption  of  this  fiction  in  relation  to 
the  Declaration,  and  their  persistence  in  urging  that  the  Consti- 
tution must  be  interpreted  in  conformity  with  their  negro  equality 
interpretation  of  the  Declaration.  The  non-intercourse  compact 
had  its  uses  also ;  but  it  was  temporary  in  its  character.  Its  his- 
tory, however,  teaches  an  important  lesson,  and  one  that  has  been 
overlooked  by  the  abolitionists.  It  prohibited  all  importation  of 
British  goods,  and  all  importation  of  slaves  from  Africa;  and, 
yet,  notwithstanding  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  no  sooner 
had  the  Revolution  triumphed  than  the  importation  of  both  British 
goods  and  slaves  was  resumed.  This  resumption  of  the  slave 
trade  was  with  the  assent  and  co-operation  of  the  northern 
States,  and  could  never  have  occurred  had  the  fathers  of  the  Revo- 
lution interpreted  the  Declaration  as  including  the  negro  race. 

(14)  The  Address  of  the  Convention  includes  the  fiction  of  Lord 
Mansfield,  in  the  Somersett  case,  that  slavery  being  contrary  to 
natural  law,  can  have  no  existence  except  by  positive  statute ; 

*  See  Chapter  II,  page  51. 

tSee  discussion  of  this  matter  in  Chapter  II,  page  52. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   THE   ABOLITIONISTS — BY    POLITICIANS.       451 

when  the  well-known  fact  is,  that  slavery,  though  recognized  as  a 
legal  relation  by  almost  every  civilized  nation,  never  has  been 
established  by  positive  law,  any  more  than  any  of  the  other  rela- 
tions among  men  which  are  recognized  by  the  common  law. 

To  afford  the  reader  a  clearer  conception  of  this  question,  we 
copy,  in  addition  to  the  decisions  presented  by  Mr.  Stevenson,  the 
argument  of  Charles  O'Connor,  Esq.,  in  the  Lemmon  case.  New 
York  City,  as  condensed  in  the  New  York  Reports,  volume  20, 
1857: 

"  (2)  Negro  slavery  never  was  a  part  of  the  municipal  law  of  En- 
gland, and,  consequently,  it  was  not  imported  thence  by  the  first  colo- 
nists. Nor  did  they  adopt  any  system  of  villenage  or  other  permanent 
domestic  slavery  of  any  kind  which  had  ever  existed  in  England,  or 
been  known  to,  or  regulated  by,  the  laws  or  usages  of  that  kingdom. 
They  were  a  homogeneous  race  of  the  free  white  men  ;  and  in  a  society 
of  such  persons,  the  slavery  of  its  own  members,  endowed  by  nature 
with  mental  and  physical  equality,  must  ever  be  repugnant  to  an  en- 
lightened sense  of  justice.  Of  course  the  colonists  abhorred  it — saw 
that  it  was  not  suited  to  their  condition,  and  left  it  behind  them  when 
they  emigrated.  (^Doctor  and  Student  Dialogue^  2  ch.^  18,  19;  Wliea- 
ton  V.  Donaldson^  8  Pet.,  659 ;  Van  Ness  v.  Pacard,  2  Pet.,  444 ;  1 
Kent  Com.,  373  ;  Const.  N.  Y.,  art  1,  §  17 ;  Neal  v.  Farmer,  9  CohVs 
Geo.  R.,  562,  578.)  (3)  As  neither  the  political  bondage  nor  the 
domestic  slavery  which  the  European  by  fraud  and  violence  imposed 
upon  his  white  brethren  ever  had  a  legal  foothold  in  the  territory  now 
occupied  by  these  States,  the  inflated  speeches  of  French  and  British 
judges  and  orators  touching  the  purity  of  the  air  and  soil  of  their 
respective  countries,  whatever  other  purpose  they  may  serve,  are  alto- 
gether irrelevant  to  the  inquiry  what  was  or  is  the  law  of  any  State 
in  this  Union  on  the  subject  of  negro  slavery.  {French  Eloq.,  A.  D. 
1738,  20  State  Trials,  11  note;  English  Eloq.,  A.  D.  1762,  2  Eden,  117, 
Ld.  NORTHINGTON;  Id.,  1771,  20  State  Trials,  1  Ld.  Manspield  ; 
Scotch  Eloq.,  1778,  id.,  note;  Irish  Eloq.,  1793,  Rowan's  Trial,  Cur- 
ran  ;  Judge  McLean's  criticism  in  Dred  Scott,  19  Hoic,  535 ;  Lord 
Stowell's  criticism,  2  Hagg.  Ad.,  109.)  (a)  The  only  argument 
against  negro  slavery  found  in  the  English  cases  at  all  suitable  for  a 
judicial  forum,  rests  on  the  historical  fact  that  it  was  unknown  to 
English  law.  Mr.  Hargrave,  in  Somersett's  case,  showed  that  white 
Englishmen  were  alone  subject  to  the  municipal   slave  laws  of  that 


452  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

country  at  any  time ;  that  negro  slavery  was  a  new  institution,  which 
it  required  the  legislative  power  to  introduce.  (20  State  Trials,  55 ; 
Com.  V.  Aves,  18  Pick.,  214.)  (b)  Lord  Holt  and  Mr.  Justice 
Powell  were  Mr.  Hargrave's  high  authority  for  the  proposition  that 
whilst  the  common  law  of  England  recognized  white  English  slaves 
or  villeins,  and  the  right  of  property  in  them,  yet  it  '  took  no  notice 
of  a  negro."  That  a  white  man  might  'be  a  villein  in  England,'  but 
'  that  as  soon  as  a  negro  comes  into  England  he  became  free.'  It 
was  only  negro  liberty  that  the  know-nothingism  of  English  and 
French  law  established.  English  and  French  air  had  not  its  true 
enfranchising  purity  till  drawn  through  the  nostrils  of  a  negro. 
White  slaves  had  long  respired  it  without  their  status  being  at  all 
affected.  (Smith  V.  Brown,  2  Salk.,  666 ;  20  State  Trials,  55,  note.) 
(c)  Lord  Mansfield  said,  in  Somersett's  case,  '  The  state  of  slavery 
is  of  such  a  nature  that  it  is  incapable  of  being  introduced  on  any 
reason,  moral  or  political,  but  only  by  positive  law,'  and  negrophilism 
has  been  in  raptures  with  him  ever  since.  Nevertheless  it  was  a  bald, 
inconsequential  truism.  It  might  be  equally  well  said  of  any  other 
new  thing  not  recognized  in  any  known  existing  law.  (Per  Ashhurst, 
J.,  3  J.  R.,  63.)  ....  2.  The  judicial  department  has  no  right 
to  declare  negro  slavery  to  be  contrary  to  the  law  of  nature,  or  im- 
moral, or  unjust,  or  to  take  any  measures,  or  introduce  any  policy,  for 
its  suppression,  founded  on  any  such  ideas.  Courts  are  only  authorized 
to  administer  the  municipal  law.  Judges  have  no  commission  to  pro- 
mulgate or  enforce  their  notions  of  general  justice,  natural  right  or 
morality,  but  only  that  which  is  the  known  law  of  the  land.  (Kent's 
Com.,  448;  Doctor  and  Student  Dialogue,  1  ch.,  18,  19;  per  Maule, 
J.,  13  Ad.  and  Ell.,  N.  S.  387,  note.)  3.  In  the  forensic  sense  of  the 
word  law,  there  is  no  such  thing  as  a  law  of  nature  bearing  upon  the 
lawfulness  of  slavery,  or,  indeed,  upon  any  other  question  in  jurispru- 
dence. The  law  of  nature  is,  in  every  juridical  sense,  a  mere  figure 
of  speech.  In  a  state  of  nature,  if  the  existence  of  human  beings  in 
such  a  state  may  be  supposed,  there  is  no  law.  The  prudential  re- 
solves of  an  individual  for  his  own  government  do  not  come  under  the 
denomination  of  law.  Law,  in  the  forensic  sense,  is  wholly  of  social 
origin.  It  is  a  restraint  imposed  by  society  upon  itself  and  its  mem- 
bers. (Rutherforth's  Inst.,  B.  1,  ch.  1,  §  6,  7  ;  1  Bl.  Com.,  43  ;  1  Kent,  2 ; 
Wheatons  Elements  of  Int.  Law,  2,  19 ;  Cooper's  Justinian,  notes,  405; 
Bower  on  Public  Law,  47,  and  omoard.)  (1)  If  there  was  any  such 
thing  as  a  law  of  nature,  in  the  forensic  sense  of  the  word  law,  it  must 


MOVEMENTS   OF   THE   ABOLITIONISTS — BY   POLITICIANS.       453 

be  of  absolute  and  paramount  obligation  in  all  climes,  ages,  courts,  and 
places.  Inborn  witb  tbe  moral  constitution  of  man,  it  must  control 
him  everywhere,  and  overrule,  as  vicious,  corrupt,  and  void,  every  op- 
posing decree  or  resolution  of  courts  or  legislatures.  And,  accord- 
ingly, Blackstone,  repeating  the  idle  speech  of  others  upon  the  sub- 
ject, tells  us  that  the  law  of  nature  is  binding  all  over  the  globe  ;  and 
that  no  human  laws  are  of  any  validity,  if  contrary  to  it.  (1  Wendeirs 
Blackstone,  40,  41,  42,  and  notes.^  Yet,  as  the  judiciary  of  England 
have,  at  all  times,  acknowledged  negro  slavery  to  be  a  valid  basis  of 
legal  rights,  it  follows  either  that  such  slavery,  in  the  practical  judg- 
ment of  the  common  law,  is  not  contrary  to  the  law  of  n-ature,  or,  if  it 
be,  that  such  law  of  nature  is  of  no  force  in  any  English  court.  (^Acc. 
'  Bouviers  Inst.,  §  9;  Brougham,  Ed.  Rev.,  Apl.  1858,  235.)  (2)  The 
common  law  judges  of  England,  while  they  broke  the  fetters  of  any 
negro  slave  who  came  into  that  country,  held  themselves  bound  to 
enforce  contracts  for  the  purchase  and  sale  of  such  slaves,  and  to  give 
redress  for  damages  done  to  the  right  of  property  in  them.  This 
involves  the  proposition  that  there  was  no  paramount  law  of  nature 
which  courts  could  act  upon  prohibiting  negro  slavery.  (^Maldrazo  v. 
Willes,  3  B.  and  Aid.,  353;  18  Pick.,  215;  Smith  V.  Brown,  Salk., 
666 ;  Cases  cited  in  note,  20  State  Trials,  51 ;  The  slave  Grace,  2  Hagg. 
Adm.,  104.)  (3)  The  highest  courts  of  England  and  of  this  country 
having  jurisdiction  over  questions  of  public  or  international  law,  have 
decided  that  holding  negroes  in  bondage  as  slaves  is  not  contrary  to 
the  law  of  nations.  {The  Antelope,  10  Wheat.,  &Q;  18  Pick.,  211 ;  The 
slave  Grace,  2  Hagg.  Adm.,  104,  122.)  (4)  When  Justinian  says,  in 
his  Institutes,  (book  1,  tit.  2,  §  2,)  and  elsewhere,  that  slavery  is  con- 
trary to  the  law  of  nature,  he  means  no  more  than  that  it  does  not 
exist  by  nature,  but  is  introduced  by  human  law,  which  is  true  of  most, 
if  not  all,  other  rights  and  obligations.  His  definition  of  the  law  of 
nature  (book  1,  tit.  2,)  de  jure  naturali,  proves  this ;  his  full  sanction 
of  slavery  in  book  1,  (tit.  3,  §  2,  tit.  8,  §  1,)  confirm  it.  (Cushing's 
Domat.,  §  97;  Bowyer  on  Public  Law,  48.)  (5)  All  perfect  rights, 
cognizable  or  enforceable  as  such  in  judicial  tribunals,  exist  only  by 
virtue  of  the  law  of  that  state  or  country  in  which  they  are  claimed 
or  asserted.  The  whole  idea  of  property  arose  from  compact.  It 
has  no  origin  in  any  law  of  nature,  as  supposed  in  the  court  below. 
(5  Sandf..  711 ;  RutherfortV s  Inst.,  book  1,  ch.  3,  §  6,  7.)  (6)  The  law 
of  nature  spoken  of  by  law  writers,  if  the  phrase  has  any  practical 
impoi-t,  means  that  morality  which  its  notions  of  policy  leads  each 


454  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

nation  to  recognize  as  of  universal  obligation,  which  it  therefore  ob- 
serves itself,  and  so  far  as  it  may,  enforces  upon  others.  It  cannot  be 
pretended  that  there  ever  was  in  England,  or  that  there  now  is  in  any 
State  of  this  Union,  a  law,  by  any  name,  thus  outlawing  negro  slavery. 
The  common  law  of  all  these  countries  has  always  regarded  it  as  the 
basis  of  individual  rights ;  and  statute  laws,  in  all  of  them,  recognized 
and  enforced  it.  (T'/ie  slave  Gi'ace,  2  Hagg.  Adm.,  104;  Per  Shaw, 
Ch.  J.,  18  Pick.,  215;  1  Kent,  2,  3;  id.,  2;  2  Wood's  Civil  Law,  2.) 
(a)  No  civilized  state  on  earth  can  maintain  this  absolute  outlawry  of 
negro  slavery ;  for,  in  some  of  its  forms,  slavery  has  existed  in  all 
ages ;  and  no  lawgiver  of  paramount  authority  has  ever  condemned  it. 
{Coopers  Jusfinian,  notes,  410,  Inst.,  book  1,  fit.  3;  Per  Bartley,  Ch. 
J.,  6  Ohio  K  S.,  724;  Senator  Ben.jamin,  1858.)  (&)  It  has  never 
been  determined  by  the  judicial  tribunals  of  any  country,  that  any 
right,  otherwise  perfect,  loses  its  claim  to  protection  by  the  mere  fact 
of  its  being  founded  on  the  ownership  of  a  negro  slave.  (7)  The 
proposition  that  freedom  is  the  general  rule  and  slavery  the  local  ex- 
ception, has  no  foundation  in  any  just  view  of  the  law  as  a  science. 
Equally  groundless  is  the  distinction  taken  by  Judge  Paine  between 
slave  property  and  other  movables,  (a)  Property  in  movables  does 
not  exist  by  nature,  neither  is  there  any  common  law  of  nations  touch- 
ing its  acquisition  or  transfer.  (^Bowyer  on  Universal  Public  Law,  50.) 
Every  title  to  movables  must  have  an  origin  in  some  law.  That  origin 
is  always  in  and  by  the  municipal  law  of  the  place  where  it  is  acquired, 
and  such  law  never  has  per  se  any  extra  territorial  operation,  (c)  When 
the  movables,  with  or  without  the  presence  of  their  owner,  come 
within  any  other  country  than  that  under  whose  laws  the  title  to  them 
was  acquired,  it  depends  on  the  will  of  such  latter  State  how  far  it  will 
take  notice  of  and  recognize,  quoad  such  property  and  its  owner,  the 
foreign  law.  (^Bank  of  Augusta  V.  Earle,  13  Pet.,  589.)  (c?)  It  has 
become  a  universal  practice  among  civilized  nations  to  recognize  such 
foreign  law  except  so  far  as  it  may  be  specially  proscribed.  This 
usage  amounts  to  an  agreement  between  the  nations,  and  hence  the 
idea  of  property  by  the  so-called  law  of  nations,  (e)  Hence  it  will 
be  seen  that  property  in  African  negroes  is  not  an  exception  to  any 
general  rule.  Upon  rational  principles,  it  is  no  more  local  or  peculiar 
than  any  other  property.  And  there  is  so  much  of  universality  about 
it  that  in  no  civilized  State  or  country  could  it  be  absolutely  denied 
all  legal  protection.  4.  In  fact  there  is  no  violation  of  the  principles 
of  enlightened  justice  nor  any  departure  from  the  dictates  of  pure 


MOVEMENTS   OF  THE   ABOLITIONISTS — BY   POLITICIANS.       455 

benevolence  in  holding  negroes  in  a  state  of  slavery.  (1)  Men, 
whether  black  or  white,  can  not  exist  with  ordinary  comfort  and  in 
reasonable  safety  otherwise  than  in  the  social  state.  (2)  Negroes, 
alone  and  unaided  by  the  guardianship  of  another  race,  cannot  sustain 
a  civilized  social  state,  (a)  This  proposition  does  not  require  for  its 
support  an  assertion  or  denial  of  the  unity  of  the  human  race,  the  ap- 
plication of  Noah's  malediction,  (9  Geo.,  582),  or  the  possibility  that 
time  has  changed,  and  may  again  change,  the  Ethiopian's  physical  and 
moral  nature.  (&)  It  is  only  necessary  to  view  the  negro  as  he  is,  and 
to  credit  the  palpable  and  undeniable  truth,  that  the  latter  phenome- 
non cannot  happen  within  thousands  of  years.  For  all  the  ends  of  juris- 
prudence this  is  a  perpetuity.  (^Facciolatis  Latin  Lexicon  ^thiops.') 
(c)  The  negro  never  has  sustained  a  civilized  social  organization,  and 
that  he  never  can,  is  sufficiently  manifest  from  history.  It  is  proven  by 
the  rapid,  though  gradual,  retrogression  of  Hayti  toward  the  profound- 
est  depths  of  destitution,  ignorance,  and  barbarism.  (^McCidlough's 
Geo.,  Haijti,  693,  694 ;  De  Bow's  Rev.,  vol.  24,  203.)  (cZ)  That,  alone  and 
unaided,  he  never  can  sustain  a  civilized  social  organization,  is  proven 
to  all  reasonable  minds  by  the  fact  that  one  single  member  of  his  race 
has  never  attained  proficiency  in  any  art  or  science  requiring  the 
employment  of  high  intellectual  capacity.  A  mediocrity  below  the 
standard  of  qualification  for  the  important  duties  of  government,  for 
guiding  the  affairs  of  society,  or  for  progress  in  the  abstract  sciences, 
may  be  common  in  individuals  of  other  races ;  but  it  is  universal 
among  the  negroes.  Not  one  single  negro  has  ever  risen  above  it. 
(^Malte  Briin's  Geo.,  book  59,  8;  Gregoire's  Literature  of  the  Negroes; 
Biog.  Univ.  Su2)t.,  vol.  56,  83,  Gregoire.^  (e)  It  follows,  that  in  order 
to  obtain  the  measure  of  reasonable  personal  enjoyment  and  of  useful- 
ness to  himself  and  others  for  which  he  is  adapted  by  nature,  the 
negro  must  remain  in  a  state  of  pupilage  under  the  government  of 
some  other  race.  (/)  He  is  a  child  of  the  sun.  In  cold  climates  he 
perishes ;  in  the  territories  adapted  to  his  labors,  and  in  which  alone 
his  race  can  be  perpetuated,  he  will  not  toil  save  on  compulsion,  and 
the  white  man  can  not ;  but  each  can  perform  his  appointed  task — the 

negro  can  labor,  the  white    man  can   govern (c)  Who 

shall  deny  the  claim  of  the  intellectual  white  race  to  its  compensation 
for  the  mental  toil  of  governing  and  guiding  the  negro  laborer?  The 
learned  and  skillful  statesman,  soldier,  physician,  preacher,  or  other 
expert  in  any  great  department  of  human  exertion  where  mind  holds 
dominion  over  matter,  is    clothed  with  power,  and  surrounded  with 


436  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

materials  for  the  enjoyment  of  mental  and  physical  luxuries,  in  pro- 
portion to  the  measure  of  his  capacity  and  attainments.  And  all  this 
is  at  the  cost  of  the  mechanical  and  agricultural  laborer,  to  whom  such 
enjoyments  are  denied.  If  the  social  order,  founded  in  the  different 
natural  capacities  of  individuals  in  the  same  family,  which  produces 
these  inequalities,  is  not  unjust,  who  can  rightfully  say  of  the  like  in- 
equality in  condition  between  races  differing  in  capacity,  that  it  is  con- 
trary to  the  law  of  nature,  or  that  the  governing  race  who  conform  to 
it  are  guilty  of  fraud  and  rapine,  or  that  they  commit  a  violence  to 
right  reason  which  is  forbidden  by  morality.  (4)  ^Honeste  vivere, 
alterum  non  loedere  et  suum  cuique  tribuere, '  are  all  the  precepts  of  the 
moral  law.  The  honorable  slaveholder  keeps  them  as  perfectly  as  any 
other  member  of  human  society,  (/ns^.,  book  1,  tit.  1,  §  3;  1  Bl.  Com., 
409 ;  Georgia,  582.)"     .... 

Section  II. — The  Slavery  Agitation  in  the  Halls  of 
Congress. 

It  is  not  our  purpose  to  enter  minutely  into  the  history  of  the 
abolition  controversy  in  Congress,  as  that  itself  would  jBll  a  vol- 
ume ;  but  to  present  such  portions  of  the  debates  as  will  enable 
the  reader  to  understand  the  character  of  the  assaults  made  upon 
the  South,  and  the  spirit  in  which  the  assailants  were  met  by  the 
members  from  that  section  of  the  Union.  We  pass  over  the 
period  of  "  Nullification,"  by  South  Carolina,  and  take  lip  the 
Congressional  Globe  for  the  Session  beginning  December,  1835. 

There  had  been  no  political  organization  of  the  abolitionists  at 
this  date,  and  the  ecclesiastical  action  alone  had  preceded  the 
prevailing  excitements.  This  action  had  then  nearly  spent  its 
force,  and  politicians  were  calculating  how  they  could  best  turn 
its  results  to  their  own  advantage.  But  while  the  clergymen  and 
politicians  had  each  their  distinct  aims  to  accomplish — the  first 
to  free  the  church  and  country  from  slavery,  and  the  second 
to  promote  their  own  political  advancement — there  was  another 
class,  as  we  shall  see,  who  attempted  so  to  control  the  abolition 
element  as  to  make  it  subservient  to  the  promotion  of  sectional 
interests.  New  England  was  becoming  largely  interested  in 
manufactures,  and  needed  a  tariff  of  protection ;  but  this  she 
could  not  secure  permanently,  so  long  as  the  South  and  West  had 


MOVEMENTS    OF    THE    ABOLITIONISTS — IN    CONGRESS.  457 

the  preponderance  in  Congress.  Southern  interests  demanded 
free  trade  ;  and  therefore,  so  long  as  slavery  continued  to  extend, 
New  England  could  not  feel  secure  in  her  control  of  the  national 
legislation.  Abolition  thus  became  an  essential  adjunct  of  New 
England  policy,  because  of  its  being  the  irreconcilable  enemy  of 
the  South. 

We  do  not  intend  to  be  understood  as  saying  that  every  man 
engaged  in  advancing  abolitionism  was  doing  so  to  promote  the 
economical  interests  of  New  England.  By  no  means.  Each 
abolitionist  had  his  own  purposes  to  subserve — some  purely  phil- 
anthropic, others  partly  or  wholly  selfish.  Abolitionists,  gener- 
ally, were  not  far-seeing  men — they  never  have  been  so — they 
never  have  been  able  to  foresee  the  results  of  their  own  meas- 
ures ;  they  have,  therefore,  been  the  more  easily  controlled  by 
the  designing  men  who  undertook  to  make  them  an  agency  for 
building  up  the  interests  of  New  England,  by  overwhelming  in 
ruin  her  great  antagonist,  the  South.     But  we  must  proceed. 

To  such  an  extent  had  the  abolition  agitation  affected  the  pub- 
lic mind,  in  1835,  that  General  Jackson,  then  President  of  the 
United  States,  felt  himself  constrained  to  notice  the  progress  of 
abolitionism  in  his  annual  message.  The  following  extract  from 
that  document,  will  serve  to  show  the  apprehensions  of  danger 
to  the  Union,  from  the  abolition  movement,  which  he  entertained, 
and  will  be  an  appropriate  introduction  to  the  discussions  in  Con- 
gress which  followed : 

"  In  connection  with  these  provisions  in  relation  to  the  Post  Office 
Department,  I  must  also  invite  your  attention  to  the  painful  excite- 
ment produced  in  the  South,  by  attempts  to  circulate  through  the 
mails  inflammatory  appeals  addressed  to  the  passions  of  the  slaves, 
in  prints,  and  in  various  sorts  of  publications,  calculated  to  stimulate 
them  to  insurrection,  and  to  produce  all  the  horrors  of  a  servile  war. 

"There  is,  doubtless,  no  respectable  portion  of  our  countrymen  who 
can  be  so  far  misled  as  to  feel  any  other  sentiment  than  that  of  indig- 
nant regret  at  conduct  so  destructive  of  the  harmony  and  peace  of  the 
country,  and  so  repugnant  to  the  principles  of  our  national  compact, 
and  to  the  dictates  of  humanity  and  religion.  Our  happiness  and 
prosperity  essentially  df^pend    upon  peace  within   our  borders ;     and 


458  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

peace  depends  upon  the  maintenance,  in  good  faith,  of  those  compro- 
mises of  the  Constitution  upon  which  the  Union  is  founded. 

"  It  is  fortunate  for  the  country  that  the  good  sense,  and  generous 
feeling,  and  the  deep-rooted  attachment  of  the  people  of  the  non-slave- 
holding  States  to  the  Union,  and  to  their  fellow-citizens  of  the  same 
blood  in  the  South,  have  given  so  strong  and  impressive  a  tone  to  the 
sentiments  entertained  against  the  proceedings  of  the  misguided  per- 
sons who  have  engaged  in  these  unconstitutional  and  wicked  attempts, 
and  especially  against  the  emissaries  from  foreign  parts,  who  have 
dared  to  interfere  in  this  matter,  as  to  authorize  the  hope  that  those 
attempts  will  no  longer  be  persisted  in.  But  if  these  expressions  of 
the  public  will  shall  not  be  sufficient  to  effect  so  desirable  a  result,  not 
a  doubt  can  be  entertained  that  the  non-slaveholding  States,  so  far 
from  countenancing  the  slightest  interference  with  the  constitutional 
rights  of  the  South,  will  be  prompt  to  exercise  their  authority  in  sup- 
pressing, as  far  as  in  them  lies,  whatever  is  calculated  to  produce  this 
evil. 

"  In  leaving  the  care  of  other  branches  of  this  interesting  subject  to 
the  State  authorities,,  to  whom  they  properly  belong,  it  is,  nevertheless, 
proper  for  Congress  to  take  such  measures  as  will  prevent  the  Post 
Office  Department,  which  was  designed  to  foster  an  amicable  inter- 
course and  correspondence  between  all  the  members  of  the  confeder- 
acy, from  being  used  as  an  instrument  of  an  opposite  character.  The 
General  Grovernment,  to  which  the  trust  is  confided  of  preserving  in- 
violate the  relations  created  among  the  States  by  the  Constitution,  is 
especially  bound  to  avoid  in  its  own  action  anything  that  may  disturb 
them.  I  would,  therefore,  call  the  especial  attention  of  Congress  to 
the  subject,  and  respectfully  suggest  the  propriety  of  passing  such  a 
law  as  will  prohibit,  under  severe  penalties,  the  circulation,  in  the 
Southern  States,  through  the  mail,  of  incendiary  publications  intended 
to  instigate  the  slaves  to  insurrection."  ^ 

On  the  16th  of  December,  1835,  petitions  were  presented  to 
the  House,  praying  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia.  On  motion  to  lay  on  the  table,  they  were  thus  dis- 
posed of  by  a  vote  of  180  to  31.  On  the  18th  of  the  same  month, 
similar  petitions  were  again  presented ;  and  at  various  subsequent 
periods  they  continued  to  pour  in  upon  both  Senate  and  House. 

*  Congressional  Glohe,  vol.  3d,  page  10,  1835. 


I 


MOVEMENTS   OF   THE   ABOLITIONISTS — IN   CONGRESS.  459 

A  few  extracts  from  the  speeches  of  the  members  will  serve  to 
show  what  was  then  the  sentiment  in  relation  to  this  Northern 
interference  with  Southern  rights. 

Mr.  Hammond,  of  South  Carolina,  moved 

"That  the  petitions  be  not  received.  The  large  majority  by  which 
the  House  had  rejected  a  similar  petition  a  few  days  ago,  had  been 
very  gratifying  to  him,  and  no  doubt  would  be  to  the  whole  South. 
He  was  not  disposed  to  go  into  the  discussion  of  the  question 
involved  in  the  petitions ;  though,  should  it  be  urged,  he  would  not 
shrink  from  it  a  hair's  breadth ;  but  he  did  think  it  due  to  the  House 
and  the  country,  to  give  at  once  the  most  decisive  evidence  of  the  sen- 
timents entertained  here  upon  this  subject.  He  wished  to  put  an  end 
to  these  petitions.  He  could  not  sit  there  and  submit  to  their  being 
brought  forward  until  the  House  had  become  callous  to  their  conse- 
quences. He  could  not  sit  there  and  see  the  rights  of  the  Southern 
people  assaulted,  day  after  day,  by  the  ignorant  fanatics  from  whom 
these  memorials  proceed."* 

Mr,  Pierce,  of  New  Hampshire,  said: 

"  He  was  unwilling  that  any  imputation  should  rest 
upon  the  North,  in  consequence  of  the  misguided  and  fanatical  zeal 
of  a  few — comparatively  very  few — who,  however  honest  might  have 
been  their  purposes,  he  believed  had  done  incalculable  mischief,  and 
whose  movements  he  knew  received  no  more  sanction  among  the  great 
mass  of  the  people  of  the  North,  than  they  did  at  the  South. 

"  For  one,  said  Mr.  Pierce,  while  he  would  be  the  last  to  infringe 
upon  any  of  the  sacred  reserved  rights  of  the  people,  he  was  prepared 
to  stamp  with  disapprobation,  in  the  most  express  and  unequivocal 
terms,  the  whole  movement  upon  this  subject He  felt  con- 
fidence in  asserting  that  among  the  people  of  the  State  which  he  had 
the  honor,  in  part,  to  represent,  there  was  not  one  in  a  hundred  who 
did  not  entertain  the  most  sacred  regard  for  the  rights  of  their  South - 
ren  brethren — nay,  not  one  in  five  hundred  who  would  not  have  those 
rights  protected  at  any  and  every  hazard.  There  was  not  the  slightest 
disposition  to  interfere  with  any  rights  secured  by  the  Constitution, 
which  binds  together,  and  which  he  humbly  hoped  ever  would  bind 
together,  this  great  and  glorious  confederacy  as  one  family. "f 

*  Congressional  Globe,  Dec.  1835,  page  2Y.  t  Ibid.,  page  33. 


460  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

Mr.  Slade,  of  Vermont,  said : 

"  One  of  the  objections  he  had  heard  strongly  insisted  on,  was  that 
abolition  had  a  tendency  to  disturb  the  balance  of  the  Constitution. 
He  contended  that  the  balance  was  disturbed  on  the  other  side  by 
the  gradual  increase  of  slavery.  It  would  not  be  long  before  the 
representation  of  the  slave-holding  States  would  far  outweigh  the 
proportions  settled  under  the  Constitution.  And  this  was  not  through 
the  relative  increase  of  the  white,  but  the  black  population.  In  the 
State  of  Virginia,  the  increase  of  the  whites  had  been  eighty -four, 
while  that  of  the  blacks  had  been  one  hundred  and  thirty-six  ;  and 
in  South  Carolina  the  increase  of  the  whites  had  been  forty-four  and 
a  fraction,  while  that  of  the  blacks  had  been  ninety-four  and  a  half 
per  cent.  This  fact,  he  contended,  would  show  that  the  progress  of 
abolition  was  necessary  to  preserve  the  balance  of  the  Constitution, 
or  rather  to  restore  it,  for  it  had  been  already  disturbed  by  the  pur- 
chase of  Louisiana."  *  (1) 

Mr.  Mann,  of  New  York,  said : 

"  The  Union  and  the  Constitution,  sir,  were  the  result  of  conces- 
sion and  compromise.  The  subject  under  debate  formed  one  of  the 
points.  We  agreed — we  entered  into  the  compact  with  our  Southern 
brethren ;  and  the  question  now  presented  by  them  to  us — the  real 
question  (when  the  argument  is  pushed  to  the  full  extent)  pro- 
pounded to  us  of  the  North,  is  whether  we  will  live  up  to  the  bar- 
gain we  have  made — to  the  compact  and  union  we  have  entered  into  ? 
For  myself,  for  my  constituents  and  friends,  I  answer,  without  hesita- 
tion or  mental  reservation,  that  under  all  circumstances  and  in  every 
vicissitude,  good  or  evil,  we  will — we  will,  though  the  Heavens 
fall."  t (2) 

Mr.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina,  said : 

"  He  saw,  in  these  petitions,  that  eleven  of  the  States  of  the  Union 
were  grossly  slandered,  and  no  man  could  put  his  hand  on  his  heart 
and  say  otherwise.  They  had  refused  to  receive  petitions  because 
they  implicated  members  of  that  body,  and  were  they  to  receive 
petitions  in  which  eleven  of  the  States  were  deeply,  basely,  and 
maliciously  slandered  ?     Were  they  to  put  more  reprobation  on  the 

*  Congressional  Globe,  Dec.  1835,  page  49.  t  Ihid.,  page  46. 


I 


MOVEMENTS   OF   THE   ABOLITIONISTS — IN   CONGRESS.  461 

slander  of  an  individual  member  ttan  on  the   slander  of  sovereign 
States  ? 

"He  demanded  the  question,  because  these  memorials  aimed  at  a 
violation  of  the  Constitution.  We  have  not  the  power,  said  he,  under 
the  Constitution,  to  interfere  with  the  subject  of  slavery.  He  and  his 
constituents  understood  this  question.  This  was  a  preliminary  aboli- 
tion movement.  These  abolitionists  moved  first  upon  the  District  of 
Columbia,  which  was  the  weakest  point,  in  order  to  operate  afterward 
on  the  States;  and  he. would  resist  them  as  firmly  in  this  movement, 
as  he  would  on  the  direct  question  of  emancipation.  He  demanded 
the  preliminary  question  as  to  receiving  these  petitions,  because  he 
was  averse  to  an  agitation  which  would  sunder  this  Union.  Sir,  said 
he,  we  fear  not  these  incendiary  pamphlets  in  the  South.  The  South 
was  too  well  aware  of  what  is  due  to  itself,  to  permit  the  circulation 
of  those  pamphlets.  It  was  agitation  here  that  they  feared,  because 
it  would  compel  the  Southern  press  to  discuss  the  question  in  the  very 
presence  of  the  slaves,  who  were  induced  to  believe  that  there  was  a 
powerful  party  at  the  North  ready  to  assist  them.  He  objected  to 
receiving  these  petitions,  because  the  country  was  deeply  agitated  by 
them ;  because  they  were  sundering  the  bonds  which  held  this  Union 
together.  As  a  lover  of  the  Union,  he  objected  to  receiving  them; 
nay,  they  must  cease,  or  the  Southern  people  never  can  be  satisfied. 
And  how  (asked  Mr.  C.)  will  you  put  a  stop  to  them?  By  receiving 
these  petitions,  and  laying  them  on  the  table?  No,  no!  The  aboli- 
tionists understand  this  too  well.  Nothing  would  stop  them  but  a 
stern  refusal ;  by  closing  the  doors  to  them,  and  refusing  to  receive 
them."  * 

Mr.  Preston,  of  South  Carolina,  said : 

"  They  of  the  South  had  a  right,  under  the  Constitution,  to  demand 
some  other  action  than  the  Grovernment  had  pursued.  He  referred 
to  the  meetings  held  by  abolitionists — the  apostles  they  had  sent  out 
to  preach  their  doctrines — the  circulation  of  publications  of  every 
species,  and  their  exciting  character.  All  of  them  had  seen  these 
things,  and  he  felt  called  upon  to  keep  the  South  informed  of  them. 
They  were  calculated  to  spread  terror  throughout  the  South.  Men's 
minds  had  already  been  disturbed  there.  The  Government  had  been 
called  upon  to  act  upon  them.     They  could  not  sit  by,  and  see  the 

•Congressional  Globe,  January,  1836,  page  77. 


"V 


462  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

ctaracter  of  their  constituents  aspersed  by  ignorant,  blood-thirsty 
fanatics.  They  were  bound  to  appeal  to  the  Government.  For  one, 
he  did  not  fear  an  interference  in  the  rights  of  the  South.  You 
cannot,  said  he,  interfere  with  them,  either  in  politics,  in  religion,  in 
morals,  or  physical  means.  They  were  bound  to  defend,  by  all  the 
means  the  God  of  nature  had  put  into  their  power,  against  these 
incendiary  attempts  to  wrap  their  land  in  flames,  and  to  deluge  it  in 
blood.  Sir,  said  he,  they  are  filling  our  houses,  our  fields,  and  our 
hearths,  with  implacable  murderers,  and  robbing  us  of  our  thousands! 
Sir,  we  demand  repose  !  We  insist  that  the  Government  shall  say  to 
us,  in  intelligible  language,  that  you  cannot  legislate  upon  this  sub- 
ject— that  you  cannot  receive  the  petitions  of  these  hot-headed  and 
cold-hearted  fanatics — these  men,  women,*  and  children,  who  are 
waging  a  war  of  extermination  against  us.  In  this  free  government, 
said  Mr.  P.,  it  may  be  impossible  for  the  govei-nment  authorities  to 
stop  them  entirely ;  but,  said  he,  we  ask  that  Congress  will  distinctly 
and  positively  interfere  between  us  and  these  fanatics,  and  that  the 
General  Government  will  not  directly  or  indirectly  be  an  agent  in  this 
system  of  destruction.  I  fear,  unless  it  stands  as  an  impassable  bar- 
rier between  these  people  and  us,  that  the  consequences  will  be  ter- 
rible. We,  in  the  South,  exist  under  a  bond  of  necessity  which 
cannot  be  broken — our  lives  and  our  property  are  the  ligaments  that 
bind  us  together.  Civil  war  was  terrible — to  the  ratiocinations  of  the 
mind,  it  was  dreadful.  Interference  must  be  direct  or  indirect.  The 
people  of  the  South  demanded  such  action  of  Congress  on  these 
petitions,  as  would  leave  no  possible  doubt  between  them  and  this 
exciting  subject.  It  was  a  matter  on  which  there  could  be  no  diff"er- 
ence  of  opinion.  He  abhorred  the  idea  of  mixing  up  politics  with 
it.  Their  sole  object  was  to  protect  their  property  and  their  lives. 
In  a  political  point  of  view,  it  was  extremely  important  to  prevent 
agitation  on  this  subject.  He  spoke  of  its  bearings  upon  diflerent 
sections  of  the  country,  and,  said  he,  the  overwhelming  vortex  of 
polities  sweeps  everything  before  it.""j" 

Mr.  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania,  said  : 

"  If  any  one  principle  of  Constitutional    law  can,  at  this  day,  be 
considered  as    settled,  it    is,  that    Congress  have  no  right,  no  power, 


*  Several  of  the  petitions  were  signed  by  women, 
t  Congressional  (jlobe,  Jan.  1836,  page  78. 


MOVEMENTS   OP  THE   ABOLITIONISTS — IN   CONGRESS.  463 

over  the  question  of  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  exists.  The  prop- 
erty of  the  master  in  his  slave  existed  in  full  force  before  the  Fed- 
eral Constitution  was  adopted.  It  was  a  subject  which  then  belonged, 
as  it  still  belongs,  to  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the  several  States. 
These  States,  by  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  never  yielded  to 
the  Greneral  Grovernment  any  right  to  interfere  with  the  question. 
It  remains  where  it  was  previous  to  the  establishment  of  o\ir  con- 
federacy, 

"  The  Constitution  has,  in  the  clearest  terms,  recognized  the  right 
of  property  in  slaves.  It  prohibits  any  State  into  which  a  slave  may 
have  fled  from  passing  any  law  to  discharge  him  from  slavery,  and 
declares  that  he  shall  be  delivered  up  by  the  authorities  of  such 
State  to  his  master.  Nay,  more,  it  makes  the  existence  of  slavery 
the  foundation  of  political  power,  by  giving  to  those  States  within 
which  it  exists  representatives  in  Congress  not  only  in  proportion  to 
the  whole  number  of  free  persons,  but  also  in  proportion  to  three- 
fifths  of  the  number  of  slaves. 

"  An  occasion  very  fortunately  arose  in  the  first  Congress  to  settle 
this  question  forever.  The  Society  for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery  in 
Pennsylvania  brought  it  before  that  Congress  by  a  memorial,  which 
was  presented  on  the  11th  day  of  February,  1790.  After  the  subject 
had  been  discussed  for  several  days,  and  after  solemn  deliberation, 
the  House  of  Representatives,  in  Committee  of  the  .Whole,  on  the 
23d  day  of  March,  1790,  resolved,  '  That  Congress  have  no  authority 
to  interfere  in  the  emancipation  of  slaves,  or  in  the  treatment  of  them 
within  any  of  the  States  ;  it  remaining  with  the  several  States  alone 
to  provide  any  regulations  therein,  which  humanity  and  true  policy 
may  require.' 

"  I  have  thought  it  would  be  proper  to  present  this  decision,  which 
was  made  about  a  half  century  ago,  distinctly  to  the  *^iew  of  the 
American  people.  The  language  of  the  resolution  is  clear,  precise, 
and  definite.  It  leaves  the  question  where  the  Constitution  left  it, 
and  where,  so  far  as  I  am  concerned,  it  ever  shall  remain.  The  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States  never  would  have  been  called  into 
existence — instead  of  the  innumerable  blessings  which  have  flowed 
from  our  happy  Union,  we  should  have  had  anarchy,  jealousy,  and 
civil  war  among  the  sister  republics  of  which  our  confederacy  is 
composed — had  not  the  free  States  abandoned  all  control  over  this 
question.  For  one,  whatever  may  be  my  opinions  upon  the  abstract 
question  of  slavery,  and  I  am  free  to  confess  they  are  those  of  the 


464  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

people  of  Pennsylvania,  I  shall  never  attempt  to  violate  this  compact. 
The  Union  will  be  dissolved,  and  incalculable  evils  will  arise  from  its 
ashes,  the  moment  any  attempt  is  seriously  made  by  the  free  States 
in  Congress. 

"  What,  then,  are  the  circumstances  under  which  these  memorials 
are  now  presented  ?  A  number  of  fanatics,  led  on  by  foreign  incen- 
diaries, have  been  scattering  'arrows,  firebrands,  and  death,'  through- 
out the  southern  States.  The  natural  tendency  of  their  publications 
is  to  produce  dissatisfaction  and  revolt  among  the  slaves,  and  to 
incite  their  wild  passions  to  vengeance.  All  history,  as  well  as  the 
present  condition  of  the  slaves,  proves  that  there  can  be  no  danger  of 
the  final  result  of  a  servile  war.  But,  in  the  meantime,  what  dread- 
ful scenes  may  be  enacted,  before  such  an  insurrection,  which  would 
spare  neither  age  nor  sex,  could  be  suppressed !  What  agony  of 
mind  must  be  suffered,  especially  by  the  gentler  sex,  in  consequence 
of  these  publications !  Many  a  mother  clasps  her  infant  to  her 
bosom,  when  she  retires  to  rest,  under  the  dreadful  apprehensions  that 
she  may  be  aroused  from  her  slumbers  by  the  savage  yells  of  the 
slaves  by  whom  she  is  surrounded.  These  are  the  work  of  the 
abolitionists.  That  their  motives  may  be  honest,  I  do  not  doubt ; 
but  their  zeal  is  without  knowledge.  The  history  of  the  human  race 
presents  numerous  examples  of  ignorant  enthusiasts,  the  purity  of 
whose  intentions  cannot  be  doubted,  who  have  spread  devastation  and 
bloodshed  over  the  face  of  the  earth."  * 

Mr.  Benton,  of  Missouri,  said : 

"  With  respect  to  the  petitioners,  and  those  with  whom  they  acted, 
he  had  no  doubt  but  many  of  them  were  good  people,  aiming  at 
benevolent  Qbjects,  and  endeavoring  to  ameliorate  the  condition  of 
one  part  of  the  human  race,  without  inflicting  calamities  on  another 
part ;  but  they  were  mistaken  in  their  mode  of  proceeding,  and  so 
far  from  accomplishing  any  part  of  their  object,  the  whole  effect  of 
their  interposition  was  to  aggravate  the  condition  of  those  in  whose 
behalf  they  were  interfering.  But  there  was  another  part,  and  he 
meant  to  speak  of  the  abolitionists  generally,  as  the  body  containing 
the  part  of  which  he  spoke — there  was  another  part,  whom  he  could 
not  qualify  as  good  people  seeking  benevolent  ends  by  mistaken 
means,  but  as  incendiaries  and  agitators,  with  diabolical  objects  in 

•  Congressional  Globe,  January,  1836,  page  78. 


MOVEMENTS   OP   THE   ABOLITIONISTS — IN   CONGRESS.  465 

view,  to  be  accomplished  by  wicked  and  de^^lorable  means.  He  did 
not  go  into  tlie  proofs  now  to  establish  the  correctness  of  his  opinion 
of  this  latter  class,  but  he  presumed  it  would  be  admitted  that  every 
attempt  to  work  upon  the  passions  of  the  slaves,  and  to  excite  them  to 
murder  their  owners,  was  a  wicked  and  diabolical  attempt,  and  the 
work  of  a  midnight  incendiary.  Pictures  of  slave  degradation  and 
misery,  and  of  the  white  man's  luxury  and  cruelty,  were  attempts  of 
this  kind  ;  for  they  were  appeals  to  the  vengeance  of  slaves,  and  not  to 
the  intelligence  or  reason  of  those  who  legislated  for  them.  He,  Mr. 
Benton,  had  had  many  pictures  of  this  kind,  as  well  as  many  diaboli- 
cal publications,  sent  to  him  at  St.  Louis,  during  the  past  summer,  the 
whole  of  which  he  had  cast  into  the  fire,  and  should  not  have  thought 
of  referring  to  the  circumstance  at  this  time,  as  displaying  the  incen- 
diary part  of  the  abolitionists,  had  he  not,  within  these  few  days  past, 
and  while  abolition  petitions  were  pouring  into  the  other  end  of  the 
capital,  received  one  of  these  pictures,  the  design  of  which  could  be 
nothing  but  mischief  of  the  blackest  dye.  It  was  a  print  from  an 
engraving,  (and  Mr.  Benton  exhibited  it,  and  handed  it  to  senators 
near  him,)  representing  a  large  and  spreading  tree  of  liberty,  beneath 
whose  ample  shade  a  slave  owner  was  at  one  time  luxuriously  reposing, 
with  slaves  fjinuing  him;  at  another,  carried  forth  in  a  palanquin  to 
view  the  half-naked  laborers  in  the  cotton-field,  whose  drivers,  with 
whips,  were  scourging  to  the  task.  The  print  was  evidently  from  the 
abolition  mint,  and  came  to  him  by  some  other  conveyance  than  that 
of  the  mail,  for  there  was  no  post-mark,  or  mark  of  any  kind,  to  iden- 
tify its  origin,  and  to  indicate  its  line  of  march.  For  what  purpose 
could  such  a  picture  be  intended,  unless  to  inflame  the  passions  of  the 
slaves  ?  and  why  engrave  it,  except  to  multiply  copies  for  extensive 
distribution  ?  But  it  was  not  pictures  alone  that  operated  on  the  pas- 
sions of  the  slaves,  but  speeches,  publications,  petitions  presented  to 
Congress,  and  the  whole  machinery  of  abolition  societies.  None  of 
these  things  went  to  the  understandings  of  the  slaves,  but  to  their 
passions,  all  imperfectly  understood,  and  inspiring  vague  hopes,  and 
stimulating  abortive  and  fatal  insurrections.  * 

"  Societies  especially  were  the  foundation  of  the  greatest  mischiefs. 
Whatever  might  be  their  objects,  the  slaves  never  did,  and  never  can, 
understand  them  but  in  one  way;  as  allies  organized  for  action,  and 
ready  to  march  to  their  aid  on  the  first  signal  of  insurrection  !  It  was 
thus  that  the  massacre  of  San  Domingo  was  made.     The  Society  in 

*Tlie  Nat.  Turner  slave  insurrection  in  Virginia  had  taken  place  in  1831. 

20 


466  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

Paris,  Zes  Amis  des  JVot's,  Friends  of  the  Blacks,  witt  its  affiliated 
societies  throughout  France,  and  in  London,  made  that  massacre- 
And  who  composed  that  society?  In  the  beginning  it  comprised  the 
extremes  of  virtue  and  vice ;  it  contained  the  best  and  the  basest  of 
human  kind !  Lafayette,  and  the  Abbe  Gregoire,  those  purest  of 
philanthropists,  and  Marat  and  Anacharsis  Clootz,  those  imps  of  hell 
in  human  shape.  In  the  end,  for  all  such  societies  run  the  same  ca- 
reer of  degeneration,  the  good  men,  disgusted  with  their  associates, 
retired  from  the  scene,  and  the  wicked  ruled  at  pleasure.  Declama- 
tions against  slavery,  publications  in  gazettes,  pictures,  petitions  to  the 
Constituent  Assembly,  were  the  mode  of  proceeding  ;  and  the  fish- 
women  of  Paris — he  said  it  with  humiliation,  because  American 
females  had  signed  the  petitions  now  before  us — the  fish-women  of 
Paris,  the  very  poissardes  from  the  quays  of  the  Seine,  became  the 
obstreperous  champions  of  West  India  emancipation.  The  efi'ect  upon 
the  French  Island  is  known  to  the  world ;  but  what  is  not  known  to 
the  world,  or  not  sufl&ciently  known  to  it,  is  that  the  same  societies 
which  wrapt  in  flames,  and  drenched  in  blood,  the  beautiful  island 
which  was  then  a  garden  and  now  a  wilderness,  were  the  means  of 
exciting  an  insurrection  on  our  own  continent — in  Louisiana — where 
a  French  slave  population  existed,  and  where  the  language  of  Les 
Amis  des  Noirs  could  be  understood,  and  where  their  emissaries  could 
glide.  The  knowledge  of  this  event,  Mr.  Benton  said,  ought  to  be 
better  known,  both  to  show  the  danger  of  these  societies,  however 
distant,  and  though  oceans  may  roll  between  them  and  their  victims, 
and  the  fate  of  the  slaves  who  may  be  excited  to  insurrection  by  them 
on  any  part  of  the  American  continent.  He  would  read  the  notice  of 
the  event  from  the  work  of  Mr.  Charles  Guyarre,  lately  elected  by  his 
native  State  to  a  seat  on  this  floor,  and  whose  resignation  of  that  honor 
he  sincerely  regretted,  and  particularly  for  the  cause  which  occasioned 
it,  and  which  abstracted  talent  from  a  station  it  would  have  adorned. 
Mr.  Benton  read  from  the  work,  '  Essai  Historique  Sur  la  Louisiane  :  ' 
*  The  white  population  of  Louisiana  was  not  the  only  part  of  the  popu- 
lation that  was  agitated  by  the  French  Revolution.  The  blacks,  en- 
couraged, without  doubt,  by  the  success  which  their  race  had  obtained 
in  San  Domingo,  dreamed  of  liberty,  and  sought  to  shake  ofi"  the  yoke. 
The  insurrection  was  planned  at  Pointe  Coupee,  which  was  then  an 
isolated  parish,  and  of  which  the  number  of  slaves  was  considerable. 
The  conspiracy  took  birth  on  the  plantation  of  Mr.  Julien  Poydras,  a 
rich  planter,  who  was  then  traveling  in  the  United  States,  and  spread 


MOVEMENTS   OF   THE    ABOLITIONISTS — IN   CONGRESS.  467 

itself  rapidly  throughout  the  parish.  The  death  of  all  the  whites  was 
resolved.  Happily,  the  conspirators  could  not  agree  upon  the  day  for 
the  massacre,  and  from  this  disagreement  resulted  a  quarrel,  which  led 
to  the  discovery  of  the  plot.  The  militia  of  the  parish  immediately 
took  up  arms,  and  the  Baron  de  Carondelet  caused  them  to  be  sup- 
ported by  the  troops  of  the  line.  It  was  resolved  to  arrest,  and  to 
punish  the  principal  conspirators.  The  slaves  opposed  it ;  but  they 
were  quickly  dispersed,  with  the  loss  of  twenty  of  their  number  killed 
on  the  spot.  Fifty  of  the  insurgents  were  condemned  to  death.  Six- 
teen were  executed  in  different  parts  of  the  parish ;  the  rest  were  put 
on  board  a  galley,  and  hung,  at  intervals,  all  along  the  river,  as  far  as 
New  Orleans,  (a  distance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles.)  The  severity 
of  the  chastisement  intimidated  the  blacks,  and  all  returned  to  perfect 
order.' 

"  Resuming  his  remarks,  Mr.  Benton  said,  he  had  read  this  passage 
to  show  that  our  white  population  had  a  right  to  dread,  nay,  were 
bound  to  dread,  the  mischievous  influence  of  these  societies,  even 
when  an  ocean  intervened,  and,  much  more,  when  they  stood  upon  the 
same  hemisphere,  and  within  the  bosom  of  the  same  country.  He 
also  read  it  to  show  the  miserable  fate  of  their  victims,  and  to  warn 
all  that  were  good  and  virtuous — all  that  were  honest,  but  mistaken — 
in  the  three  himdred  and  fifty  affiliated  societies  vaunted  by  the  indi- 
viduals who  style  themselves  their  executive  committee,  and  who  date 
from  the  commercial  emporium  of  this  Union  their  high  manifesto 
against  the  President — to  warn  them  at  once  to  secede  from  associa- 
tions which,  whatever  may  be  their  designs,  can  have  no  other  effect 
than  to  revive  in  the  southern  States  the  ti-agedy,  not  of  San  Domingo, 
but  of  the  Parish  of  Pointe  Coupe^. 

"  Mr.  Benton  went  on  to  say,  that  these  societies  had  already  per- 
petrated more  mischief  than  the  joint  remainder  of  all  their  lives, 
fipent  in  prayers  of  contrition,  and  in  works  of  retribution,  could  ever 
atone  for.  They  had  thrown  the  state  of  the  emancipation  question 
fifty  years  back.  They  had  subjected  every  traveler  and  every  emi- 
grant from  the  non-slaveholding  States  to  be  received  with  coldness, 
and  viewed  with  suspicion  and  jealousy,  in  the  slaveholding  States.  .  . 

"  Having  said  thus  much  of  the  abolition  societies  in  the  non-slave- 
holding States,  Mr.  Benton  turned  with  pride  and  exultation  to  a 
difi'erent  theme — the  conduct  of  the  great  body  of  the  people  in  all 
these  States.  Before  he  saw  that  conduct,  and  while  the  black  ques- 
tion, like  a  portentous  cloud,  was   gathering  and    darkening  on  the 


468  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

north-eastern  horizon,  he  trembled,  not  for  the  South,  but  for  the 
Union.  He  feared  that  he  saw  the  fatal  work  of  dissolution  about  to 
begin,  and  the  bonds  of  this  glorious  confederacy  about  to  snap ;  but 
the  conduct  of  the  great  body  of  the  people  in  all  the  non-slavehold- 
ing  States  quickly  dispelled  that  fear,  and  in  its  place  planted  deep 
the  strongest  assurance  of  harmony  and  indivisibility  of  the  Union 
■which  he  had  felt  for  many  years.  Their  conduct  was  above  all 
praise,  above  all  thanks,  above  all  gratitude.  They  had  chased  off 
the  foreign  emissaries,  silenced  the  gabbling  tongues  of  female  dupes, 
and  dispersed  the  assemblages,  whether  fanatical,  visionary,  or  incen- 
diary, of  all  that  congregated  to  preach  against  evils  which  afflicted 
others,  not  them,  and  to  propose  remedies  to  aggravate  the  disease 
which  they  pretended  to  cure.  They  had  acted  with  a  noble  spirit. 
They  had  exerted  a  vigor  beyond  all  law.  They  had  obeyed  the  en- 
actments, not  of  the  statute-book,  but  of  the  heart;  and  while  that 
spirit  was  in  the  heart,  he  cared  nothing  for  laws  written  in  a  book. 
He  would  rely  upon  that  spirit  to  complete  the  work  it  has  begun — to 
dry  up  these  societies — to  separate  the  mistaken  philanthropist  from 
the  reckless  fanatic  and  the  wicked  incendiary,  and  put  an  end  to  pub- 
lications and  petitions  which,  whatever  may  be  their  design,  can  have 
no  other  effect  than  to  impede  the  object  which  they  invoke,  and  to 
aggravate  the  evil  which  they  deplore. 

"  Turning  to  the  immediate  question  before  the  Senate,  that  of  the 
rejection  of  the  petition,  Mr.  Benton  said  his  wish  was  to  give  that  vote 
which  would  have  the  greatest  effect  in  putting  down  these  societies."  * 

Mr.  Grundy,  of  Tennessee,  said : 

"  He  thought  he  was  not  mistaken  when  he  declared  that  the  mo- 
ment the  citizens  of  the  non-slaveholding  States  should,  in  violation 
of  the  Constitution,  lay  their  hands  on  the  property  of  the  slavehold- 
ing  States,  the  citizens  of  the  latter  would  instantly  consider  the  Union 
dissolved,  and  the  Government  at  an  end.  They  could  no  longer  con- 
fide in  a  government  which,  instead  of  protecting,  plundered  them  of 
their  property.  The  right  of  property  in  slaves  is  guaranteed  to  the 
citizens  of  the  States  where  slavery  exists  by  the  Constitution  as  fully  as 
the  right  to  any  other  species  of  property  ;  and  should  the  non-slavehold'- 
ing  States  at  any  time  violate  these  guarantees  in  so  important  a  particular 
as  this,  it  would  be  such  a  departure  from  the  great  principles  of  thecom- 

*  Congressional  Globe,  Jan.  1836,  pages  79  and  80. 


MOVEMENTS   OF  THE   ABOLITIONISTS — IN  CONGRESS.         469 

pact,  that  the  injured  party  would  at  once  be  absolved  from  all  the  obli- 
gations it  imposes  on  them.  It  would  be  impossible  tamely  to  submit  to 
it.  The  citizens  of  the  slaveholding  States,  therefore,  entreat  those  of 
the  non-slaveholding  States  to  step  forward  and  put  down  this  spirit 

of  abolition,  before  it  produces  the  ruin  of  this  Government 

These  abolitionists  reside  among  them.  There  they  have  to  be  met. 
There  the  battle  has  to  be  fought.  They  are  beyond  our  reach.  If  a 
straggler  comes  among  us  propagating  his  insurrectionary  and  incen- 
diary doctrines,  he  is  sent  away  with  an  admonition  which  will  prevent 
his  return.  This  is  done  in  defense  of  ourselves.  No  other  way  is 
known  by  which  the  mischief  growing  out  of  this  plan  of  abolition 
can  be  prevented.  Therefore,  as  we  have  no  power  to  reach  these 
abolitionists,  as  we  can  not  prevent  their  incendiary  publications,  we 
ask  our  brethren  of  the  North  and  East  to  persevere  in  their  efforts  in 
putting  down  the  labors  of  these  men,  which  must  terminate,  unless 
they  are  arrested,  in  the  destruction  of  ourselves  and  families.  If  a 
man,  whether  m/idman,  fanatic,  or  worse  than  either,  shall  be  seen 
approaching  a  ufighbor's  house  with  a  lighted  torch,  to  consume  it, 
ought  not  all  gcod  men  to  arrest  him  and  prevent  the  mischief?  It 
therefore  seems,  said  Mr.  Grundy,  that  too  much  is  not  asked,  when 
we  say  to  our  frif  nds  at  the  North  that  it  is  their  duty  to  adopt  such 
means  as  will  prorent  the  threatened  danger.*  (3) 

Mr.  PiNCENET,  of  South  Carolina,  in  reply  to  inquiries  made 
of  him  as  a  m&mber  of  the  committee  on  the  abolition  peti- 
tions, said : 

"  That  the  whole  number  of  memorials  presented  to  Congress  this 
session,  amounted  to  176;  that  they  came  from  ten  States,  embracing 
an  aggregate  population  of  nearly  8,000,000  ;  that  the  whole  number 
of  signatures  was  about  34,000  ;  and  that  of  those,  more  than  two- 
fifths  were  females.  He  thought  these  facts  ought  to  be  known.  The 
people  of  the  South  ought  to  know  everything  respecting  these  me- 
morials. They  could  see  the  immense  disproportion  between  the 
millions  of  tV'jemen  who  are  determined  to  maintain  their  constitu- 
tional obligations  to  their  southern  brethren,  and  the  band  of  in- 
cendiary agitators  who  would  trample  on  all  laws,  human  and  divine, 
in  the  relentless  prosecution  of  their  diabolical  designs.  He  believed 
that  there  D?ver  was  a  healthier  tone  of  sentiment  in  the  non-slave- 

*  Congressional  GHobe,  March,  1836,  page  215. 


470  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

holding  States,  in  reference  to  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  South, 
than  at  this  moment.  There  was,  unquestionably,  abundant  reason 
for  vigilance  and  caution  in  relation  to  the  fanatics ;  but  there  was 
also  abundant  reason  to  rely  on  the  enlightened  patriotism  of  the 
non-slaveholding  States.  There  are  great  moral  causes  at  work  in 
favor  of  the  South.  We  should  trust  their  efficacy,  and  watch  their 
progress.  The  people  of  the  non-slaveholding  States  are  alive  to  the 
dangers  connected  with  this  question,  and  they  are  generously  fight- 
ing the  battle  of  the  South.  They  should  be  encouraged  by  confi- 
dence and  gratitude,  not  repelled  by  vituperation  and  suspicion. 
The  South  had  nothing  now  to  fear,  except  from  those  who  are  de- 
termined to  continue  the  agitation  of  slavery  for  the  purpose  of 
excitement.  Abolitionism  has  attained  its  hight ;  it  has  begun  to  go 
down,  and  will  soon  disappear  entirely,  if  we  do  not  fan  the  flame 
ourselves,  and  will  only  allow  our  friends  in  the  non-slaveholding 
States  to  fight  the  fanatics  in  their  own  way,  and  not  trammel  them 
in  their  operations  by  mixing  up  extraneous  and  unnecessary  ques- 
tions with  the  subject  of  abolition."  * 

Passing  on  to  1843  and  1844,  up  to  which  time  the  agitation 
of  the  subject  of  slavery  was  continued  in  Congress,  we  find 
the  demands  of  the  northern  petitioners  had  been  extended. 
They  now  required  not  only  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  but  the  prohibition  of  the  sale  of  slaves  by 
the  citizens  of  one  State  to  those  of  another ;  and  also  that 
Texas  should  not  be  admitted  into  the  Union  as  a  slave  State. 
We  have  purposely  avoided  copying  the  discussions  on  the 
numerous  points  raised  in  the  course  of  the  controversy,  and 
have  aimed  at  aJBTording  a  true  conception  of  the  views  held  on 
the  main  question. 

On  the  31st  January,  1844,  Hon.  Andrew  Johnson,  of  Ten- 
nessee, took  the  floor,  and  made  a  speech  upon  the  subject. 
We  quote  from  him,  because  no  one  can  doubt  the  sincerity  of 
the  man,  who,  when  the  conflict  came,  and  he  was  surrounded 
on  all  hands  by  enemies,  still  adhered  to  the  flag  of  the  Union, 
and  fought  under  its  folds  in  defense  of  the  Constitution — wil- 
lingly ofi"ering  his  life  for  its  preservation. 

♦Congressional  Globe,  Maj'  10,  1836,  pages  386,  387. 


MOVEMENTS   OF  THE   ABOLITIONISTS — IN   CONGRESS.  471 

Mr.  Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  said : 

"  He  had  a  few  plain  inquiries  to  make  of  the  abolitionists  of  the 
country,  and  their  organs  in  this  House.  One  was,  if  they  had  it 
in  their  power  to  abolish  slavery  now,  were  they  prepared  to  turn  over 
two  million  of  negroes  loose  upon  the  country,  to  become  a  terror  and 
burden  to  society,  producing  disaffection  between  them  and  their  for- 
mer masters,  finally  to  be  fanned  into  a  flame,  wearing  into  a  servile 
war,  resulting  in  the  entire  extirpation  of  the  race  in  the  United 
States,  besides  shedding  much  of  the  white  man's  blood?  But  as  you 
have  no  right  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  United  States,  or  anywhere 
else,  are  you  prepared  to  tax  the  owners  near  ten  hundred  millions 
of  dollars,  and  then  give  it  back  to  them  for  their  negroes,  in  the 
shape  of  purchase  money?  This  would  be  legalized  robbery.  Are 
you  prepared  to  tax  the  slaveholder  and  the  non-slaveholder  indis- 
criminately, ten  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  to  buy  slaves,  and  send 
them  to  Africa,  or  anywhere  else?  This  would  be  plundering  one 
jjortion  of  the  community  to  remunerate  another.  These  inquiries 
are  made  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  the  minds  of  those  wild  enthu- 
siasts to  bear  upon  the  immense  importance  of  this  subject. 

•'  Perhaps  it  will  be  considered  uncharitable  in  me  to  come  to  the 
conclusion  I  have  upon  this  subject;  but  the  conviction  fixes  itself 
upon  my  mind  irresistibly,  and  I  will  speak  my  sentiments,  let  the 
consequences  be  what  they  may.  I  do  believe,  and  have  believed 
for  some  time,  that  there  is  a  deliberate  design,  on  the  part  of  some 
gentlemen,  to  effect,  if  possible,  a  dissolution  of  the  Union.  But 
when  we  of  the  South,  who  represent  the  interests  of  the  slave  States, 
contend  for  our  rights,  gentlemen  say,  '  0  !  you  are  too  much  ex- 
cited— too  much  heated;  your  passion  outruns  your  judgment;  any- 
thing that  you  may  say  is  not  entitled  to  so  much  weight  as  that 
which  proceeds  from  our  calm  and  sober  judgment.'  Excitement! 
"What  is  it  which  occasions  that  excitement?  Is  not  the  treatment 
which  this  question  receives  a  suflScient  cause  for  excitement?  It 
becomes,  in  the  hands  pf  gentlemen  on  this  floor,  a  question  of  dis- 
solution— of  Union  or  no  Union — a  question  in  which  eleven  States 
of  this  Union  are  vitally  interested ;  States  which  possess  upward  of 
$1,000,000,000  of  property  in  slaves.  Yet  when  you  are  striking  a 
blow  which  is  to  destroy  that  amount  of  property  at  once,  to  expel 
or  exclude  twenty-one  of  the  ninety-three  representatives  of  the  eleven 
slave  States  from  this  House — nearly  one-fourth  of  their  entire  dele- 


472  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

gation — and  thereby  destroying  the  great  compromise  of  the  Consti- 
tution, agreed  upon  by  the  sages  and  patriots  of  the  Revolution — 
we  are  told,  if  we  exhibit  any  feeling  on  this  subject,  it  is  southern 
heat.  0!  no;  we  must  not  speak  upon  the  subject,  unless  we  are 
perfectly  calm  and  passionless.  Let  me  tell  agitators,  the  more  they 
press  this  question,  the  greater  will  be  the  excitement.  It  is  worse 
than  nonsense  to  talk  of  making  a  calm,  deliberate  appeal  to  them ; 
it  will  not  do;  but  when  we  come  to  examine  the  subject,  I  am 
forced  to  the  conclusion  that  there  is  a  deliberate  design  to  dissolve 
the  Union.  (4.) 

"  Mr.  Johnson  here  referred  to  an  opinion  formerly  expressed  by 
Mr.  J.  Q.  Adams's  father,  and  read  from  the  fourth  volume  of  Mr. 
Jefferson's  Works,  as  follows:  'December  the  13th,  1803.  The  Rev. 
Mr.  Coffin,  of  New  England,  who  is  now  here  soliciting  donations  for 
a  college  in  Greene  county,  Tennessee,  tells  me  that  when  he  first 
determined  to  engage  in  this  enterprise,  he  wrote  a  paper  recom- 
mendatory of  the  enterprise,  which  he  meant  to  get  signed  by  clergy- 
men, and  a  similar  one  for  persons  in  a  civil  character,  at  the  head 
of  which  he  wished  Mr.  Adams  to  put  his  name — he  being  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  and  the  application  going  only  for  his 
name,  and  not  for  a  donation.  Mr.  Adams,  after  reading  the  paper, 
and  considering,  said  he  saw  no  possibility  of  continuing  the  union 
of  the  States  ;  that  their  dissolution  must  necessarily  take  place ; 
that  he,  therefore,  saw  no  propriety  in  recommending  to  New  Eng- 
land men  to  promote  a  literary  institution  in  the  South ;  that  it  was, 
in  fact,  giving  strength  to  those  who  were  to  be  their  enemies  ;  and, 
therefore,  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  it.' 

"  He,  Mr.  Johnson,  said  he  had  referred  to  this  merely  as  a  starting 
point  at  which  to  date  the  opposition  of  New  England  men  to  the 
Union  of  the  States,  and  their  hostility  to  the  institutions  of  the 
South.  He  passed  on  to  the  Hartford  Convention,  spoke  of  its  oppo- 
sition to  Mr.  Madison's  administration,  asking  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union,  throwing  every  obstacle  in  the  way  of  a  successful  prosecu- 
tion of  the  war — Massachusetts  even  refusing  to  let  her  militia  go 
beyond  the  chartered  limits  of  the  State,  to  meet  the  invading  foe. 
Now,  in  this  House,  the  same  spirit  of  opposition  is  followed  up  by 
J.  Q.  Adams,  endeavoring  to  destroy  the  Union  and  the  institutions 
of  the  South,  by  the  introduction  of  abolition  petitions,  and  resolu- 
tions from  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  asking  an  alteration  of 
the  Constitution  that  amounts  to  a  dismemberment  of  the  northern 


MOVEMENTS   OF   THE   ABOLITIONISTS — IN   CONGRESS.  473 

and  southern  States.  Mr.  J.  Q.  Adams's  son  is  now  in  the  legislature 
of  Massachusetts,  engaged  in  making  reports,  and  procuring  the 
passage  of  disorganizing  resolutions,  both  endeavoring  to  split  the 
Union  in  twain,  thereby  proving  the  father  and  grandfather  to  be  true 
prophets.  Mr.  Johnson  next  referred  to  the  Haverhill  petition ;  also, 
one  from  the  State  of  Ohio,  asking  a  dissolution  of  the  Union.  He 
then  read  extracts  from  Mr.  Adams's  speech,  made  at  the  extra  ses- 
sion of  the  27th  Congress,  upon  the  21st  rule,  prohibiting  the  recep- 
tion of  abolition  petitions,  to-wit : 

"  '  .  .  .  He  would  say  that,  if  the  free  portion  of  this  Union 
were  called  upon  to  expend  their  blood  and  treasure  to  support  that 
cause  which  had  the  curse  .and  the  displeasure  of  the  Almighty  upon 
it,  he  would  say  that  this  same  Congress  would  sanction  an  expendi- 
ture of  blood  and  of  treasure,  for  that  cause  itself  would  come  within 
the  constitutional  action  of  Congress ;  that  there  would  be  no  longer 
any  pretension  that  Congress  had  not  the  right  to  interfere  with  the 
institutions  of  the  South,  inasmuch  as  the  very  fact  of  the  people  of 
a  free  portion  of  the  Union  marching  to  the  support  of  the  masters, 
would  be  an  interference  with  those  institutions ;  and  that  in  the 
event  of  a  war,  (the  result  of  which  no  man  could  tell.)  the  treaty- 
making  power  become  to  be  equivalent  to  universal  emancipation. 
This  was  what  he  had  then  said,  and  he  would  add  to  it  now,  that, 
in  his  opinion,  if  the  decision  of  this  House,  taken  two  days  ago, 
should  be  reversed,  and  a  rule  established  that  the  House  would 
receive  no  petition  on  this  subject,  the  people  North  would  be,  ipsa 
facto,  absolved  from  all  obligation  to  obey  any  call  of  Congress.' 

"Mr.  Johnson  asked,  what  the  paragraph  just  read,  meant;  what 
effect  was  it  calculated  to  have  upon  the  abolitionists  of  the  North 
and  the  slaves  of  the  South?  It  is  a  stimulant  to  the  one,  a  lure 
thrown  out  to  the  other.  Is  it  not  saying  to  the  abolitionist  of  the 
North,  Persist  in  your  fiendish  purpose  ;  to  the  incendiary,  who  is 
standing  with  his  torch  ready  lighted,  prepared  only  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  South — Proceed ;  touch  the  match  ;  wrap  the  dwellings 
of  your  masters  in  flames  ;  produce  a  servile  war ;  make  it  necessary, 
for  the  preservation  of  your  masters,  to  call  upon  the  non-slavehold- 
ing  States  for  assistance,  'and  under  the  treaty-making  power'  you 
all  shall  be  emancipated  ?  Gracious  God  !  are  we  prepared  for  scenes 
like  these  ?  are  we  prepared  to  surrender  our  homes  and  our  fire- 
sides ?  are  we  prepared  to  see  our  fields,  that  now,  in  due  season, 
yield  luxuriant  crops,  relapse  into  their  original  state,  or  be  converted 


474  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

into  fields  of  carnage?  are  we  prepared  to  see  the  black  hands  of  the 
negro  reeking  in  the  blood  of  the  white  man  ?  are  we  prepared  to  see 
innocent  women  and  children,  virtue  and  beauty,  all  fall  a  helpless 
prey?  are  we  prepared  to  see  the  land  that  gave  a  brother  birth, 
drenched  with  a  brother's  blood  ?  in  fine,  are  we  prepared  to  see 
peace,  prosperity,  contentment,  and  happiness,  converted  iuto  discord, 
desolation,  cries  the  most  heart-rending,  lamentations,  producing,  (to 
use  the  language  of  the  poet,)  shrieks 

"  '  So  wild,  so  loud,  so  clear, 


Even  listening  angels  stooped  from  heaven  to  hear ; ' 

and  yet  to  be  calm  and  deliberate  ? 

"  Mr.  Johnson  said  he  wished  to  call  the  attention  of  the  South 
to  a  single  sentence  in  a  letter  recently  written  by  Mr.  AcEams  to  the 
abolitionists  of  Pittsburgh,  to-wit : 

"  '  On  the  subject  of  abolition,  abolition  societies,  anti-slavery  socie- 
ties, or  the  liberty  party,  I  have  never  been  a  member  of  any  of  them. 
But  in  opposition  to  slavery,  I  go  as  far  as  any  of  these ;  my  sen- 
timents, I  believe,  very  nearly  accord  with  theirs.  That  slavery  will 
be  abolished  in  this  country,  and  throughout  the  world,  I  firmly  be- 
lieve. Whethef  it  shall  be  done  peaceably,  or  by  blood,  God  only 
knows  ;  but  it  shall  be  accomplished,  I  have  no  doubt ;  and,  by  what- 
ever way,  I  say,  let  it  come.' 

"  In  the  sentence  he  had  just  read,  Mr.  Adams  says  he  is  no  aboli- 
tionist ;  but  in  opposition  to  slavery  he  goes  as  far  as  any  of  them ; 
and  if  the  emancipation  of  the  negroes  in  the  South  has  to  be  efi'ected 
by  the  shedding  of  blood,  he  says,  '  let  it  come  ?'  Can  the  South  be 
mistaken  as  to  the  meaning  of  language  like  this  ?  Is  it  not  time  to 
be  on  the  alert?  Is  it  not  time  they  were  roused  from  their  apathy? 
He  said  this  was  a  question  that  the  South  should  unite  upon :  the 
whole  ninety-three  members  from  the  eleven  slaveholding  States 
should  come  up  on  this  question  as  a  band  of  brothers,  joining  in  one 
fraternal  hug ;  heart  responding  to  heart ;  turning  their  faces  toward 
heaven,  and  swearing,  by  their  altars  and  their  God,  that  they  will 
all  sink  in  the  dust  together  before  they  will  yield  the  great  compro- 
mise contained  in  the  Constitution  of  their  fathers. 

"  In  a  speech  made  by  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  a  short 
time  ago,  he  says  he  thinks  the  consummation  of  the  Christian  religion 
will  not  take  place  until  the  emancipation  of  the  negroes  is  efi'ected. 
And  then,  I  suppose,  we  have  the  commencement  of  that  glorious  mil- 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE   ABOLITIONISTS — IN   CONGRESS.         475 

lennium  which  has  been  so  long  prophesied.  I  wish  that  day  would 
come  ;  but  I  do  not  wish  to  attain  it  by  means  of  bloodshed  and  the 
sacrifice  of  thousands  of  lives.  If  I  thought  it  would  come  in  my  day 
and  generation,  I  would  now  be  found  standing  on  tip-toe,  stretching 
my  ken  to  the  utmost  tension,  anxiously  endeavoring  to  descry  in  the 
eastern  horizon  the  first  streaks  of  the  glorious  morning.  How  grati- 
fying it  would  be  to  me  to  have  the  power  to  proclaim  that  the  voice 
of  the  turtle  was  heard  in  the  land ;  that  the  winter  was  past  and  gone  ; 
that  the  lion  and  the  lamb  had  lain  down  together ;  when  all  could 
unite  in  that  heart-felt  chorus  of  glory  to  God  in  the  highest,  and 
peace  on  earth,  and  good  will  among  men.  But  while  thus  indulging 
this  pleasing  illusion,  while  thus  enjoying  this  happy  aberration  of 
mind,  (at  this  moment  Mr.  Johnson  turned  his  face  to  Mr.  Adams,) 
what  ill  omen  is  that  obtruding  itself  so  abruptly  upon  our  view? 
What  evil  genius  is  this  hovering  around  this  hall?  Is  it  some  demon, 
or  a  mortal  man  ?  What  frightful  specter  do  I  behold,  sending  forth 
such  unnatural  sounds,  predicting  disunion,  dissevered  States,  and  the 
shedding  of  human  blood  !     Frightful  vision,  this  ! 

"  '  Black  he  stands  as  night ; 

Pierce  as  ten  furies  ;  terrible  as  hell ; 
And  shakes  a  dreadful  dart.'  "  * 

Mr.  GiDDiNGS,  of  Ohio,  said : 

"  ....  I  therefore  lay  it  down  as  one  of  the  principles  on 
which  our  Federal  Constitution  was  based,  that  each  of  the  several 
States  should  retain  to  themselves  and  their  people,  the  entire  power 
over  slavery  which  they  previously  enjoyed.  In  saying  this,  it  is  not 
my  intention  to  deny  the  doctrine  advanced  by  the  venerable  member 
from  Massachusetts,  Mr.  Adams,  '  that  in  case  of  war,  when  the  exis- 
tence of  our  government  is  threatened,  we  may  then  avail  ourselves 
of  that  right  of  self-preservation  which  is  based  upon  the  law  of 
nature ; '  and,  if  necessary  to  the  public  safety,  may  release  any  por- 
tion, or  all,  of  the  slaves  in  any  of  the  States.  It  is  a  power  that  lies 
behind  all  Constitutional  provisions,  and  is  consequent  upon  a  state  of 
war  only,  but  has  no  application  in  time  of  peace.  It  is,  I  believe, 
well  undei'stood  by  military  men  ;  it  was  practiced  by  General  Jackson, 
General  Gaines,  and  General  Jessup,  and  I  believe  by  General  Scott, 
while  commanding  our  armies  in  the  South.     They  did  not  hesitate  to 

•Appendix  to  Congressional  Globe,  Jan.  18'14,  page  9T 


476  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

sever  the  relation  of  master  and  slave,  wherever  the  public  good  de- 
manded it.  In  doing  that,  they  merely  exercised  the  power  which  is 
always  attendant  upon  a  state  of  war,  and  which  is  denied  by  few,  if 
any.  It  therefore  forms  no  exception  to  the  doctrine  which  I  have 
asserted,  that  each  of  the  several  States  now  holds  and  enjoys  the  same 
power  over  slavery,  within  its  own  territory,  that  it  enjoyed  under  the 
old  confederation;  that  Virginia,  and  each  of  the  slave  States,  now 
holds  her  slaves  as  independently  of  the  other  States  and  of  the  Fed- 
eral Government,  as  she  does  of  Mexico,  or  of  other  foreign  powers; 
that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  possesses  no  more  right  than  the 
Parliament  of  Great  Britain  has  to  interfere  with  that  institution  in 
Virginia,  or  any  other  slave  State.  On  this  point,  I  think  Southern 
men  will  agree  with  me.  Indeed,  I  understand  this  to  be  the  doctrine 
for  which  they  contend,  and  on  which,  so  far  as  I  am  acquainted  with 
the  views  entertained  by  Northern  men,  there  is  an  entire  concurrence 
of  opinion 

"  I  regard  it  as  a  perfectly  clear  proposition — one  that  is  not  to  be 
doubted  or  denied — that  slavery  is  entirely  the  creature  of  municipal 
law.  It  is  unknown  to  natural  law,  and  can  only  exist  in  direct  viola- 
tion of  it.*  In  Ohio,  our  people  go  where  they  please,  for  the  reason 
that  no  municipal  law  forbids  the  exercise  of  their  natural  right  of 

locomotion Not  so  with  the  five  thousand  slaves  who  are 

held  in  bondage  here.  They  possess  neither  of  those  rights  ;  and  why 
not  ?  Because  the  municipal  law  has  forbidden  them  to  exercise  those 
rights  which  God   bestowed  upon    them.     .     .     i     .     Repeal    those 

laws,  and  those  vested  rights  would  become  divested Let 

us  throw  as  much  obscurity  as  we  can  around  this  subject,  it  will 
remain  perfectly  clear  to  every  intelligent  mind,  that  this  right  of 
property  and  the  whole  power  of  the  master  over  his  slave  is  derived 
from  statute  law,  which  may  be  repealed  at  the  pleasure  of  the  legis- 
lature  But  the  repeal  of  those  laws  is  objected  to,  on  the 

ground  that  the  abolition  of  slavery  here  will  be  likely  to  affect  that 
institution  in  the  adjoining  States.  That  objection  I  regard  as  a  strong 
argument  in  favor  of  its  immediate  extirpation  from  the  District.  I 
deny  that  we  are  under  the  least  conceivable  obligation  to  continue 
slavery  here,  in  order  that  it  may  be  prolonged  in  the  States."  .... 

"  Mr.  Rayner,  of  North  Carolina,  said  he  wished  to  inquire  whether 

*The  reader  is  referred  to  the  argument  of  Charles  O'Connor,  and  others,  on 
this  point,  in  the  preceding  section. 


MOVEMENTS   OP  THE  ABOLITIONISTS — IN  CONGRESS.  477 

the  gentlenaan  from  Ohio  believes  the   Decalogue  to   be   of  divine 
origin  ?  " 

"Mr.  Giddings.     I  do,  but  I  would  not  if  it  sanctioned  slavery."* 

On  May  21,  1844,  upon  the  question  of  the  annexation  of 
Texas,  Mr.  Giddings  said : 

"  Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  with  all  due  respect  to  the  legal  talents  and 
constitutional  learning  of  those  gentlemen,  I  may  be  permitted  to 
deny  that  any  guarantee  in  regard  to  slavery  ever  found  a  place  in 
the  Federal  Constitution.  ,  .  .  Sir,  the  idea  that  the  Constitution 
contained  a  guarantee  of  slavery  is  an  impeachment  both  of  the  sin- 
cerity and  judgment  of  the  framers  of  the  charter  of  American  lib- 
erty. ...  It  was,  therefore,  a  most  wise  and  salutary  object  with 
the  framers  of  the  Constitution,  to  withhold  all  power  from  the 
Federal  Government  in  regard  to  slavery,  except  that  which  has  refer- 
ence to  fugitives,  on  which  I  have  already  remarked.  The  safety 
of  the  South  and  of  the  North  consists  in  this  wise  and  salutary  ab- 
sence of  all  power  over  slavery.  It  was  foreseen  by  the  framers  of 
the  Constitution,  that  the  subject  was  of  such  a  delicate  character, 
that  the  Federal  Government  could  not  interfere  with  it  in  any  form, 
without  endangering  the  existence  of  the  Union.  I  fully  understand 
the  excuse  of  Messrs.  Upshur  and  Calhoun  for  attempting  this  un- 
constitutional support  of  slavery.  They  say  that  the  continuance  of 
slavery  in  the  South  would  be  endangered  by  the  abolition  of  that 
institution  in  Texas.  I  answer,  that  the  continuance  of  slavery  in 
Texas  will  endanger  the  freedom  of  Ohio.  .  .  .  We  have  passed 
more  than  a  half  century  under  our  present  Constitution,  and  now 
the  President  assumes  to  himself  the  power  of  making  slavery  a 
national,  instead  of  a  State  institution,  and  of  extending  the  power, 
and  influence,  and  funds,  of  the  Federal  Government  to  its  support, 
and  to  a  piratical  commerce  in  mankind.  In  order  to  effect  this 
unholy  and  nefarious  plan,  he  attempts  to  bring  into  this  Union  a 
foreign  slaveholding  government,  the  effect  of  which  is  to  place  the 
balance  of  political  power  in  the  hands  of  foreign  slaveholders,  who 
have  no  feelings  or  principles,  either  moral,  religious,  or  political,  in 
common  with  the  great  body  of  the  free  States,  and  to  transfer  the 
descendants  of  our  New  England  pilgrims  to  the  political  control  and 
dominion  of  Texans   and   foreigners.     Nor  do  his  violations  of  the 

*  Appendix  to  Congressional  Globe,  Feb.  1844,  pages  654,  655. 


478  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

Constitution  end  here  ;  he  has  gone  farther,  and  brought  our  army 
into  the  field  in  hostile  attitude  to  a  friendly  power,  with  whom  we 
are  on  terms  of  perfect  amity,  and  has  sent  a  fleet  to  insult  and 
provoke  that  government  to  hostilities.  In  short,  sir,  he  has,  of  his 
own  acts,  by  his  secret  orders,  without  the  consent  of  the  people  of 
the  nation,  or  their  representatives,  and  without  deigning  even  to  con- 
sult his  constitutional  advisers,  suddenly  plunged  us  into  a  war  for 
the  openly  avowed  object  and  purpose  of  extending  and  perpetuat- 
ing slavery.  These  profligate  acts — these  usurpations  of  power — 
these  violations  of  the  Constitution — can  be  characterized  by  no 
term  of  milder  signification  than  treason — treason  against  the  rights 
of  the  people  of  this  nation — treason  against  the  Constitution,  and 
treason  against  humanity  itself.  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  declare  it  such 
in  the  presence  of  the  House,  and  of  the  country. 

"  But  we  shall  not  surrender  this  Union,  sanctioned  and  sanctified 
by  a  half  century  of  national  prosperity,  in  order  to  try  a  new  Union, 
and  that,  too,  with  slaveholding  Texas !  Sir,  every  schoolboy  must 
see,  that  to  form  a  new  union  with  any  foreign  power,  would  be, 
ipse  facto,  a  dissolution  of  our  present  Union.  Now  I  would  say  to 
an  imbecile  President,  and  a  demented  cabinet,  that  they  have  not 
the  power  to  form  a  union  between  our  people  of  the  free  States  and 
Texas.  If  such  a  union  be  ever  formed,  it  will  be  by  the  voluntary 
acts  of  the  people  of  our  States  and  those  of  Texas.  The  President 
and  his  cabinet  may  enter  into  as  many  treaties  as  they  please,  and 
make  such  stipulations  as  they  please,  and  form  such  unions  for 
themselves  as  they  please — we  shall  adhere  to  our  present  Union. 
If  they  wish  to  leave  this  Union  and  go  to  Texas,  I,  for  one,  will  bid 
them  '  Grod  speed.'  And  if  any  of  our  southern  sister  States  are 
desirous  of  leaving  our  present  Union,  to  form  a  new  compact  with 
Texas,  let  them  say  so  with  generous  frankness.  But  if  northern 
States  prefer  adhering  to  our  present  Union,  and  refuse  to  follow  them 
into  such  new  confederacy,  do  not  let  them  attempt  to  charge  us  with 
dissolving  the  Union.  I  regret  that  any  northern  man  should  speak 
of  dissolving  the  Union,  if  Texas  be  annexed.  Such  expressions  are 
an  abuse  of  language.  The  act  of  uniting  with  Texas  would  itself 
be  the  dissolution  ;  and  refusal  to  unite  with  that  government  would 
be  to  maintain  the  present  Union.  ...  I  wish  to  call  the  atten- 
tion of  the  committee  to  the  expediency  of  the  proposed  annexation, 
provided  it  were  possible  to  eff"ect  it.  The  people  of  New  England 
are  emphatically  the  moral,  political,  and  religious  antipodes  of  those 


MOVEMENTS   OF  THE   ABOLITIONISTS — IN   CONGRESS.         579 

who  reside  in  Texas.  They  are  not  liomogeueous.  Their  interests 
are  as  widely  separated  as  are  their  geographical  locations,  and  can 
never  be  made  to  unite !  Their  habits  and  their  morals  are  distinct, 
as  are  their  local  situations.  The  protective  policy  of  Neio  England 
can  never  he  reconciled  to  the  free-trade  principles  of  Texas.'^  The 
love  of  universal  liberty,  so  prevalent  in  New  England,  is  wholly 
incompatible  with  Texan  slavery.  No  act  of  Congress,  favoring  the 
interests  or  the  views  of  New  England,  would  be  acceptable  to  the 
people  of  Texas.  So,  on  the  other  hand,  whatever  law  Congress 
may  pass  favoring  the  interests  of  Texas,  will  be  unacceptable  to  the 
people  of  New  England."  f 

On  the  question  of  the  annexation  of  Texas,  Mr.  Buchanan, 
of  Pennsylvania,  said  : 

"  Now,  sir,  annex  Texas  to  the  United  States,  and  we  shall  have 
within  the  limits  of  our  broad  confederacy  all  the  favored  cotton- 
growing  regions  of  the  earth,  England  will  then  forever  remain 
dependent  upon  us  for  the  raw  material  of  her  greatest  manufacture  ; 
and  an  army  of  one  hundred  thousand  men  would  not  be  so  great  a 
security  for  preserving  the  peace  between  the  two  nations  as  this 
dependence.     .     ... 

"  It  has  been  strenuously  contended  that  the  acquisition  of  Texas 
would  be  a  violation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States ;  and 
that  no  new  State  can  be  admitted  into  the  Union,  unless  it  formed 
part  of  our  territory  in  1789,  when  that  Constitution  was  adopted.;!; 
On  this  point  I  shall  be  very  brief.  Mr.  Van  Buren,  in  his  Texas 
letter,  has  demonstrated  this  objection  to  be  wholly  unfounded.  The 
language  of  the  Constitution  is  broad  and  general,  embracing  in  its 
terms  all  new  States,  whether  these  be  composed  of  foreign  territory 
or  not.  It  declares  that  '  new  States  may  be  admitted  by  Congress 
into  the  Union.'  ...  It  has  been  said,  however,  that,  admitting 
this  construction  of  the  Constitution  to  be  correct,  yet,  as  Texas  is 
an  independent  State,  and  not,  like  Louisiana  and  Florida,  a  terri- 
torial dependence  of  a  foreign  power,  it  would  be  a  violation  of  the 

*  Here,  in  the  sentence  we  have  italicized,  we  have  the  true  secret  of  the 
opposition  of  New  England  to  the  extension  of  slavery.  This  institution 
demands  free  trade — New  England  wants  proteciio7i. 

t  Appendix  to  Congressional  Globe,  May,  1844,  pages  706,  707. 

X  This  was  Mr.  Chase's  "  Silver  Pitcher  "  doctrine. 


480  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

Constitution  to  ratify  this  treaty.  And  this  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, and  in  the  American  Senate !  We  had  the  honor,  forsooth,  to 
accept  the  cession  of  territories  from  Napoleon  Bonaparte  and  the 
King  of  Spain,  without  ever  consulting  the  wishes  of  the  people 
whom  they  ceded ;  and  yet  we  have  not  the  power  to  accept  such  a 
cession  from  the  sovereign  people  themselves  of  an  independent  State  ! 
I  shall  not  waste  time  upon  such  an  argument.  It  would  prove  that 
if  ever  (which  Grod  forbid)  any  of  the  States  of  this  Union  should 
shoot  madly  from  their  sphere,  and  establish  an  independent  govern- 
ment, we  would  possess  no  constitutional  power,  upon  their  own 
earnest  entreaty,  to  restore  them  to  their  ancient  position."  * 

On  the  question  of  the  annexation  of  Texas,  Mr.  Woodbury, 
of  New  Hampshire,  said  : 

"If  I  understand  the  substance  of  all  the  objections  to  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  present  treaty,  whether  expressed  in  resolutions  or  debate, 
it  is  this :  First,  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  does  not 
possess  the  Constitutional  right  or  power  to  purchase  Texas,  and  admit 
her  people  into  the  Union.  Next,  that  the  present  Government  of 
Texas,  alone,  has  not  the  right  or  competency  to  make  such  a  cession 
of  her  territory  and  sovereignty.  And,  finally,  that  it  is  not  our  duty 
at  present  to  complete  the  cession,  even  were  the  right  on  both  sides 

clear The  pretense  that  such  a  purchase  and  admission 

into  the  Union  are  unconstitutional,  is  the  only  plausible  justification 
for  the  otherwise  treacherous  or  fanatical  cry  of  disunion,  which  so 
often  deafens  our  ears.  That  cry  originated  on  an  occasion  almost 
identical  with  this,  when  the  act  for  admitting  Louisiana  as  a  State, 
in  1811,  was  pending. 

"  In  the  debate  on  that  occasion,  a  member  from  Massachusetts 
overflowed  with  such  threats,  till  he  was  called  to  order  for  his  vio- 
lence, and  escaped  censure  on  an  appeal  from  the  Speaker's  decision 
against  him,  only  from  a  conviction,  in  some  of  his  opponents,  that  his 
threats  would  prove  harmless.  It  was  then  the  memorable  saying  was 
first  uttered,  which  is  now  ringing  again  in  our  ears  from  the  same 
class  of  politicians,  and  from  the  same  State,  but  with  less  point  and 
elegance  in  these  degenerate  days.      Mr.  Quincy  said : 

"  '  If  this  bill  passes,  it  is  my  deliberate  opinion  that  it  is  virtually 
a  dissolution  of    the  Union — that  it  will  free  the  States  from  their 

"•■■  Appendix  to  Congressional  Globe,  June,  1844,  page  722,  where  Mr.  Bu- 
chanan enters  very  ably  into  the  refutation  of  abolition  views  of  this  question. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   THE   ABOLITIONISTS — IN    CONGRESS.  481 

moral  obligations ;  and  that,  as  it  will  then  be  the  right  of  all,  so  it 
will  be  the  duty  of  some,  definitely  to  prepare  for  separation — amicably 
if  they  can,  forcibly  if  they  must.'  * 

"  It  is  true  that  the  madness  of  faction  can  threaten  disunion  on  the 
smallest,  as  well  as  greatest  occasions,  and  may  at  times  venture  on  it, 
unless  deterred  by  a  dread  of  the  halter ;  but  it  is  equally  true  that 
there  is  no  more  real  occasion  or  justification  for  it  now,  than  there 
was  when  so  much  vaporing  passed  off  harmlessly  in  1803  and  1811 
about  Louisiana,  or  than  there  was  in  the  purchase  of  Florida,  in  1819, 
or  the  admission  of  Missouri,  in  1822.  If  those  purchases  and  admis- 
sions were  constitutional,  so  are  these ;  and  in  order  to  allay  the  re- 
newed excitement  on  this  point,  (honest  with  many,  I  have  no  doubt,) 
the  patience  of  the  Senate  is  asked  a  few  minutes." 

Mr.  Woodbury  proceeded  with  the  discussion  in  a  very  states- 
manlike manner,  and  with  arguments  that  are  conclusive,  but  we 
can  not  quote  them  at  large.    A  few  quotations  only  can  be  given : 

"  Every  government  that  ever  yet  existed,"  said  Mr.  W.,  "possesses 
a  competency  to  add  to  its  territory.  It  ceases  to  have  the  functions 
of  an  independent  nation,  if  it  cannot,  by  treaty  or  discovery,  ob- 
tain new  boundaries  for  convenience,  or  new  lands  for  culture,  or 
new  ports  for  commerce  ;  and,  as  before  suggested,  it  is  stripped  of  the 
national  function  of  acquiring  territory,  when  assailed  by  unjust  war, 
and  holding  it  either  for  indemnity,  or  profit,  or  security.  And  if  we 
can  acquire  it,  reason,  as  well  as  the  words  of  the  Constitution,  re- 
quires us,  in  due  time,  to  make  States  out  of  it,  and  admit  them  into 
the  Union. —  (160.)  Story  says,  in  a  note  to  this  page,  that  the  Hartford 
Convention  proposed  to  prevent  such  admission,  unless  by  a  vote  of 
two-thirds  of  both  Houses ;  and  by  a  report  in  that  body,  indirectly 
denied  the  authority  to  admit  States  or  any  territory  without  our 
original  limits.  But  this  doctrine  has  slept  with  that  convention  since, 
it  is  believed,  till  revived  by  Mr.  Adams,  in  his  Texas  speech,  in  1838, 
in  Congress,  and  his  political  address  in  New  York,  in  1839. 

*See  National  Intelligencer,  Jan.  19,  1819,  and  Lambut  on  Rules,  74th  page. 

Mr.  Woodbury,  in  this  connection,  in  a  foot-Eote,  takes  notice  of  a  whig  anti- 
annexation  meeting  in  Worcester,  Massachusetts,  which  adopted  a  resolution 
"to  separate  the  free  States  from  the  others,  if  annexation  prevailed."  He 
further  alluded  to  the  manifesto  of  Mr.  Adams,  Mr.  Giddings,  and  others, 
copied  on  a  succeeding  page,  declaring  that  annexation  "  would  be  identical 
with  dissolution  of  the  Union." 

31 


482  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

"  How  little  ground  exists  for  such  doctrine,  even  in  the  opinion  of 
the  greatest  constitutional  lawyer  of  his  own  party,  may  be  seen  by 
looking  to  3d  Story,  pages  160,  161:  '  See.  1283.  The  more  recent 
acquisition  of  Florida,  which  has  been  universally  approved,  or  acqui- 
esced in  by  all  the  States,  can  be  maintained  only  on  the  same  prin- 
ciple, and  furnishes  a  striking  illustration  of  the  truth,  that  constitu- 
tions of  government  require  a  liberal  construction  to  effect  their  ob- 
jects ;  and  that  a  narrow  interpretation  of  their  powers,  however  it 
may  suit  the  views  of  speculative  philosophers,  or  the  accidental  in- 
terests of  political  parties,  is  incompatible  with  the  permanent  interest 
of  the  State,  and  subversive  of  the  great  ends  of  all  government,  the 
safety  and  independence  of  the  people.' 

"  This  construction  does  not,  as  the  senator  from  New  Jersey  argues, 
prevent  the  blessinc/s  of  liherty  from  being  enjoyed  by  the  posterity  of 
our  fathers  as  they  designed.  Because  there  is  enough  at  the  boun- 
teous table  for  all  that  posterity  and  any  new  associates.  All  such  can 
participate  with  them  in  that  freedom  as  they  do  in  the  air,  water,  and 
sun,  without  loss  to  either,  and  without  exclusiveness  and  misanthropy. 
"In  truth,  our  whole  history  serves  to  illustrate  the  wisdom,  on 
general  as  well  as  constitutional  principles,  of  expanding  our  limits 
with  the  vast  increase  of  our  population  and  wealth.  Such  expansion 
prevents  many  of  the  evils  of  too  dense  a  population,  and  secures  the 
predominance  of  the  safe,  virtuous  and  republican  pursuit  of  agricul- 
ture. It  is  said  that  we  have  a  Sparta,  and  let  us  adorn  it.  But  is 
there  never  to  be  an  escape  from  the  infant  shell  ?  nor  any  enlarge- 
ment of  the  shell  itself,  to  suit  the  growth  of  the  animal  within  ?  Is 
our  Sparta  to  be  confined  forever  to  a  garden  spot,  or  single  planta- 
tion? a  single  city?  or  a  few  barren  acres,  as  in  Greece,  with  iron 
only  for  money,  hlack  broth  only  for  food,  and  our  sons  taught  stealing 
as  an  accomplishment — instead  of  spreading  over  half  a  continent, 
improving  the  sciences  and  the  whole  arts  of  the  civilized  world,  cover- 
ing remotest  oceans  with  our  commerce,  and  helping  to  spread  abroad 
and  at  home  superior  education  and  a  purer  religion  ?  Thank  God  I 
the  scales  fell  from  our  eyes  on  this  subject  more  than  a  quarter  of  a 
century  ago,  when  Louisiana  was  purchased  ;  and  instead  of  trying  to 
replace  them,  if  we  are  able  to  preserve  Oregon — gained  both  by  dis- 
covery and  purchase — and  to  recover  Texas,  we  can,  in  another  half 
century,  not  only  gain,  as  has  been  done,  double  our  States,  and  nearly 
quadruple  our  wealth,  numbers,  and  power,  but  adorn,  improve,  and 
secure  forever  all  the  fair  inheritance  with  which  we  are  blessed. 


MOVEMENTS    OF    THE    ABOLITIONISTS — IN    CONGRESS.  483 

"  .  .  But  these,  and  many  formal  exceptions,  seem  scarcely 
suitable  to  the  magnitude  of  the  subject,  and  the  high  duties  and 
national  honor  and  interests  which  are  at  issue.  One  of  the  most 
prominent  of  these  interests  is  the  importance  of  Texas  to  the  United 
States,  for  security  to  the  commerce  of  the  West  and  Southwest, 
through  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  river.  The  freedom  of  that 
commerce  was  a  topic  which,  as  long  ago  as  under  the  old  confedera- 
tion, agitated  the  whole  country.  It  then  introduced  the  first  geo- 
graphical division  of  parties  between  the  South  and  the  North,  in 
which  the  latter,  unfortunately,  was  quite  as  strenuous  in  resisting 
efforts  and  sacrifices  to  obtain  that  freedom,  as  it  is  now  in  resisting 
those  to  secure  it,  after  having  been  obtained. 

"  A  few  circumstances  in  that  age  indicate  strongly  prejudices  and 
contests  not  very  unlike  the  present  one. 

"Mr.  Gorham,  of  Massachusetts,  'avowed  his  opinion  that  the 
shutting  the  Mississippi  would  be  advantageous  to  the  Atlantic  States, 
and  wished  to  see  it  shut.'  * 

"  But  Virginia  extended  over  Kentucky,  and  claimed  all  the  North- 
west ;  while  North  Carolina  also  crossed  the  Alleghenies  into  Ten- 
nessee. Hence,  the  South,  at  that  early  day,  became  the  champions 
of  western  interests,  no  less  than  southern  ones. 

"  And  though  Mr.  Aymer,  apparently  concurring  with  Gorham, 
'  thought  the  encouragement  of  the  western  country  was  suicide  on 
the  part  of  the  old  States, f  and  though  the  vote  of  seven  States  was 
at  first  procured  to  proceed  in  the  negotiations  with  Spain,  without 
insisting  on  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,' — yet  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son wrote  that  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  we  must  have. J 
And  Mr.  Jay  at  last  admitted  our  right  to  it  was  good.§  And  the 
old  Congress,  before  breaking  up,  in  September,  1788,  solemnly 

"  '■Resolved.,  That  the  free  navigation  of  the  river  Mississippi  is  a 
clear  and  essential  right  of  the  United  States,  and  that  the  same 
ought  to  be  considered  and  supported  as  such.'  || 

"  In  the  Convention,  while  forming  the  Constitution,  Governeur 
Morris  frankly  stated  that  '  the  fisheries  '  and  the  '  Mississippi '  se- 
curity to  them,  were  'the  two  great  objects  of  the  Union.' ^ 

"  The  whole  question,  as  a  national  one,  was  then  settled.  That 
was  the  embryo  of  the  present  crisis.     The  duty  to  secure  became 

*  Madison  Papers,  609.  t  3  Madison  Papers,  page  1466. 

t  1  Jeflferson's  Life,  page  433.  g  4  Secret  Journal,  451. 

Ij  4  Secret  Journal,  453,  Sept.  16,  1778.  \  3  Madison  Papers,  1523. 


484  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

as  imperative  as  had  been  the  duty  to  obtain.  A  million  and  a  half 
of  square  miles  of  territory,  and  what  are  now  nine  millions  of  peo- 
ple on  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi  and  her  tributaries,  were  fore- 
seen, and  were  to  be  shielded  in  peace  as  in  war  ;  and  tranquillity  to 
their  institutions,  no  less  than  safety  to  their  property  of  every 
kind,  were,  in  advance,  solemnly  guaranteed,  and  were  never  to  be 
neglected.     On  this  implied  pledge  your  public  lands  have  been  sold 

there  and  settled It  is  no  new  vagary,  that,  when  our 

fathers,  in  1786,  finally  resolved  on  their  rights  to  the  free  naviga- 
tion of  the  Mississippi,  they,  also,  in  the  same  act,  and  by  the  same 
dauntless  spirit,  meant  to  enforce  that  right  till  successful,  and  to 
defend  it,  also,  when  once  acknowledged,  as  they  afterward  did  in 
many  an  Indian  war,  as  well  as  on  tbe  bloody  fields  of  New  Or- 
leans  

"  The  treaty  presents,  at  the  same  moment,  a  fortunate  occasion  to 
do  that,  as  well  as  to  enforce  better  the  guarantees  of  the  Constitu- 
tion to  promote  '  domestic  tranquillity '  in  the  South  and  Southwest, 
no  less  than  the  West  and  East.  The  property  and  domestic  insti- 
tutions of  the  former,  however  difi"erent  from  those  at  the  North,  were 
secured  as  amply  under  the  old  confederation  as  those  of  any  other 
region ;  so  are  they  by  the  present  Constitution,  so  are  they  by  all 
our  legislative  and  judicial  decisions;  and  so  must  they  continue  to 
be  till  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution  are  wantonly  violated,  or 
the  Union  dissolved.  Hence  the  losses  or  capture  of  their  property 
in  slaves  have  often  been  indemnified  ;  their  escape  into  other  States 
has  been  redressed  by  a  surrender  of  them ;  and  the  domestic  tran- 
quillity designed  for  all  the  States,  as  set  out  in  the  preamble  of  the 
Constitution  as  one  paramount  object  for  its  adoption,  has  again  and 
again  been  sought  to  be  secured,  in  times  of  excitement  and  peril, 
precisely  as  they  are  likely  to  be  by  the  ratification  of   this  treaty. 

.  .  .  The  South  stood  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  us  in  the  Rev- 
olution, with  this  property  and  these  institutions.  They  came  into 
the  Union  with  them  on  equal  terms ;  they  have  so  remained  for  half 
a  century,  and  so  must  they  continue,  till  injustice  or  fanaticism 
or  treason  violate  all  the  sacred  compromises  of  all  we  hold  dear. 

"  The  annexation  has  been  opposed  as  not  a  duty,  because  inclining 
the  balance  of  political  power  in  our  system  too  much  in  favor  of 
the  West  and  South.  But  the  same  course  of  reasoning  would  strip 
us  of  all  our  great  domain  on  the  Pacific  Ocean — a  country  never  to 
be  surrendered  while  an   American   whaler  visits   its  waters,  or    an 


MOVEMENTS   OF  THE  ABOLITIONISTS — IN   CONGRESS.  485 

American  emigrant  chooses  to  fish,  hunt,  or  plant  on  the  banks  of  the 
Columbia.  .  .  .  It  is  resisted  by  many  for  the  reason  that  slavery 
exists  in  Texas.  That  is  an  institution,  to  be  sure,  which  most  peo- 
ple born  at  the  North  are,  like  myself,  averse  to.  But  those  who 
respect  the  Constitution  and  the  Union,  remember  that  it  is  an  insti- 
tution which  our  parent  country,  before  the  Revolution,  forced  upon 
both  the  North  and  South ;  which,  after  being  more  deeply  inter- 
woven through  the  social  and  political  systems  of  the  latter,  the  rest 
of  the  States  did  not  hesitate  to  confederate  with  her  in  fighting  the 
battles  of  independence  ;  nor  to  counsel  with  her  heroes,  patriots, 
and  statesmen,  in  forming  the  present  Constitution,  nor  to  associate 
with  them  in  carrying  out  its  great  destinies ;  nor  in  guaranteeing 
their  property  and  rights  in  common  with  the  rest,  then  and  during 
the  half  century  since,  in  peace  and  war,  and  in  weal  or  wo."  * 

REMARKS   ON   THE   FOREGOING   DISCUSSIONS. 

(1)  Mr.  Slade  frankly  avowed  the  principle  lying  at  the  foun- 
dation of  the  political  agitation  of  slavery,  to  which  allusion  has 
been  made  in  the  introductory  remarks  to  the  present  section. 
He  said :  "  One  of  the  objections  he  had  heard  strongly  insisted 
on,  was  that  abolition  had  a  tendency  to  disturb  the  balance  of 
the  Constitution.  He  contended  that  the  balance  was  disturbed 
on  the  other  side  by  the  gradual  increase  of  slavery.  It  would 
not  be  long  before  the  representation  of  the  slaveholding  States 
would  far  outweigh  the  proportions  settled  under  the  Constitu- 
tion  This  fact,  he  contended,  would  show  that  the 

progress  of  abolition  was  necessary  to  preserve  the  balance  of  the 
Constitution,  or  rather  to  restore  it,  for  it  had  been  already  dis- 
turbed by  the  purchase  of  Louisiana." 

The  great  object  of  politicians  and  statesmen,  in  all  their  move- 
ments, is  to  protect  themselves  and  constituents  against  the  in- 
crease of  any  element  that  may  control,  adversely  to  their  inter- 
ests, the  legislation  of  the  country.  The  New  England  people 
could  only  prosper  as  manufacturers,  and  required  a  tariff  on  for- 
eign imports  that  would  afford  them  protection.  The  South  could 
only  flourish  as  a  planting  region,  and  demanded  free  trade,  so  that 

*  Appendix  to  Congressional  Globe,  June,  1844,  page  760,  etc. 


486  PULPIT     POLITICS. 

its  productions  might  enter  freely  into  the  ports  of  all  foreign 
nations.  This  placed  New  England  and  the  South  in  a  position 
of  antagonism.  The  acquisition  of  Louisiana  had  unsettled  the 
balances  previously  existing  between  the  North  and  South,  and 
given  a  preponderance  to  the  planting  States.  The  Louisiana 
territory  had  been  subdivided  into  three  States,  instead  of  one, 
when  Mr.  Slade  sounded  the  alarm  as  to  the  danger  of  acquiring 
additional  territory  by  the  admission  of  Texas.  Mr.  Slade,  there- 
fore, believed  that  "  to  preserve  the  balance  of  the  Constitution, 
or  rather  to  restore  it,"  the  successful  prosecution  of  the  abolition 
enterprise  had  become  necessary.  And  why  ?  The  West,  in  its 
rapid  growth,  now  held  the  balance  of  power.  The  South  had  shown 
it  more  favors  than  the  East,  and  needed  its  support  against  the 
adverse  action  of  eastern  statesmen.  While  in  the  colonial  con- 
dition, the  South  had  enjoyed  a  free  commercial  intercourse  with 
the  British  possessions,  carrying  its  own  products  in  its  own  ves- 
sels, and  thus  keeping  in  advance  of  the  East  in  the  extent  of  its 
foreign  trade.  The  treaty  of  Mr.  Jay  with  Great  Britain,  which 
came  up  for  discussion  in  the  Congress  of  1795  and  1796,  by  its 
12th  Article,  not  only  limited  the  size  of  American  vessels,  trad- 
ing with  the  West  Indies,  to  seventy  tons  and  under,  but  gave 
up  the  carriage,  in  our  own  shipping,  of  cotton,  sugar,  indigo,  and 
coffee.*  The  whole  carrying  trade  of  American  cotton  being 
thus  placed  in  the  hands  of  Great  Britain,  she  could  forbid  all 
shipments  of  that  article  in  her  own  vessels,  and  thus  prevent 
American  cotton  from  being  exported  to  England.f  Subse- 
quently, Mr.  Gorham,  of  Massachusetts,  with  others,  had  opposed 
the  opening  of  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  to  the  West,  as 
an  act  suicidal  to  the  Atlantic  States.  But  the  obnoxious  feature 
of  Jay's  treaty  was  not  confirmed ;  and,  through  the  influence  of 
Mr,  Jefferson,  the  Mississippi  question  was  settled  favorably  to 
the  West  and  South ;  J  and  by  this  means  these  two  sections 
became  intimately  united  in  a  bond  cemented  by  their  mutual 
interests. 

*  Benton's  Abridgement  of  Debates  in  Congress,  page  709. 
t  References  elsewhere  show  that  we  had  then  only  sent  out  our  first  exports, 
whereas  the  West  Indies  were  then  exporting  largely. 
t  See  Mr.  Woodbury's  speech,  quoted  in  this  section. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   THE    ABOLITIONISTS — IN   CONGRESS.  487 

This  result  was  the  necessary  consequence  of  the  peculiar  posi- 
tion occupied  by  the  West,  in  her  then  infantile  condition.  In  the 
absence  of  efficient  means  of  transportation  to  the  East,  the  West 
had  long  been  dependent  upon  the  Mississippi  for  the  disposal  of 
its  surplus  products,  excepting  the  live  stock,  which  could  travel 
on  foot  to  an  eastern  market.  By  this  means  the  West  found  its 
interests  identified  with  the  South,  and  felt  inclined  to  act  with 
it  in  political  measures.  To  interrupt  this  growing  harmony, 
and  dissever  the  West  from  the  South,  was  long  the  policy  of 
the  East.  The  "  American  System,"  which  was  to  create  a  home 
market,  by  the  increase  of  manufactures,  for  the  agricultural 
products  of  the  North  at  large,  had  not  received  the  universal 
acceptance  of  the  people,  as  had  been  anticipated.  To  fail  in 
controlling  the  vote  of  the  West,  was  to  leave  the  South  in  the 
possession  of  the  National  legislation,  and  to  place  the  East  in  a 
position  of  great  uncertainty  as  to  the  congressional  protection 
it  could  secure  for  its  manufactures.  The  physical  obstacles 
forbidding  the  products  of  the  West  from  being  transported  East 
seemed  insurmountable ;  the  only  hope  of  success,  therefore,  in 
binding  these  two  distant  sections  together,  lay  in  the  use  of 
moral  means.  The  opportunity  of  applying  this  remedy  was  at 
hand.  The  Churches  at  the  North  had  been  busied  for  many 
years  in  creating  an  anti-slavery  sentiment  among  the  people ; 
and  as  a  similar  movement  in  Great  Britain  had  secured  West 
India  emancipation,  it  was  believed  that  equal  success  might 
attend  the  abolition  movement  in  this  country.  But  let  that 
result  as  it  might,  the  "  progress  of  abolition,"  according  to  Mr. 
Slade,  would  tend  "to  preserve  the  balance  of  the  Constitution." 
And  how  ?  If  abolition  should  be  successful  in  effecting  emanci- 
pation, then  the  South  would  be  prostrated  at  the  feet  of  New 
England,  and  could  no  longer  extend  its  cultivation  westward ; 
but,  failing  in  this,  the  East,  by  means  of  the  hatred  of  slavery 
that  could  be  engendered  at  the  West,  would  at  least  array  the 
people  of  that  section  against  the  South,  and  thus  put  a  check 
upon  the  progress  of  free  trade  legislation.  Thus,  in  either  case, 
New  England  would  be  the  gainer,  as  she  could  then  control  the 
action  of  Congress. 


488  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

But  these  two  purposes  were  not  the  only  measures  contem- 
plated by  New  England  men,  to  secure  to  themselves  the  sectional 
advantages  they  wished  to  possess.  A  dissolution  of  the  Union, 
as  a  last  resort,  was  relied  upon  as  a  certain  means  of  aggran- 
disement to  their  portion  of  the  country. 

This  idea  of  "•  dissolution  "  was  of  early  birth  in  New  England. 
It  broke  forth  from  the  classic  lips  of  Mr.  Quincy,  of  Boston,  as 
early  as  1811,  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  when  the 
admission  of  Louisiana  was  pending.  His  language,  as  will  be 
seen  by  a  reference  to  Mr.  Woodbury's  remarks,  was  clear  and 
unequivocal,  that  its  admission  would  virtually  be  a  dissolution 
of  the  Union,  as  it  would  free  the  northern  States  from  their 
moral  obligations,  and  justify  them  in  separating  from  the  South, 
even  by  force,  if  necessary. 

The  right  of  secession  was  not  held  by  Mr.  Quincy  alone.  As 
early  as  1839,  Mr.  J.  Q.  Adams,  in  an  address  before  the  New 
York  Historical  Society,  gave  the  following  deliberate  opinion, 
not  in  the  heat  of  debate,  but  as  formed  in  the  quiet  of  his  study 
at  home  : 

"  Nations  acknowledge  no  judge  between  them  upon  earth,  and  their 
Grovernments,  from  necessity,  must,  in  their  intercourse  with  each  other, 
decide  when  the  failure  of  one  party  to  a  contract  to  perform  its  obli- 
gations absolves  the  other  from  the  reciprocal  fulfillment  of  his  own. 
But  this  last  of  earthly  powers  is  not  necessary  to  the  freedom  or 
independence  of  States  connected  together  by  the  immediate  action 
of  the  people  of  whom  they  consist.  To  the  people  alone  is  there 
reserved,  as  well  the  dissolving  as  the  constituent  power,  and  that 
power  can  be  exercised  by  them  only  under  the  tie  of  conscience,  bind- 
ing them  to  the  retributive  justice  of  heaven. 

"  With  these  qualifications,  we  may  admit  the  same  right  as  vested 
in  the  people  of  every  State  in  the  Union,  with  reference  to  the  Gen- 
eral Government,  which  was  exercised  by  the  people  of  the  United 
Colonies  with  reference  to  the  supreme  head  of  the  British  Empire, 
of  which  they  formed  a  part ;  and,  under  these  limitations,  have  the 
people  of  each  State  in  the  Union  a  right  to  secede  from  the  confederated 
Union  itself. 

"  Thus  stands  the  right.  But  the  indissoluble  link  of  union  be- 
tween the  people  of  the  several  States  of  this  confederated  nation  is, 


MOVEMENTS    OF    THE    ABOLITIONISTS — IN    CONGRESS.  489 

after  all,  not  in  the  right,  but  in  the  heart.  If  the  day  should  ever 
come  (may  heaven  avert  it)  when  the  affections  of  the  people  of  these 
States  shall  be  alienated  from  each  other ;  when  the  fraternal  spirit 
shall  give  way  to  cold  indifference,  or  collisions  of  interest  shall  fester 
into  hatred,  the  bands  of  political  association  will  not  long  hold  to- 
gether parties  no  longer  attracted  by  the  magnetism  of  conciliated 
interests  and  kindly  sympathies ;  and  far  better  will  it  be  for  the  peo- 
ple of  the  disunited  States  to  part  in  friendship  from  each  other,  than 
to  be  held  together  by  constraint.  Then  will  be  the  time  for  reverting 
to  the  precedent,  which  occurred  at  the  formation  and  adoption  of  the 
Constitution,  to  form  again  a  more  perfect  Union,  by  dissolving  that 
which  could  no  longer  bind,  and  to  leave  the  separated  parts  to  be  re- 
united by  the  law  of  political  gravitation,  to  the  center."* 

But  Mr.  Adams  was  not  without  illustrious  authority  to  sus- 
tain him  in  his  opinion  in  relation  to  the  right  of  secession  on 
the  part  of  States.  The  Virginia  and  Kentucky  resolutions,  so 
familiar  to  public  men,  having  been  received  unfavorably  by  many 
of  the  other  States,  were  referred  to  Mr.  Madison  for  further  con- 
sideration and  defense.     In  reporting  upon  them,  he  said : 

"  It  appears  to  your  committee  to  be  a  plain  principle,  founded  in 
common  sense,  illustrated  by  common  practice,  and  essential  to  the 
nature  of  compacts,  that,  where  resort  can  be  had  to  no  tribunal 
superior  to  the  authority  of  the  parties,  the  parties  themselves  must  he 
the  rightful  judges^  in  the  last'  resort,  whether  the  hargain  made  has  heen 
pursued  or  violated.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  formed 
by  the  sanction  of  the  States,  given  by  each  in  its  sovereign  capacity. 
It  adds  to  the  stability  and  dignity,  as  well  as  to  the  authority,  of  the 
Constitution,  that  it  rests  on  this  legitimate  and  solid  foundation.  The 
States,  then,  being  the  parties  to  the  constitutional  compact,  and  in 
their  sovereign  capacity,  it  follows,  of  necessity,  that  there  can  be  no 
tribunal  above  their  authority,  to  decide,  in  the  last  resort,  whether 
the  compact  made  by  them  be  violated,  and  consequently,  that,  as  the 
parties  to  it,  they  must  thetnselves  decide,  in  the  last  resort,  such  questions 
as  may  he  of  sufficient  magnitude  to  require  their  interposition.^'    . 

"  The  resolution  has,  accordingly,  guarded  against  any  misapprehen- 
sion of  its  object,  by  expressly  requiring,  for  such  an  interposition, 
'  the  case  of  a  deliberate,  palpable,  and  dangerous  breach  of  the  Con- 

*  Quoted  in  the  speech  of  Mr.  Benjamin,  in  XJ.  S.  Senate,  Dec.  31,  1860. 


490  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

stitution,  by  tte  exercise  of  powers  not  granted  by  it.'  It  must  be  a 
case  not  of  a  light  and  transient  nature,  but  of  a  nature  dangerous  to 
the  great  purposes  for  which  the  Constitution  was  established." 

These  threats  of  secession,  and  these  claims  of  a  constitutional 
right  in  a  State  to  secede,  coming,  as  they  did,  in  the  first  instance, 
from  Northern  statesmen,  were  well  calculated,  when  taken  in 
connection  with  the  hostility  existing  in  the  East  to  the  doctrines 
of  free  trade,  to  lead  the  South  to  the  conclusion  that  a  peaceful 
separation  of  the  States  might  be  effected,  or  rather,  that  it  was 
really  desired  by  the  North.  The  Eastern  representative  men 
had  so  often  advocated  this  right  of  secession,  and  its  necessity, 
under  certain  contingencies,  that,  we  have  little  doubt,  the  South, 
in  its  recent  movements,  anticipated  no  trouble  in  effecting  a  dis- 
solution of  the  Union.  Indeed,  up  to  a  very  recent  date,  the 
right  of  secession  by  a  State,  or  States,  seems  to  have  been  held 
by  prominent  men  on  both  sides  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line. 

But  this  doctrine,  often  as  it  has  been  advocated,  never  re- 
ceived the  assent  of  the  people  at  large.  It  was  the  imputation 
of  secession  principles  that  secured  the  political  damnation  of 
Mr.  Webster  ;*  and  that  will  now  damn  every  politician  that  has 
avowed  the-  sentiment.  The  question  is  not  whether,  in  a  strict 
construction  of  the  Constitution,  the  right  of  secession  may  not 
exist ;  but  the  fact  is,  that  the  people,  almost  en  masse,  cannot  be 
brought  to  contemplate  favorably,  even  for  a  moment,  the  idea 
that  the  glorious  Union,  secured  by  the  bravery  and  the  blood  of 
their  fathers,  shall  ever  be  destroyed. 

(2)  Mr.  Mann  spoke  the  common  sentiment  of  the  North,  at 
large,  when  he  pledged  himself  and  his  constituents  to  the  fulfill- 
ment of  all  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution.  Mr.  Calhoun 
and  Mr.  Preston,  though  making  a  strong  statement  of  the  alarm 
produced  by  the  abolitionists  at  the  South,  did  not  present  an 
exaggerated  picture  of  the  state  of  public  feeling,  in  their  section 


*Mr.  Webster  was  cha      'cretary  of  the  Hartford  Convention,  and  for  this 

Convention,  and  for  this  r>       ''thers,  his  friends  were  always  unable  to  secure 

always  unable  to  securv     -^^  i're.idency.     It  was  constantly  urged,  as  a  reason 

a        .1  ;i  „^  „  „„„,.  .'J'^'  "t).*j  succeed  before  the  people,  because  of  his  connec- 

■•,antly  urgedjasarea"^  t     r    > 

ti  \  o  V.    „^„„, '  -t.iipoaed  traitors  to  the  Union. 

)>cau8e  or  his  connt '      ' ' 


MOVEMENTS    OF  THE    ABOLITIONISTS — IN    CONGRESS.  491 

of  the  Union,  at  that  moment.  The  wholesale  butchery  attend- 
ing emancipation  in  St.  Domingo  was  then  fresh  in  the  recollec- 
tions of  the  people ;  and  the  blood  that  was  shed  in  the  Virginia 
negro  insurrection  was  scarcely  yet  dry  upon  her  soil.  Under 
such  circumstances,  none  but  fanatics,  imbued  with  the  rancorous 
spirit  of  demons,  would  have  persevered  in  their  attempts  to  fill 
the  South  with  incendiary  documents.  Mr.  Buchanan,  in  present- 
ing the  decision  of  Congress,  of  1790,  denying  any  power  over 
slavery  by  the  national  legislature,  showed  conclusively,  that  the 
abolitionists,  by  interfering  with  slavery  in  the  South,  were  acting 
in  open  violation  of  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution,  as  inter- 
preted by  those  who  framed  it.  To  suppress  the  circulation  of 
the  incendiary  publications  of  the  abolitionists  was  no  more  an 
interference  with  the  rights  of  the  citizen  under  the  administra- 
tion of  General  Jackson,  than  the  prohibition  of  the  circulation 
of  secession  documents  is  unconstitutional  under  that  of  Mr. 
Lincoln.  Mr.  Benton,  in  characterizing  as  diabolical  the  docu~ 
ments  put  in  circulation  by  the  abolitionists,  made  no  unjustifiable 
charge  against  their  authors.  His  notice  of  the  causes  that  led 
to  the  San  Domingo  massacre,  will  serve  a  good  purpose,  as  cast- 
ing some  new  light  upon  that  horrible  tragedy. 

(3)  The  appeal  of  Mr.  Grundy  to  the  people  of  the  North,  to 
arrest  the  progress  of  abolitionism,  before  its  bitter  fruits  should 
come  to  maturity,  was  a  reasonable  request.  But  there  was  no 
legal  means  at  the  command  of  conservative  men,  by  which  they 
could  interpose,  directly,  in  the  suppression  of  that  movement. 
One  thing  only  could  have  been  done :  the  friends  of  the  Union 
should  have  risen  in  their  might,  and  protested  against  the  doc- 
trines and  practices  of  the  abolitionists.  They  should  have  spoken 
out,  in  thunder  tones,  the  true  sentiments  of  their  hearts  on  the 
question  of  their  constitutional  obligations.  But  instead  of  adopt- 
ing this  course,  they  quietly  sufi'ered  the  fanatical  abolitionists  to 
assume  a  dictatorial  position,  both  in  religion  and  politics,  until, 
emboldened  by  non-resistance,  they  imagined  the  field  was  won, 
and  they  were  conquerors. 

It  was  the  great  error  of  the  conservative  men  at  the  North, 
that  they  allowed  the  enemies  of  the  Constitution  to  give  tone  to 


492  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

public  sentiment  abroad,  so  as  to  create  the  impression  tbat  tli6 
free  States  bad  become  thoroughly  abolitionized.  They  are  now 
paying  the  penalty  of  their  remissness  in  duty ;  and  when  they 
succeed  in  restoring  the  Union,  then  wo  to  the  fanatic,  in  future, 
who  shall  again  dare  to  plot  its  overthrow. 

Mr.  PiNCKNEY  presents  such  facts  as  prove  conclusively  that 
the  abolitionists  were  vastly  in  the  minority,  at  the  date  of  these 
discussions.  But  34,000  persons  out  of  8,000,000  of  population 
had  attached  their  names  to  the  abolition  petitions.  Mr.  Pinckney 
was  also  right  in  another  point.  If  the  South  had  left  the  ques- 
tion of  the  suppression  of  abolition  with  the  citizens  of  the  North, 
it  would  never  have  attained  the  gigantic  proportions  it  afterward 
assumed.  But  instead  of  leaving  the  matter  to  the  North,  every 
few  months  presented  some  new  case  of  injury  inflicted  upon 
Northern  citizens  at  the  South,  on  account  of  their  supposed 
abolition  sentiments  and  designs.  This,  whether  a  deserved 
punishment  or  not,  served  as  fresh  fuel  for  the  agitators  at  the 
North  to  feed  their  expiring  fires;  and. had  it  not  been  for  this, 
the  abolitionists  could  never  have  maintained  their  ground.  But 
there  were  conservative  men  at  the  South  who  disapproved  of  the 
mob  violence  used  against  Northern  citizens ;  and  so  largely  were 
they  in  the  majority,  that  if  they  had  used  their  influence,  they 
could  have  prevented  the  scenes  that  occurred.*  The  conserva- 
tive men  of  the  South,  therefore,  were  as  much  to  blame  as  those 
of  the  North ;  nay,  they  were  more  to  blame,  because,  had  it  not 
been  for  the  cases  of  violence  there,  we  could  have  acted  with 
greater  efficiency  here.  They  tied  our  hands,  and  then  com- 
plained of  us  for  not  fighting  their  battles. 

*The  case  of  the  agents  for  the  sale  of  "Cotton  is  Kins,"  at  Enterprise, 
Mississippi,  early  in  the  year  I860,  is  one  in  point.  The  two  young  men  were 
arrested,  stripped  of  their  clothing,  and  the  tar  and  cotton  standing  ready  to  be 
applied,  while  eighty  copies  of  the  work  were  being  burned  as  an  abolition  in- 
cendiary publication.  The  conservative  men  had  sufficient  courage  to  inter- 
pose, and  by  placing  the  agents  in  prison,  under  the  plea  of  further  investiga- 
tion, thus  rescued  them  from  the  mob.  After  eight  weeks'  imprisonment,  they 
were  tried,  acquitted,  and  discharged — it  having  been  determined  that  the  object 
of  the  work  was  to  demonstrate  the  absolute  necessity  of  preserving  the  Union, 
as  essential  to  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  both  sections,  and  not  designed 
to  promote  abolition  and  disunion. 


MOVEMENTS    OF    THE    ABOLITIONISTS — IN   CONGRESS.  493 

(4)  The  charge  made  by  Mr.  Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  that  there 
existed  a  deliberate  design,  on  the  part  of  Northern  men,  to  effect 
a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  will  startle  some  of  our  readers  on 
account  of  its  boldness.  That  such  designs  existed  somewhere, 
no  one  can  now  doubt.  But  of  the  section  of  the  Union  in  which 
they  originated,  few  perhaps  entertained  a  correct  opinion ;  the 
facts  now  drawn  out,  therefore,  must  greatly  interest  the  public, 
and  will  serve  to  disabuse  the  minds  of  many,  in  relation  to  the 
views  they  may  have  entertained  heretofore.  The  opinion  of  the 
elder  Adams,  in  1803 — based  upon  the  Louisiana  question,  then 
agitated — "  that  he  saw  no  possibility  of  continuing  the  Union 
of  the  States,  and  that  their  dissolution  must  necessarily  take 
place,"  is  referred  to  by  Mr.  Johnson  only  as  a  starting  point 
from  which  to  date  the  opposition  of  New  England  to  the  Union 
of  the  States,  and  their  hostility  to  the  institutions  of  the  South. 
This  hostility  he  found  manifesting  itself  in  the  Hartford  Conven- 
tion, in  the  Halls  of  Congress,  by  the  presentation  of  abolition 
petitions,  and  in  the  speeches  of  Mr,  J.  Q.  Adams,  in  which  he, 
(Mr.  Adams,)  not  only  announced  his  belief  that  the  refusal  to 
receive  the  abolition  petitions  would  absolve  the  North  from  all 
obligations  to  the  South,  but,  in  case  of  war,  the  treaty-making 
power  could  declare  emancipation. 

This  power  to  abolish  slavery,  in  time  of  war,  seems  never  to 
have  been  lost  sight  of  by  the  abolitionists ;  and  could  they  but 
bring  on  a  collision  of  arms,  either  civil  or  servile,  their  mission 
would  be  accomplished.  Reader,  keep  this  in  mind,  and  turn 
back  to  the  quotations  from  the  speeches  of  Mr.  Giddings,  which 
follow  those  of  Mr.  Johnson.  While  admitting  that,  under  the 
Constitution,  the  North  has  no  right  to  interfere  with  slavery, 
Mr.  Giddings  seems  to  dwell  with  evident  satisfaction  upon  the 
fact  that,  in  time  of  war,  slavery  could  be  swept  away,  as  chaff 
before  the  wind,  in  defiance  of  the  Constitution.  But  he  goes 
further,  and  insists  upon  emancipation,  by  Congress,  in  the  Dis- 
trict, notwithstanding  that  to  have  a  community  of  free  negroes 
in  such  a  central  point  as  Washington  might  endanger  the  safety 
of  slavery  in  the  adjoining  States.  Nay,  more,  he  urged  eman- 
cipation in  the  District  for  that  very  reason  ;  thus  justifying  the 


494  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

accomplishment  of  an  object  by  indirect  means,  which  can  not  be 
done  constitutionally  by  direct  means. 

Again,  in  discussing  the  question  of  the  annexation  of  Texas, 
Mr.  Giddings  denounces  the  project  as  nefarious,  because  it  would 
"  place  the  balance  of  political  power  in  the  hands  of  foreign  slave- 
holders," and  "  transfer  the  descendants  of  our  New  England  pil- 
grims to  the  political  control  of  Texans  and  foreigners."  Here 
we  have  a  repetition  of  the  fears  entertained  by  Mr.  Slade,  that 
the  balance  of  the  Constitution  would  settle  down  to  the  injury 
of  the  people  of  New  England,  and  the  measures  that  would  ef- 
fect this,  Mr.  Giddings  pronounces  treason.  And  why  ?  "  The 
protective  policy  of  New  England,"  says  he,  "  can  never  be  recon- 
ciled to  the  free-trade  principles  of  Texas,"  and,  therefore,  "  the 
act  of  uniting  Avith  Texas  would  itself  be  the  dissolution  "  of  the 
Union — would  he  treason  to  New  England.  That  is  to  say,  if  New 
England  could  not  have  a  protective  tariff,  in  consequence  of  the 
extension  of  slavery,  she  would  dissolve  the  Union. 

But  Mr.  Giddings  goes  farther,  and  expresses  his  willingness 
that  the  President  and  his  Cabinet,  as  well  as  our  southern  sister 
States,  who  were  desirous  of  doing  so,  might  leave  this  Union  to 
form  a  new  compact  with  Texas ;  and  he  would  bid  them  God 
speed. 

These  views  of  Mr.  Giddings  fall  in  with  the  general  opinions 
entertained  by  New  England  politicians  at  that  day.  During 
the  preceding  Session  of  Congress,  March  3,  1843,  a  manifesto 
against  the  annexation  of  Texas  was  issued  by  the  members 
whose  names  appear  below,  Mr.  Giddings  being  one  of  the  num- 
ber. A  few  extracts  will  show  its  true  character,  and  the  objects 
aimed  at  by  its  signers.  In  speaking  of  the  annexation  of  Texas, 
they  say : 

"  That  a  large  portion  of  the  country  interested  in  the  continuance 
of  domestic  slavery  and  the  slave  trade  in  these  United  States,  have 
solemnly  and  unalterably  determined  that  it  shall  he  speedily  carried 
into  execution,  and  that  by  this  admission  of  a  new  slave  Territory  and 
slave  States,  the  undue  ascendency  of  the  slaveholding  power  in  the  Gov- 
ernment shall  he  secured  and  riveted  heyond  redemjjtion.  .  .  .  The 
same  references  will  show,  very  conclusively,  that  the  particular  objects 


MOVEMENTS    OF    THE    ABOLITIONISTS — IN    CONGRESS.  495 

of  this  new  acquisition  of  slave  territory  were  the  perpetuation  of  slav- 
ery and  the  continued  ascendency  of  the  slave  power.  .  .  .  None 
can  be  so  blind  noio  as  not  to  know  tliat  the  real  design  and  object  of 
the  South  is  to  'add  new  weight  to  her  end  op  the  lever.'  .  . 
We  hold  that  there  is  not  only  'no  political  necessity'  for  it,  'no  ad- 
vantages to  be  derived  from  it,'  but  that  there  is  no  constitutional 
power  delegated  to  any  department  of  the  National  Grovernment  to  au- 
thorize it :  that  no  act  of  Congress  or  treaty  for  annexation  can  impose 
the  least  obligation  upon  the  several  States  of  this  Union  to  submit  to 
such  an  unwarrantable  act,  or  to  receive  into  their  family  and  frater- 
nity such  misbegotten  and  illegitimate  progeny.  We  hesitate  not  to 
say  that  annexation.,  effected  by  any  act  or  proceeding  of  the  Federal 
Government,  or  any  of  its  departments,  would  be  identical  with 
DISSOLUTION.  It  would  be  a  violation  of  our  national  compact,  its  ob- 
jects, designs,  and  the  great  elementary  principles  which  entered  into 
its  formation  of  a  character  so  deep  and  fundamental,  and  would  be 
an  attempt  to  eternize  an  institution  and  a  power  of  nature  so  unjust 
in  themselves,  so  injurious  to  the  interests,  and  abhorrent  to  the  feel- 
ings of  the  people  of  the  free  States  as,  in  our  opinion,  not  only  inev- 
itably to  result  in  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  BUT  FULLY  TO  JUS- 
TIFY IT ;  and  we  not  only  assert  that  the  people  of  the  free  States 
'ought  not  to  submit  to  it;'  but  we  say,  with  confidence,  they  would 

NOT  SUBMIT  TO  IT."* 

This  was  signed  by  the  following  abolition  members  of  Congress : 

John  Quincy  Adams,  Nathaniel  B.  Borden, 

Seth  M.  G-ates,  Thomas  C.  Chittenden, 

Wm.  Slade,  John  Mattocks, 

Wm.  B.  Calhoun,  Christopher  Morgan, 

Joshua  K.  Giddinqs,  Joshua  M.  Howard, 

Sherlock  J.  Andrews,  Victory  Birdseye. 

Reader,  what  think  you  of  this,  when  taken  in  connection  with 
all  the  preceding  declarations  of  Northern  men  which  have  been 
quoted?  Were  there  treasonable  designs  toward  the  Constitution 
here? 

But  we  have  said  that  the  abolition  controversy,  in  the  hands 
of  the  few  who  aimed  at  controlling  national  events,  was  used  as 


•  See  Niles'  Register,  May  13,  1843,  pp.  174,  175. 


496  PULPIT     POLITICS. 

an  element  for  the  promotion  of  sectional  interests.  This  was 
true  of  the  South  as  well  as  of  the  East.  After  what  has  been 
presented  in  demonstration  of  the  truth  that  it  has  been  used  for 
this  purpose  at  the  East,  let  us  turn  a  moment  to  the  South,  and 
here  we  shall  not  multiply  testimony,  as  no  one  doubts  that  the 
struggle  of  the  southern  States  has  been  maintained  to  secure 
the  balance  of  power  in  their  own  favor,  that  they  might,  under 
the  guarantees  of  the  Constitution,  be  able  to  protect  their  prop- 
erty in  slaves. 

Mr.  Wise,  in  his  speech  on  the  Texas  question,  January  26, 
1842,  sums  up  the  Southern  view  of  the  subject  thus  briefly ; 

"  True,  if  Iowa  be  added  on  the  one  side,  Florida  will  be  added  on 
the  other.  But  there  the  equation  must  stop.  Let  one  more  north- 
ern State  be  admitted,  and  the  equilibrium  is  gone — gone  forever. 
The  halance  of  interests  is  gone — the  safe-guard  of  American  prop- 
erty— of  the  American  Constitution — of  the  Ameripan  Union,  van- 
ished into  thin  air.  This  must  he  the  inevitable  result^  unless,  by  a 
treaty  with  Mexico,  THE  South  can  add  more  weight  to  her  end  OP 
THE  lever  !  Let  the  South  stop  at  the  Sabine,  (the  eastern  boundary 
of  Texas,)  while  the  North  may  spread  unchecked  beyond  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  and  the  Southern  scale  must  kick  the  beam."* 

Nothing  can  be  clearer  to  the  comprehensiou  of  intelligent  men 
than  that  the  war  waged  by  New  England  against  the  South  has 
been  prosecuted  for  the  purpose  of  sustaining  her  own  sectional 
interests,  and  that  the  crusade  against  slavery  has  been  only  a 
secondary  consideration,  and  employed  as  a  means  of  accomplish- 
ing the  real  object  in  view.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  equally  plain, 
that  the  South  have  resisted  the  aggressions  of  the  North  from 
motives  of  a  similar  nature.  Both  have  been  influenced  by  sec- 
tional interests  ;  both  have  equally  struggled  to  maintain  the  bal- 
ance of  poAver  in  their  own  hands.  The  North  began  the  warfare, 
and  the  South  accepted  the  challenge.  The  West,  springing  into 
existence  with  giant  strength,  was  inclined  to  fight  upon  the  side 
of  her  foster-mother,  the  South.     Abolition  came,  with  its  foetid 


*  Niles'  Kegister,  May  13,  1843,  p.  174,  where  it  is  quoted  in  the  manifesto 
of  Mr.  Adams  and  his  associates. 


MOVEMENTS    OF    THE    ABOLITIONISTS — IN    CONGRESS.  497 

breath,  to  poison  the  atmosphere,  and,  under  the  influence  of  the 
temporary  delirium  produced,  to  array  her  on  the  side  of  the 
East.  The  question  at  issue,  substantially,  was,  whether  New 
England  should  multiply  her  spindles,  or  the  South  extend  its 
slavery :  and,  as  involved  in  the  issue,  whether  the  West  should 
have  a  broadly  extending  market  for  its  products,  by  the  exten- 
sion of  cotton  culture  in  the  southwest,  or  be  shut  up  to  the 
meager  demand  created  by  the  parsimonious  stomachs  of  New 
England.  The  opposition  to  the  admission  of  Texas,  if  success- 
ful, would  limit  slavery  to  the  States  where  it  already  existed. 
The  natural  increase  of  the  slave  population,  under  these  cir- 
cumstances, would  soon  be  such  as  to  render  their  labor  unpro- 
ductive to  the  planter,  in  consequence  of  their  over-crowded  con- 
dition ;  and  his  inability  to  make  money  from  their  labor  would 
compel  him  to  emancipate  them,  and  thus  the  natural  market  for 
the  products  of  the  western  farmer  be  ruined  forever.  That  the 
West  took  this  view  of  the  question  of  securing  Texas  to  the 
Union,  is  amply  demonstrated  by  the  eagerness  with  which  her 
sons  rushed  to  its  rescue  when  Mexico  threatened  its  subju- 
gation. 

The  Legislature  of  Mississippi,  during  the  agitation  of  the 
question  of  annexing  Texas,  gave  an  expression  of  opinion  Avhich 
may  be  taken  as  representing  that  of  the  South  generally.  It 
said: 

"  But  we  hasten  to  suggest  the  importance  of  the  annexation  of 
Texas  to  this  Kepublic  on  grounds  somewhat  local  in  their  complex- 
ion, but  of  an  import  infinitely  grave  and  interesting  to  the  people 
who  inhabit  the  southern  portion  of  this  confederacy,  where  it  is  known 
that  a  species  of  domestic  slavery  is  tolerated  and  protected  by  law, 
whose  existence  is  prohibited  by  the  legal  regulations  of  other  States 
of  this  confederacy ;  which  system  of  slavery  is  held  by  all  who  are 
familiarly  acquainted  with  its  practical  effects,  to  he  of  highly  heneficial 
influence  to  the  country  within  whose  limits  it  is  permitted  to  exist. 

"  The  committee  feel  authorized  to  say,  that  this  system  is  cherished 
by  our  constituents  as  the  very  palladium  of  their  prosperity  and  hap>- 
piness ;  and,  whatever  ignorant  fanatics  may  elsewhere  conjecture,  the 
committee  are  fully  assured,  upon  the  most  diligent  observation  and 
reflection  on  the  subject,  that  the  South  does  not  possess  within  her  Urn- 
■  32 


498  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

its  a  blessing  with  which  the  affections  of  her  people  are  so  closely  en- 
twined, and  so  completely  enjibered,  and  whose  value  is  more  highly- 
appreciated  than  that  which  we  are  now  considering. 

"  The  northern  States  have  no  interests  of  their  own  which  require 
any  special  safeguards  for  their  defense,  save  only  their  domestic 
manufactures  ;  and  God  knows  they  have  already  received  protection 
from  Government  on  a  most  liberal  scale  ;  under  which  encouragement 
they  have  improved  and  flourished  beyond  example.  The  South  has 
very  peculiar  interests  to  preserve — interests  already  violently  assailed 
and  boldly  threatened. 

"  Your  committee  are  fully  "persuaded  that  this  protection  to  her  best 
interest  will  be  afforded  by  the  annexation  of  Texas;  an  equipoise  of 
influence  in  the  halls  of  Congress  will  be  secured,  which  will  furnish 
us  a  permanent  guarantee  of  protection  ^  ^ 

It  will  be  observed  here,  that  the  action  of  the  South  was 
not  so  much  influenced  by  hostility  to  the  tarifi"  policy  of  New 
England,  as  it  was  by  the  existing  necessity  of  protecting  itself 
against  the  interference  of  the  fanatics  of  the  North  with  the 
institution  of  slavery.  That  there  was  extreme  danger,  every 
Southern  man  fully  believed ;  and  how  could  that  belief  be  other- 
wise, when,  as  early  as  March,  1854,  such  language  as  the  fol- 
lowing was  uttered  on  the  floor  of  Congress  ?    Mr,  Giddings  said : 

"  Sir,  I  would  intimidate  no  one  ;  but  I  tell  you  there  is  a  spirit  at 
the  North  which  will  set  at  defiance  all  the  low  and  unworthy  machi- 
nations of  this  Executive,  and  of  the  minions  of  its  power.  When  the 
contest  shall  come,  when  the  thunder  shall  roll,  and  the  lightning 
flash ;  when  the  slaves  shall  rise  in  the  South ;  when,  in  imitation  of 
the  Cuban  bondmen,  the  Southern  slaves  of  the  South  shall  feel  that 
they  are  men  ;  when  they  feel  the  stirring  emotions  of  immortality, 
and  recognize  the  stirring  truth  that  they  are  men,  and  entitled  to  the 
rights  which  God  has  bestowed  upon  them ;  when  the  slaves  shall  feel 
that,  and  when  the  masters  shall  turn  pale  and  tremble  ;  when  their 
dwellings  shall  smoke,  and  dismay  sit  on  each  countenance,  then,  sir 
I  do  not  say,  '  We  will  laugh  at  your  calamity,  and  mock  when  your 
fear  cometh ; '  but  I  do  say,  when  that  time  shall  come,  the  lovers  of 
our  race  will    stand    forth    and  exert  the  legitimate  powers  of  this 

*  Niles'  Eegister,  May  13,  1843,  as  quoted  in  manifesto  of  Messrs.  Adams, 
Giddings,  etc.,  pages  1 73,  1  74. 


MOVEMENTS   OF   THE    ABOLITIONISTS — IN   CONGRESS.  499 

Government  for  freedom.  We  sliall  then  have  constitutional  power 
to  act  for  the  good  of  our  country,  and  do  justice  to  the  slave. 

"  Then  we  will  strike  off  the  shackles  from  the  limbs  of  the  slaves. 
That  will  be  a  period  when  this  Grovernment  will  have  power  to  act 
between  slavery  and  freedom,  and  when  it  can  make  peace  by  giving 
freedom  to  the  slaves.  And  let  me  tell  you,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  the 
time  hastens.  It  is  rolling  forward.  The  President  is  exerting  a 
power  that  will  hasten  it,  though  not  intended  by  him.  I  hail  it  as  I 
do  the  approaching  dawn  of  that  political  and  moral  millennium  which 
I  am  well  assured  will  come  upon  the  world."  * 

We  shall  not  pursue  this  subject  farther  than  to  make  one 
more  quotation,  which,  when  taken  in  connection  with  what  is 
said  and  quoted  in  the  preceding  pages,  will  throw  a  flood  of  light 
upon  the  schemes  of  the  New  England  agitators.  The  Neiv  York 
Anti-slavery  Standa7'd,  June  21, 1856,  made  the  following  revela- 
tion as  to  the  office  performed  by  the  abolitionists,  and  the  designs 
they  had  in  view  : 

"  The  Whig  party,  five  years  ago  in  power,  and  with  a  reasonable 
prospect  of  maintaining  it,  now  dispersed,  is  demolished  to  powder. 
.     .     .    .     The  abolitionists  saw  that  this  must  come  to  pass ;  but  they 

did  not  dream  of  its  accomplishing  itself  so  soon That 

the  national  parties  should,  sooner  or  later,  divide  on  the  only  real 

matter  of  dispute  existing  in  the  country,  was  inevitable 

But  the  lines  are  now  drawn,  and  the  hosts  are  encamped  over  against 
each  other.  The  attempt  to  keep  up  a  delusive  alliance  with  natural 
enemies  has  been  abandoned. 

"  The  abolitionists  have  been  telling  these  things  in  the  ears  of  the 
people  for  a  quarter  of  a  century.  They  have  had  a  double  part  in 
what  has  come  to  pass,  both  hy  preparing  the  minds  of  the  people  of  the 
N^orth,  and  hy  compelling  the  people  of  the  South  to  the  very  atrocities 
which  have  startled  the  North  info  attention.f  Nothing  but  the  mad- 
ness which  ushers  in  destruction,  and  the  pride  which  goes  before  a 
fall,  on  the  part  of  the  slaveholders,  could  have  roused  the  sluggish 
North  from  its  comfortable  dreams  of  wealth,  and  made  it  put  itself 

even  into  a  posture  of  resistance It  is  long  since  this 

paper  took  the  ground  that  the  first  thing,  though  by  no  means  the 

*  Political  Text-Book,  p.  23. 

t  The  sentence  we  have  italicised  is  an  important  declaration. 


y 


500  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

only  thing  needful,  was  the  formation  of  sectional  parties — of  parties 
distinctly  Northern  and  Southern,  and,  of  necessity,  slavery  and  anti- 
slavery.  We  rejoice  that  our  eyes  behold  the  day  of  that  beginning 
of  the  end."  * 

Here  we  have  a  choice  revelation !  The  office-holding  aboli- 
tionists had  declared  that  a  servile  or  civil  war,  or  both  combined, 
would  afford  them  an  opportunity  for  abolishing  slavery,  irrespect- 
ive of  constitutional  obligations  to  the  contrary  ;  and  had  rejoiced 
at  the  thought  that  they  could  see  the  wished-for  day  approach- 
ing. On  this  ground  they  had  taken  their  stand,  and  were  only 
awaiting  the  sounding  of  the  war-trumpet  to  hasten  to  the  execu- 
tion of  their  purpose.  On  the  other  hand,  the  abolition  editors, 
clergymen,  and  civilians,  after  having  educated  the  North  up  to 
this  point,  as  they  supposed,  were  perseveringly  engaged  in 
attempting,  first,  to  promote  servile  insurrections  among  the 
slaves,  and,  second,  in  provoking  the  people  of  the  South  to  the 
perpetration  of  the  atrocities  which  would  excite  the  North  to 
resistance,  and  thus  bring  on  the  terrible  collision  of  arms  which 
would  usher  in  the  moral  millennium  of  Mr.  Giddings  !  A  slave 
insurrection,  or  a  rebellion,  would  equally  promote  their  abolition 
schemes.  Was  not  Mr.  Johnson  right  in  charging  that  there  was 
a  deliberate  design,  on  the  part  of  the  abolitionists  of  the  North, 
to  dissolve  the  Union?  We  have  it  here  confessed;  and  the" 
scheme  was  to  goad  on  the  South  to  acts  of  resistance  against 
the  aggressions  of  the  abolitionists,  and  then,  when  the  collision 
came,  and  they  had  a  sectional  Executive,  the  abolition  of  slavery 
could  be  effected  by  a  single  dash  of  his  pen.  They  have  suc- 
ceeded in  the  first,  but,  thank  God,  they  have  failed  in  the  last. 

But  we  shall  pass  on,  and  before  completing  our  remarks  on 
this  topic,  we  must  present  the  views  of  numerous  individuals, 
so  as  to  show  the  wide  spread  disaffection  to  the  Union  which 
prevailed  at  the  North,  and  contributed  so  efficiently  to  the  pro- 
duction of  our  present  national  calamities. 

*  Political  Text-Book,  p.  18. 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  ABOLITIONISTS — BY  INDIVIDUALS.      501 

Section  III. — Opinions  of  Individuals,  etc.,  relating  to 
THE  Subject  of  Slavery,  as  illustrating  the  Abolition 
Movement. 

As  before  stated,  we  are  not  preparing  a  connected  history  of 
the  abolition  movement,  but  presenting  such  facts  as  will  serve  to 
illustrate  its  character  and  objects.  In  addition  to  the  produc- 
tions of  the  political  abolitionists,  and  the  debates  in  Congress,  we 
now  turn  to  such  of  the  leading  incidents  and  opinions  of  indi- 
viduals, or  public  assemblies  connected  with  this  fanatical  cru- 
sade, as  may  best  serve  still  further  to  illustrate  its  inner  life. 

At  the  opening  of  Pennsylvania  Hall,  Philadelphia,  in  1838,  a 
leading  abolition  lady,  who  had  been  recently  married,  and  whose 
bridal  attendants  were  composed  of  one  half  whites,  and  the  other 
half  blacks,  offered  the  following  resolutions,  which  were  adopted : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  prejudice  against  color  is  the  very  spirit  of 
slavery,  sinful  in  those  who  indulge  it ;  and  is  the  fire  which  is  con- 
suming the  happiness  and  energies  of  the  free  people  of  color. 

"  That  it  is,  therefore,  the  duty  of  the  abolitionists  to  identify  them- 
selves with  the  oppressed  Americans,  by  sitting  with  them  in  places 
of  worship,  by  appearing  with  them  in  our  streets,  by  giving  them  our 
countenance  in  steamboats  and  stages,  by  visiting  them  at  their  homes, 
and  encouraging  them  to  visit  us,  receiving  them  as  we  do  our  white 
fellow-citizens."*  (1) 

Among  the  letters  received  by  the  committee  having  charge  of 
the  proceedings  connected  with  the  opening  of  the  Hall  above 
referred  to,  is  one  from  Hon.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania, 
dated  May  5,  1838,  which  reads  as  follows : 

"  Gentlemen: — I  have  delayed  answering  yours  until  this  time,  that 
I  might  be  able  to  decide  with  certainty  whether  I  could  comply  with 
your  invitation  to  be  present  at  the  opening  of  the  Pennsylvania  Hall 
for  the  free  discussion  of  liberty  and  equality  of  civil  rights,  and  the 
evil  of  slavery. 

"  I  regret  that  I  can  not  be  with  you  on  that  occasion.  I  know 
no  spectacle  which  it  would  give  me  greater  pleasure  to  witness,  than 

*  Washington  Globe,  Extra,  Sept.,  1840,  p.  203. 


502  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

a  dedication  of  a  temple  of  liberty.  Your  objects  should  meet  wifh 
the  approbation  of  every  free  man.  It  will  meet  the  approbation  of 
every  man  who  respects  the  rights  of  others  as  much  as  he  loves  his 
own.  Interest,  fashion,  false  religion,  and  tyranny  may  triumph  for  a 
while,  and  rob  a  man  of  his  inalienable  rights ;  but  the  people  can  not 
always  be  deceived,  and  will  not  always  be  oppressed."* 

The  Legislature  of  Ohio,  during  its  session  of  1840,  passed  a 
resolution,  two  only  voting  in  the  negative,  that  slavery  is  an  in- 
stitution recognized  by  the  Constitution ;  and  another,  declaring 
that  "  the  unlawful,  unwise,  and  unconstitutional  interference  of 
the  fanatical  abolitionists  of  the  North  with  the  domestic  institu- 
tions of  the  southern  States  was  highly  criminal."  f  That  was 
then  the  sentiment  of  Ohio,  and  is  still  its  sentiment,  if  fairly- 
expressed. 

On  the  25th  of  February,  1850,  Mr.  Giddings,  of  Ohio,  pre- 
sented two  petitions  from  citizens  of  Delaware  and  Pennsylvania, 
praying  Congress,  without  delay,  to  devise  and  propose  "  some 
plan  for  the  immediate,  peaceful  dissolution  of  the  Union." 

Mr.  Webster  suggested  that  there  should  have  been  a  pream- 
ble to  the  petition  in  these  words : — 

"  Gentlemen,  members  of  Congress  : —  }Vliereas,  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  session  you,  and  each  of  you,  took  your  solemn  oaths, 
in  the  presence  of  God  and  the  holy  evangelists,  that  you  would  sup- 
port the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  now,  therefore,  we  pray 
you  to  take  immediate  steps  to  break  up  the  Union,  and  overthrow 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  as  soon  as  you  can.  And,  as 
in  duty  bound,  we  will  ever  pray." 

On  January  16,  1855,  Rev.  H.  W.  Beecher,  in  a  lecture,  in 
New  York,  on  the  subject  of  cutting  the  North  from  the  South, 
said : 

"All  attempts  at  evasion,  at  adjourning,  at  concealing,  and  compro- 
mising, are  in  vain.  The  reason  of  our  long  agitation  is  not,  that 
ministers  will  meddle  with  improper  themes,  that  parties  are  disre- 
gardful  of  their  country's  interest.  These  are  symptoms  only,  not 
the  disease ;  the  effects,  not  the  causes. 

*  Washington  Globe,  Extra,  October,  1840,  p,  315. 
t  Niles'  Kegister,  February  8,  1840. 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  ABOLITIONISTS — BY  INDIVIDUALS.       503 

"Two  great  powers,  that  will  not  live  together,  are  in  our  midst, 
and  tugging  at  each  other's  throats.  They  will  search  each  other 
out,  though  you  separate  them  a  hundred  times.  And  if  by  an  in- 
sane blindness  you  shall  contrive  to  put  off  the  issue,  and  send  this 
unsettled  dispute  down  to  your  children,  it  will  go  down,  gathering 
volume  and  strength  at  every  step,  to  waste  and  desolate  their  herit- 
age. Let  it  be  settled  now.  Clear  the  place.  Bring  in  the  cham- 
pions. Let  them  put  their  lances  in  rest  for  the  charge.  Sound  the 
trumpet,  and  God  save  the  right!"* 

At  a  public  meeting  held  in  his  church,  to  promote  emigra- 
tion to  Kansas,  the  Rev.  H.  W.  Beecher  made  the  following  re- 
marks, as  reported  in  the  N'.  Y.  Evening  Post :  ' 

"  He  believed  that  the  Sharp  rifle  was  truly  moral  agency,  and 
there  was  more  moral  power  in  one  of  those  instruments,  so  far  as 
the  slaveholders  of  Kansas  were  concerned,  than  in  a  hundred  Bibles. 
You  might  just  as  well,"  said  he,  "read  the  Bible  to  buffaloes,  as  to 
those  fellows  who  follow  Atchinson  and  Stringfellow ;  but  they  have 
a  supreme  respect  for  the  logic  that  is  embodied  in  Sharp's  rifles. 
The  Bible  is  addressed  to  the  conscience ;  but  when  you  address  it  to 
them  it  has  no  effect — there  is  no  conscience  there.  Though  he  was 
a  peace  man,  he  had  the  greatest  regard  for  Sharp's  rifles,  and  for  that 
pluck  that  induced  those  New  England  men  to  use  them."f  (2) 

Simeon  Bkown,  Esq.,  of  Massachusetts,  the  Free  Soil  candidate 
for  Lieutenant-Governor,  gave  a  statement,  while  canvassing  the 
State,  of  the  political  objects  in  view  by  his  party,  as  follows: 

"  The  object  to  be  accomplished  is  this :  That  the  free  States  shall 
take  possession  of  the  Government  by  their  united  votes.  Minor  in- 
terests, and  old  party  afiiliations  and  prejudices  must  be  forgotten. 
"We  have  the  power  in  number;  our  strength  is  in  union. "| 

Mr.  BuRLiNGAME,  in  one  of  his  speeches,  said : 

"  If  asked  to  state  specially  what  he  would  do,  he  would  answer : 
.  .  .  He  would  have  judges  who  believe  in  a  higher  law,  and  an 
anti-slavery  Constitution,  and  an  anti-slavery  Bible,  and  an  anti-slav- 
ery God !  Having  thus  denationalized  slavery,  he  would  not  menace 
it  in  the  States  where  it  exists ;  but  would  say  to  the  States,  it  is  your 

*  Political  Text-Book,  p.  19.  t  Ibid.,  p.  20.  J  Ibid. 


504  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

local  institution  —  hug  it  to  your  bosom  until  it  destroys  you.  You 
must  let  our  freedom  alone.  [Applause.]  If  you  but  touch  the  hem 
of  the  garment  of  freedom,  we  will  trample  you  to  the  earth.  [Loud 
applause.]  ...  In  conclusion,  he  expressed  the  hope  that  soon 
the  time  might  come  when,  the  sun  would  not  rise  on  a  master,  nor 
set  on  a  slave."  * 

Rev.  Andrew  Foss,  of  New  Hampshire,  at  the  American  Anti- 
slavery  Society  meeting  at  New  York,  May,  1857,  said : 

"  If  the  angel  Grabriel  had  done  what  their  fathers  did,  he  would 
be  a  scoundrel  for  it.  Their  fathers  placed  within  the  Constitution  a 
provision  for  the  rendition  of  fugitive  slaves,  and  therein  did  a  wicked 
thing.  .  .  .  Where  slavery  and  freedom  are  put  in  the  one  nation, 
there  must  be  a  fight — there  must  be  an  explosion,  just  as  if  fire  and 
powder  were  brought  together.  There  never  was  an  hour  when  this 
blasphemous  and  infamous  government  should  be  made,  and  now  the 
hour  was  to  be  prayed  for  when  that  disgrace  to  humanity  should  be 
dashed  to  pieces  forever."  f 

Rev.  B.  0.  Frothestgham,  of  New  Jersey,  at  the  American 
Anti-slavery  Society  meeting.  New  York,  May,  1857,  said : 

"  They  demanded  justice  for  the  slave  at  any  price — of  Constitu- 
tion, of  Union,  of  country.  This  was  the  principle  of  the  anti-slavery 
association.  It  was  it  which  urged  their  next  demand — the  immediate 
emancipation  of  the  slave — for  the  same  reason  as  they  would  demand 
of  a  person  pursuing  a  vicious  course  of  drunkenness,  gambling,  or 
debauchery,  that  he  should  desist  from  it  at  once,  at  any  cost  of  phys- 
ical pain.  Immediate  emancipation  presented  no  financial  or  political 
diificulty.  He  believed  that  this  Union  efi"ectually  prevented  them 
from  advancing  in  the  least  degree  the  work  of  the  slave's  redemp- 
tion  The  Northern  people  were  beginning  to  see  that  the 

South  was  divided  from  them  by  its  system  of  labor  and  by  its  ideas 
of  human  rights.  They  wanted  to  make  that  gulf  of  division  deeper. 
.  .  .  .  As  to  the  word  '  Union,'  they  all  knew  it  was  but  a  politi- 
cal catch-word."  J 

The  Hon.  Horace  Mann,§  while  representing  Massachusetts 
in  the  31st  Congress,  said : 

*  Political  Text-Book,  p.  20.  f  Ibid.  t  Ibid.,  p.  21. 

§  Late  of  Antioch  College,  Yellow  Springs,  Ohio. 


MOVEMENTS    OF   THE   ABOLITIONISTS — BY  INDIVIDUALS.       605 

.  "  In  conclusion,  I  have  only  to  add,  that  such  is  my  solemn  and  abid- 
ing conviction  of  the  character  of  slavery,  that,  under  a  full  sense  of 
my  responsibility  to  my  country  and  my  God,  I  deliberately  say,  bet- 
ter disunion — better  a  civil  or  servile  war — better  anything  that  God 
in  his  providence  shall  send — than  an  extension  of  the  bounds  of 
slavery."*  (3) 

Edmund  Quincy,  of  Massachusetts,  at  the  meeting  of  the 
American  New  York  Anti-slavery  Society,  at  New  York  City, 
May,  1857,  said: 

"He  wished  for  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  because  he  wanted 
Massachusetts  to  be  left  free  to  right  her  own  wrongs.  If  so,  she 
would  have  no  trouble  in  sending  her  ships  to  Charleston,  and  laying 
it  in  ashes.  There  was  no  State  in  the  Union  that  would  not  contract, 
at  a  low  figure,  to  whip  South  Carolina.  Massachusetts  could  do  it 
with  one  hand  tied  behind  her  back.  He  did  not  like  such  a  republic 
as  this.  It  was  against  his  conscience.  He  hated  and  abhorred  it. 
In  order  to  hold  any  office  under  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
a  man  must  swear  to  support  the  Constitution,  and,  consequently,  to 
support  slavery  in  its  various  phases.  It  was  as  as  inevitable  that  this 
Union  should  be  dissolved  as  that  water  and  oil  must  separate,  no 
matter  how  much  they  may  be  shaken.  They  could  not  tell  how  it 
was  to  be  done,  but  done  it  must  be."  f 

Hon.  JosiAH  QuiNCY,  at  Boston,  August  18,  1854,  said: 

"  The  Nebraska  fraud  is  not  the  burden  on  which  I  now  intend  to 
speak.  There  is  one  nearer  home,  more  immediately  present,  and  more 
insupportable.  Of  what  that  burden  is,  I  shall  speak  plainly.  The 
obligation  incumbent  upon  the  free  States  to  deliver  up  fugitive  slaves 
is  that  burden — and  it  must  be  obliterated  from  that  Constitution  at 
every  hazard. "J 

The  American  Foreign  Anti-slavery  Society,  in  the  resolutions 
passed  at  one  of  their  meetings,  revealed  the  foreign  sources  of 
the  abolition  strength  in  this  country,  by  expressing  their  thank- 
fulness for  the  munificent  contributions  thej  had  received  from 
the  "  earnest  men  and  women "  of  Great  Britain.  These  con- 
tributions, it  must  be  noted,  have  been  made  in  the  midst  of  the 

*  Political  Text-Book,  p.  25.  tibid.,  p.  26.  J  Ibid.,  p.  26. 


506  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

protestations  of  the  abolitionists,  that  they  were  laboring  for  the 
overthrow  of  the  American  Union.  One  of  the  resolutions  reads 
thus : 

'■'■Resolved,  That  the  discriminating  sense  of  justice,  the  steadfast 
devotedness,  the  generous  munificence,  the  untiring  zeal,  the  industry, 
skill,  taste,  and  genius,  with  which  British  abolitionists  have  co-oper- 
ated with  us  for  the  extinction  of  slavery,  command  our  gratitude. 

"  From  the  abolitionists  of  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland,  we  have 
received  renewed  and  increasing  assurances  and  proofs  of  their  con- 
stant and  enlightened  zeal  in  behalf  of  the  American  slave.  Liberal 
gifts  from  all  of  these  countries,  falling  behind  none  of  the  most 
bounteous  of  former  years,  helped  to  fill  the  scanty  treasury  of  the 
slave."*  (4) 

A  convention  held  in  Boston,  in  1855,  adopted,  by  a  unani- 
mous vote,  these  resolutions  : 

'■'■Resolved,  That  a  constitution  which  provides  for  a  slave  represen- 
tation and  a  slave  oligarchy  in  Congress,  which  legalizes  slave-hunting 
and  slave-catching  on  every  inch  of  American  soil,  and  which  pledges 
the  military  and  naval  power  of  the  country  to  keep  four  millions  of 
chattel  slaves  in  their  chains,  is  to  be  trodden  under  foot  and  pro- 
nounced accursed,  however  unexceptionable  or  valuable  may  be  its 
other  provisions. 

^'■Resolved,  That  the  one  great  issue  before  the  country  is,  the  dis- 
solution of  the  Union,  in  comparision  with  which  all  other  issues  with 
the  slave  power  are  as  dust  in  the  balance  ;  therefore  we  will  give  our- 
selves to  the  work  of  annulling  this  '  covenant  with  death,'  as  essen- 
tial to  our  own  innocency,  and  the  speedy  and  everlasting  overthrow 
of  the  slave  system. "f 

The  Legislature  of  New  Hampshire,  in  1856,  passed  the  fol- 
lowing resolution,  in  reference  to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise : 

"•Resolved,  That,  the  people  of  New  Hampshire  demand,  as  a  right, 
the  restoration  of  said  Compromise,  and  the  amendment  of  the  Kansas 
Nebraska  Bill,  so-called,  so  as  to  exclude  slavery  from  said  territories, 
and  will  never  consent  to  the  admission  into  tbe  Union  of  any  State 
out  of  said  territory  with  a  constitution  tolerating  slavery. "| 

*  Political  Text-Book,  p.  26.  j  Ibid.,  p.  26.  J  Ibid.,  p.  26. 


MOVEMENTS    OF    THE    ABOLITIONISTS — BY    INDIVIDUALS.       507 

Hon.  W.  R.  Sapp,  of  Ohio,  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
1st  session,  34th  Congress,  said : 

"Yes,  with  freedom  and  Fremont  and  Dayton  emblazoned  on  the 
ample  folds  of  our  national  banner,  we  will  drive  the  base  minions  of 
slavery  from  their  control  of  the  Grovernment,  and  we  will  use  its 
powers  to  build  up  our  new  country  free  from  the  taints  of  slavery, 
and  make  America  worthy  of  being  the  North  Star  of  freedom,  by 
which  the  eye  of  the  exile  can  be  guided  with  safety  to  the  asylum 
of  liberty."* 

Senator  Wade,  of  Ohio,  in  a  speech  at  a  mass  meeting  of  the 
Republicans,  held  in  Maine,  in  1855,  according  to  the  Boston 
Atlas,  said : 

"  There  was  really  no  Union  between  the  North  and  the  South,  and 
he  believed  no  two  nations  upon  the  earth  entertained  feelings  of  more 
bitter  rancor  toward  each  other  than  these  two  sections  of  the  Repub- 
lic. The  only  salvation  of  the  Union,  therefore,  was  to  be  found  in 
divesting  it  entirely  from  all  taint  of  slavery.  There  was  no  Union 
with  the  South.  Let  us  have  a  Union,  said  he,  or  let  us  sweep  away 
this  remnant  which  we  call  a  Union.  I  go  for  a  Union  where  all  men 
are  equal,  or  for  no  Union  at  all,  and  I  go  for  right. "f  (5) 

Judge  Spaulding,  of  Ohio,  in  the  Republican  Conventoin,  said : 

"  In  the  case  of  the  alternative  being  presented  of  the  continuance 
of  slavery  or  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  I  am  for  dissolution,  and  I 
care  not  how  quick  it  comes. "J 

Senator  Sumner,  of  Massachusetts,  in  a  speech  delivered  in 
Faneuil  Hall,  Boston,  on  the  2d  November,  1855,  said : 

"  Not  that  I  love  the  Union  less,  but  freedom  more,  do  I  now,  in 
pleading  this  great  cause,  insist  that  freedom,  at  all  hazards,  shall  be 
preserved.  God  forbid  that  for  the  sake  of  the  Union,  we  should 
sacrifice  the  very  thing  for  which  the  Union  was  made."§ 

During  the  debate  in  the  Senate,  on  the  26th  June,  1854,  Mr. 
Butler,  of  South  Carolina,  said  : 

"  I  would  like  to  ask  the  Senator,  if  Congress  repealed  the  fugitive 

*  Political  Text-Book,  p.  27.     t  Ibid.,  p.  29.     J  Ibid.,  p.  28.     §  Ibid.,  p.  28. 


608  PULPIT     POLITICS. 

slave  law,  would  Massachusetts  execute  the  Constitutional  require- 
ments, and  send  back  to  the  South  the  absconding  slaves  ? 

"  Mr.  Sumner. — Do  you  ask  if  I  would  send  back  a  slave? 

"  Mr.  Butler. — Why,  yes. 

"  Mr.  Sumner. — Is  thy  servant  a  dog,  that  he  should  do  this  thing? 

"Mr.  Butler.  Then  you  would  not  obey  the  Constitution.  Sir, 
standing  here  before  this  tribunal,  where  you  swore  to  support  it,  you 
rise  and  tell  me  that  you  regard  it  the  office  of  a  dog  to  enforce  it. 
You  stand  in  my  presence  as  a  co-equal  Senator,  and  tell  me  that  it 
is  a  dog's  office  to  execute  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  1  " 

To  which  Mr.  Sumner  said : 

"  I  recognize  no  such  obligation."* 

A  convention  was  held  in  the  city  of  Buffalo,  in  1843,  at  which 
the  following  resolution  was  unanimously  adopted,  with  Mr.  Chase 
as  chairman  on  resolutions  : 

'■^Resolved,  That  we  hereby  give  it  distinctly  to  be  understood,  by 
this  nation  and  the  world,  that,  as  abolitionists,  considering  that  the 
strength  of  our  cause  lies  in  its  righteousness,  and  our  hopes  for  it  in 
our  conformity  to  the  laws  of  God  and  our  support  of  the  rights  of 
man,  we  owe  to  the  sovereign  Ruler  of  the  Universe,  as  a  proof  of  our 
allegiance  to  Him,  in  all  our  civil  relations  and  offices,  whether  as 
friends,  citizens,  or  public  functionaries  sworn  to  support  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  to  regard  and  treat  the  third  clause  of 
the  instrument,  whenever  applied  in  the  case  of  a  fugitive  slave,  as 
utterly  null  and  void,  and,  consequently,  as  forming  no  part  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  whenever  we  are  called  upon  or 
sworn  to  support  it.''f  (6) 

REMARKS   ON  THE   FOREGOING   EXPRESSIONS   OP   OPINION. 

(1)  This  extreme  view  of  negro  equafity  was  once  popular 
among  the  early  abolitionists  ;  but,  for  many  cogent  reasons, 
founded  upon  the  actual  workings  of  the  system,  the  social  equal- 
ity of  the  black  man  is  not  now  practically  recognized  in  respect- 
able circles  of  the  abolitionists. 

(2)  It  is  well  to  note  the  eagerness  of  Rev.  H.  W.  Beecher,  as 

*  Political  Text-Book,  p.  28.  t  Ibid.,  p.  27. 


MOVEMENTS  OP  THE  ABOLITIONISTS — BY  INDIVIDUALS.      509 

early  as  1855,  for  the  conflict  that  was  to  cut  the  North  loose 
from  the  South ;  and,  in  this  connection,  to  put  upon  record  the 
declaration  of  that  clergyman,  that  "  one  Sharp's  rifle  "  had  more 
moral  power  "  than  a  hundred  Bibles."  His  assertion  may  prob- 
ably be  true,  if  restricted  to  that  sacred  volume  as  interpreted  by 
himself. 

(3)  Passing  by  the  extravagance  of  persons  of  minor  consid- 
eration, we  cite,  as  a  representative  man,  the  language  of  Hon. 
Horace  Mann.  He  but  gave  utterance  to  the  traitorous  senti- 
ments common  among  abolitionists,  when  he  said :  "  Better  dis- 
union— better  a  civil  or  servile  war — better  anything  that  God  in 
his  providence  shall  send — than  an  extension  of  the  bounds  of 
slavery."  In  this,  he  but  expressed  the  wishes  of  the  Massachu- 
setts lords  of  the  cotton  spindle,  whom  he  represented.  Edmund 
Quincy,  of  Boston,  too,  had  to  express  his  abhorrence  of  our 
republic,  because  of  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution,  and 
predicted  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  as  inevitable.  Hon.  Jo- 
siah  Quincy,  of  the  same  city,  expressed  the  determination  that 
the  fugitive  slave  clause  must  be  obliterated  from  the  Constitu- 
tion at  every  hazard.  These  traitorous  sentiments  passed  unre- 
buked  by  conservative  men,  because  no  danger  was  apprehended 
from  such  insane  ravings. 

(4)  It  is  instructive  to  find,  in  the  midst  of  the  labors  of  the 
abolitionists  for  the  destruction  of  the  American  Union,  that 
British  gold  was  poured  with  "generous  munificence"  into  their 
treasury  to  aid  them  in  their  unhallowed  purposes.  It  is  equally 
so,  too,  to  find  a  convention  in  the  city  of  Boston,  without  rebuke 
from  its  citizens,  as  long  ago  as  1855,  pronouncing  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States  "accursed;"  and  asserting  that  the 
one  great  issue  before  the  country  was  "the  dissolution  of  the 
Union." 

(5)  Hon.  B.  F.  Wade,  Hon.  Charles  Sumner,  and  Judge  Spauld- 
ing,  in  expressing  their  desire  for  a  dissolution  of  the  Union, 
rather  than  that  slavery  should  be  continued,  gave  utterance  to 
what,  at  the  time,  was  a  common  sentiment  among  abolitionists. 

(6)  The  convention  at  Buffalo,  in  resolving  to  repudiate  the 
clause  of  the  Constitution  for  the  rendition  of  fugitive  slaves, 


610  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

notwithstanding  their  oaths  to  support  the  Constitution,  is  to  be 
taken  as  a  fair  index  of  the  extent  to  which  the  revolutionary 
sentiment  of  the  North  had  progressed.  It  seems  strange,  in  a 
civilized  country,  to  hear  men  openly  avow  the  determination  to 
repudiate  Constitutional  engagements,  when  they  could  not  but 
know  that  it  must  lead  to  civil  war,  whenever  the  sentiment  be- 
came general,  and  was  incorporated  into  legislative  enactments. 

How,  then,  did  it  come  to  pass  that  such  opinions  as  these 
became  prevalent  among  the  people  ?  How  did  they  become 
educated  up  to  the  belief  that  they  could,  without  perjuring  their 
souls,  deliberately  violate  their  oaths  to  support  the  Constitution? 
In  answering  these  questions  we  must  remark,  that,  for  a  long 
while,  there  was  no  settled  creed  among  abolitionists  that  would 
cover  all  the  cases  of  conscience  that  might  arise ;  and  the  neces- 
sity for  such  a  production  became  so  pressing  that  the  desider- 
atum was  at  length  supplied.  •  Lysander  Spooner,  Esq.,  of  New 
York,  undertook  the  task,  and  though  his  production  may  not 
have  been  universally  approved  by  abolitionists,  in  all  its  prin- 
ciples, it  yet  aflforded  the  basis  of  the  greater  portion  of  all  sub- 
sequent abolition  action.  It  Avas  published  in  1845,  just  after 
the  complete  organization  of  political  abolitionism ;  and  its  pre- 
cepts and  reasonings  are  to  be  found  ever  afterward  running 
throughout  the  productions  of  abolitionists.  A  synopsis  of  the 
teachings  of  this  Avork,  at  large,  can  not  be  given,  for  want  of 
space ;  but  enough  is  presented  to  afford  a  true  idea  of  its  rad- 
ical and  revolutionary  tendencies.  He  chose  for  his  title,  '•  The 
Unconstitutionality  of  Slavery."  We  shall  begin  with  what  he 
says  of  law : 

"  Law  is  an  intelligible  principle  of  right,  necessarily  resulting  from 
the  nature  of  man  ;  and  not  an  arbitrary  rule,  that  can  be  established 
by  mere  will,  numbers,  or  power.  .  .  .  Natural  law,  then,  is  the 
paramount  law.  .  .  .  And  this  natural  law  is  no  other  than  that  rule 
of  natural  justice  which  results  either  directly  from  men's  natural  rights, 
or  from  such  acquisitions  as  they  have  a  natural  right  to  make,  or  from 

such  contracts  as  they  have  a  natural  right  to  enter  into 

Natural  law,  therefore,  inasmuch  as  it  recognizes  the  natural  right  of 
men  to  enter  into  obligatory  oontraets,  permits  the  formation  of  gov- 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  ABOLITIONISTS — BY  INDIVIDUALS.        511 

ernment,  founded  on  contract,  as  all  our  governments  profess  to  be. 
But  in  order  that  tlie  contract  of  government  may  be  valid  and  lawful, 
it  must  purport  to  authorize  nothing  inconsistent  with  natural  justice, 
and  men's  natural  rights."* 

"If  the  majority,  however  large,  of  the  people  of  a  country  enter 
into  a  contract  of  government,  called  a  constitution,  by  which  they 
agree  to  aid,  abet,  or  accomplish  any  kind  of  injustice,  or  to  destroy  or 
invade  the  natural  rights  of  any  person  or  persons  whatsoever,  whether 
such  persons  be  parties  to  the  compact  or  not,  this  contract  of  govern- 
ment is  unlawful  and  void.  .  .  .  Such  a  contract  of  government 
has  no  moral  sanction.  It  confers  no  rightful  authority  upon  those 
appointed  to  administer  it.  It  confers  no  legal  or  moral  rights,  and 
imposes  no  legal  or  moral  obligation  upon  the  people  who  are  parties 
to  it.  The  only  duties  which  any  one  can  owe  to  it,  or  to  the  govern- 
ment established  under  color  of  its  authority,  are  disobedience,  resist- 
ance, destruction. 

"Judicial  tribunals,  sitting  under  the  authority  of  this  unlawful 
contract  or  constitution,  are  bound,  equally  with  other  men,  to  declare 
it,  and  all  unjust  enactments  passed  by  the  government  in  pursuance 
of  it,  unlawful  and  void.  .  .  .  No  oaths,  which  judicial  or  other 
officers  may  take,  to  carry  out  and  support  an  unlawful  contract  or 
constitution  of  government,  are  of  any  moral  obligation.  It  is  im- 
moral to  take  such  oaths,  and  it  is  criminal  to  fulfill  them. 
If  these  doctrines  are  correct,  then  those  contracts  of  government, 
State  and  National,  which  we  call  constitutions,  are  void  and  unlaw- 
ful, so  far  as  they  purport  to  authorize  (if  any  of  them  do  authorize) 
any  thing  in  violation  of  natural  justice,  or  the  natural  rights  of  any 
man  or  class  of  men  whatsoever.  And  all  judicial  tribunals  are  bound, 
by  the  highest  obligations  that  can  rest  upon  them,  to  declare  that 
these  contracts,  in  all  particulars,  (if  any  such  there  be,)  are  void  and 
not  law.     .     .     .     Such  is  the  true  character  and  definition  of  law."  f 

"  It  being  admitted  that  a  judge  can  rightfully  administer  injustice 
as  law  in  no  case,  and  on  no  pretense  whatever ;  that  he  has  no  right 
to  assume  an  oath  to  do  so ;  and  that  all  oaths  of  that  kind  are  mor- 
ally void ;  the  question  arises,  whether  a  judge,  who  has  actually  sworn 
to  support  an  unjust  constitution,  be  morally  bound  to  resign  his  seat? 
or  whether  he  may  rightfully  retain  his  office,  administering  justice, 


*  Unconstitutionality  of  Slavery,  by  Lysander  Spooner,  pp.  5,  6,  7. 
t  Ibid.,  pp.  9,  10. 


512  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

instead  of  injustice,  regardless  of  his  oath?  The  prevalent  idea  is, 
that  he  ought  to  resign  his  seat ;  and  high  authorities  may  be  cited 
for  this  opinion.  Nevertheless  the  opinion  is,  probably,  erroneous; 
for  it  would  seem  that,  however  wrong  it  may  be  to  take  the  oath,  yet 
the  oath,  when  taken,  being  morally  void  to  all  intents  and  purposes, 
can  no  more  bind  the  taker  to  resign  his  office  than  to  fulfill  the  oath 
itself.  The  case  appears  to  be  this  :  The  office  is  simply  poicer^  put 
into  a  man's  hands  on  the  condition,  based  upon  his  oath,  that  he  will 
use  that  power  to  the  destruction  or  injury  of  some  person's  rights. 
This  condition,  it  is  agreed,  is  void.  He  holds  the  power,  then,  by 
the  same  right  that  he  would  have  done  if  it  had  been  put  into  his 
hands  without  the  condition.  Now,  seeing  that  he  can  not  fulfill,  and 
is  under  no  obligation  to  fulfill,  this  void  condition,  the  question  is, 
whether  he  is  bound  to  resign  the  power,  in  order  that  it  may  be  given 
to  some  one  who  will  fulfill  the  condition  ?  or  whether  he  is  bound  to 
hold  the  power,  not  only  for  the  purpose  of  using  it  himself  in  defense 
of  justice,  but  also  for  the  purpose  of  withholding  it  from  the  hands 
of  those  who,  if  he  surrender  it  to  them,  will  use  it  unjustly?  It  is 
clear  that  he  is  bound  to  retain  it  for  both  of  these  reasons."* 

In  illustration  of  the  principle  here  stated,  the  author  of  the 
work  from  which  we  quote,  puts  the  following  case  : 

"  Suppose  A  and  B  come  to  C  with  money,  which  they  have  stolen 
from  D,  and  intrust  it  to  him,  on  condition  of  his  taking  an  oath  to 
restore  it  to  them  when  they  shall  call  for  it.  Of  course,  C  ought 
not  to  take  such  an  oath  to  get  possession  of  the  money  ;  yet,  if  he 
have  taken  the  oath,  and  received  the  money,  his  duty,  on  both  moral 
and  legal  principles,  is  then  the  same  as  though  he  had  received  it 
without  any  oath  or  condition  :  because  the  oath  and  condition  are  both 
morally  and  legally  void.  And  if  he  we-re  to  restore  the  money  to  A 
and  B,  instead  of  restoring  it  to  D,  the  true  owner,  he  would  make 
himself  their  accomplice  in  the  theft — a  receiver  of  stolen  goods.  It 
is  his  duty  to  restore  it  to  D. 

"  Suppose  A  and  B  come  to  C  with  a  captive,  D,  whom  they  have 
seized  with  the  intention  of  reducing  him  to  slavery ;  and  should  leave 
him  in  the  custody  of  C,  on  condition  of  C's  taking  an  oath  that  he 
will  restore  him  to  them  again.  Now,  although  it  is  wrong  for  C  to 
take  such  an  oath  for  the  purpose  of  getting  the  custody  of  D,  even 

»  UnconBtitutionality  of  Slavery,  pp.  147-150. 


MOVEMENTS  OP  THE  ABOLITIONISTS — BY  INDIVIDUALS.         513 

with  a  view  to  set  him  free,  yet,  if  he  have  taken  it,  it  is  void,  and  his 
duty  then  is,  not  to  give  D  up  to  his  captors,  but  to  set  him  at  liberty 
— else  he  will  be  an  accomplice  in  the  crime  of  enslaving  him."  * 

At  this  stage  of  the  investigation,  it  is  obvious  that  an  anti- 
slavery  man,  aiming  at  attaining  a  seat  on  the  bench  of  the  United 
States  Supreme  Court,  to  operate  against  slavery,  could  not  do 
so,  excepting  by  committing  a  moral  wrong  in  swearing  to  admin- 
ister justice  according  to  the  Constitution  and  laws — these  laws 
sanctioning  slavery,  and  requiring  the  judge  to  order  the  return 
of  fugitives  from  slavery  back  again  into  bondage. 
■  Now,  here  comes  in  the  distinction  between  the  Garrisonians 
and  the  adherents  of  the  Liberty  party.  The  former  believed 
that  the  Constitution  authorizes  and  protects  slavery,  and  that 
its  destruction  is  necessary  to  the  extinction  of  that  institution. 
The  latter  believed  that  slavery  might  be  abolished  under  the 
Constitution,  by  a  strict  construction  of  its  provisions,  and  that 
anti-slavery  men,  therefore,  may  consistently  vote  and  hold  office 
under  the  Government.  But  this  view  demanded  a  totally  new 
theory  of  interpretation  of  the  Constitution;  and  this  was  at 
hand  as  soon  as  needed.  Mr.  Spooner,  before  quoted,  supplied 
the  desideratum,  though  others  had  been  beforehand  in  some  of 
the  principles  belonging  to  his  system.  We  shall  attempt  to 
state  his  theory,  and  we  do  it  the  more  willingly,  because  the 
quotations  already  made  from  Lord  Stowell  and  Mr.  O'Connor, 
and  others,  present  a  complete  expose  of  the  fallacies  and  absurd- 
ities of  his  positions. 

According  to  Mr.  Spooner,  slavery,  probably,  neither  has,  nor 
ever  had,  any  constitutional  existence  in  this  country. f  Our  an- 
cestors brought  with  them  from  England  the  common  law,  the 
writ  of  habeas  corpus,  the  trial  by  jury,  and  the  other  great  prin- 
ciples which  have  rendered  it  impossible  that  her  soil  should  be 
trod  by  the  foot  of  a  slave.  These  principles  Avere  incorporated 
in  all  the  charters  granted  to  the  colonies. J  No  one  of  all  these 
charters  contained  the  least  intimation  that  slavery  had,  or  could 
have,  any  legal  existence  under  them.     Slavery  was,  therefore,  as 

*  Uneonstitiitionality  of  Slavor}-,  p.  151.         T  Ibid.,  p.  '.iO.         t  Tbid.,  p.  21, 


514  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

miicli  unconstitutional  in  the  colonies  as  it  was  in  England.* 
Lord  Mansfield's  decision,  made  before  the  revolution,  settled  the 
question  that  slavery  could  have  no  existence  upon  British  soil. 
This  decision  was  equally  obligatory  in  this  country  as  in  Eng- 
land, and  must  have  freed  every  slave  here  if  the  question  had 
been  raised.f  The  fact  that  England  tolerated  the  African  slave 
trade  at  the  time,  could  not  legally  establish  slavery  in  the  colo- 
nies, any  more  than  it  did  in  England.;}:  Besides,  the  mere  toler- 
ation of  the  slave  trade  could  not  make  slavery  itself — the  right 
of  property  in  man  —  lawful  anywhere ;  not  even  on  board  the 
slave-ship.  Toleration  of  a  wrong  is  not  law.§  Even  if  a  wrong 
can  be  legalized  at  all,  so  as  to  enable  one  to  acquire  rights  of 
property  by  such  wrong,  it  can  be  done  only  by  an  explicit  and 
positive  provision.]  1  The  English  statutes,  on  the  subject  of  the 
slave  trade,  never  attempted  to  legalize  the  right  of  property  in 
man,  in  any  of  the  thirteen  North  American  colonies.^  But  Lord 
Mansfield  said,  in  Somerset's  case,  that  slavery  was  "so  odious 
that  nothing  can  he  suffered  to  support  it,  hut  positive  law"  No 
such  positive  law  was  ever  passed  by  Parliament — certainly  not 
with  reference  to  any  of  these  thirteen  colonies.**  There  was, 
therefore,  no  constitutional  slavery  in  the  colonies  up  to  the  time 
of  the  Revolution. tf 

So  much  for  British  legislation.  Up  to  the  time  of  the  Revo- 
lution, according  to  Mr.  Spooner,  slavery  had  not  been  established 
by  positive  law,  by  the  mother  country,  in  any  of  the  North 
American  colonies ;  and,  as  it  is  contrary  to  natural  law,  slavery 
could,  therefore,  have  had  no  legal  existence  here,  excepting 
where  it  may  have  been  established  by  colonial  legislation.  But 
the  colonial  legislation,  says  Mr.  Spooner,  was  not  only  void  as 
being  forbidden  by  the  colonial  charters,  but  in  many  of  the 
colonies  it  was  void  because  it  did  not  sufficiently  define  the  per- 
sons who  might  be  made  slaves.^J 

"  "When  slavery  was  first  introduced  into  the  country,  there  were  no 
laws  at  all  on  the  subject.     Men  bought  slaves  of  the  slave-traders  as 

*■  Unconstitutionality  of  Slavery,  p.  23.         t  Ibid.      X  ^jid.      'i  Ibid.,  p.  24, 
II  Ihid.  t  Ibid.  **  "T])id.  tt  Ibid.,  p.  31.         XX  Ibid.,  p.  32. 


MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  ABOLITIONISTS — BY  INDIVIDUALS.        515 

tliey  would  liave  bought  horses.  .  .  .  Yet  all  the  while  no  act 
had  been  passed  declaring  who  might  be  slaves.  Possession  was  ap- 
parently all  the  evidence  that  public  sentiment  demanded  of  a  master's 
property  in  his  slave."* 

Slavery  not  being  established  by  positive  statute,  either  by 
British  or  colonial  legislation,  it  is  argued  by  Mr.  Spooner  that, 
at  the  date  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  there  could  be 
no  legal  slavery  in  the  country. 

But  admitting  that  slavery  may  have  had  an  existence  prior  to 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  either  by  British  or  colonial 
enactments,  Mr.  Spooner  argues  that  the  adoption  of  this  instru- 
ment, as  it  absolves  the  people  of  the  colonies  from  all  allegiance 
to  British  law,  so  it  freed  every  slave  in  the  country — all  former 
laws  being  thereby  abrogated,  and  the  principles  of  the  Declara- 
tion only  applying  to  the  population.  These  truths,  he  insists, 
have  never  been  denied  or  revoked  by  the  American  people,  and 
are,  therefore,  in  full  force. f     lie  then  proceeds  to  say,  that 

"  Our  courts  would  want  no  other  authority  than  this  truth,  thus 
acknowledged,  for  setting  at  liberty  any  individual,  other  than  one 
having  negro  blood,  whom  our  Governments,  State  or  National,  should 
assume  to  authorize  another  individual  to  enslave.  Why,  then,  do 
they  not  apply  the  same  law  in  behalf  of  the  African  ?  Certainly  not 
because  it  is  not  as  much  the  law  of  his  case  as  of  others.  But  it  is 
simply  because  they  tcill  not.  It  is  because  the  courts  are  a  party  to 
the  understanding,  prevailing  among  the  white  race,  but  expressed  in 
no  constitutional  form,  that  the  negro  may  be  deprived  of  his  rights 
at  the  pleasure  of  avarice  and  power.  And  they  carry  out  this  un- 
expressed understanding  in  defiance  of,  and  suffer  it  to  prevail  over, 
all  our  constitutional  principles  of  government  —  all  our  authentic, 
avowed,  open,  and  fundamental  law."  J 

Mr.  Spooner  proceeds  from  the  Declaration  to  the  State  Con- 
stitutions, and  says,  that  of  all  of  them  that  were  in  force  at  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  in  1789,  not 
one  of  them  established  or  recog^iized  slavery ;  and  that  all  those 
parts  of  the  old  thirteen  States  that  recognize  and  attempt  to 

*  Unconstitutionality  of  Slavery,  p.  33.         f  Ibid.,  p.  38.         t  Ibid.,  p.  39. 


616  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

sanction  slavery,  have  been  inserted^  by  amendments,  since  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.^  In  their  orig- 
inal form,  lie  says,  they  generally  recognized  the  natural  rights 
of  men ;  and  not  one  of  them  had  any  specific  recognition  of  the 
existence  of  slavery.f  And,  after  reviewing  the  Constitutions 
of  the  several  States  at  length,  he  repeats  what  he  had  so  often 
asserted,  that 

*'  Slavery  is  so  entirely  contrary  to  natural  right ;  so  entirely  desti- 
tute of  authority  from  natural  law;  so  palpably  inconsistent  with  all 
the  legitimate  objects  of  government,  that  nothing  but  express  and  ex- 
plicit provision  can  be  recognized,  in  law,  as  giving  it  any  sanction. "| 

In  his  examination,  next,  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  as 
■well  as  elsewhere,  Mr.  Spooner  undertakes  to  prove  that  the 
word  "  free  "  is  used  as  the  correlative  of  "  aliens,"  and  not  of 
"  slaves,"  and  that  the  negroes  are  thereby  recognized  as  "  citi- 
zens "  and  "  inhabitants,"  but  never  as  slaves. § 

Lastly,  the  Constitution  itself  comes  under  consideration,  and 
here  Mr.  Spooner  says  : 

"We  have  already  seen  that  slavery  had  not  been  authorized  or 
established  by  any  of  the  fundamental  constitutions  or  charters  that 
had  existed  previous  to  this  time;  that  it  had  always  been  a  mere 
abuse  sustained  by  the  common  consent  of  the  strongest  party,  in 
defiance  of  the  avowed  constitutional  principles  of  their  governments. 
And  the  question  now  is,  whether  it  was  constitutionally  established, 
authorized,  or  sanctioned  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  ?"[| 

In  answering  this  question  Mr.  Spooner  decides  that  it  ig  per- 
fectly clear  that 

<'  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  did  not,  of  itself  create 
or  establish  slavery  as  a  new  institution  ;  or  even  give  any  authority 
to  the  State  governments  to  establish  it  as  a  new  institution.  The 
greatest  sticklers  do  not  claim  this.  The  most  they  claim  is,  that  it 
recognized  it  as  an  institution  already  existing,  under  the  authority 


*  Unconstitutionality  of  Slavery,  p.  39.  t  Ibid.,  p.  40. 

t  Ibid.,  p.  43.  §  Ibid.,  pp.  51,  52,  53.  i|  Ibid.,  p.  54 


MOVEMENTS  OF   THE   ABOLITIONISTS — BY  INDIVIDUALS.       517 

of  the  State  governments  ;  and  that  it  virtually  guaranteed  to  the 
States  the  right  of  continuing  it  in  existence  during  their  pleasure. 
And  this  is  really  the  only  question  arising  out  of  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  on  this  subject,  viz.,  whether  it  did  thus  recog- 
nize and  sanction  slavery  as  an  existing  institution?  This  question, 
is,  in  reality,  answered  in  the  negative  by  what  has  already  been 
shown  ;  for  if  slavery  had  no  constitutional  existence,  under  the  State 
constitutions,  prior  to  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  then  it  is  absolutely  certain  that  the  Constitution  did  not  recog- 
nize it  as  a  constitutional  institution;  for  it  cannot,  of  course,  be  pre- 
tended that  the  United  States  Constitution  recognized,  as  constitu- 
tional, any  State  institution  that  did  not  constitutionally  exist.  Even 
if  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  had  intended  to  recognize 
slavery,  as  a  constitutional  State  institution,  such^intended  recognition 
would  have  failed  of  effect,  and  been  legally  void,  because  slavery 
then  had  no  constitutional  existence-#to  be  recognized.  * 

"  We  might  here  safely  rest  the  whole  question — for  no  one,  as  has 
already  been  said,  pretends  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
by  its  own  authority,  created  or  authorized  slavery  as  a  new  institu- 
tion ;  but  only  that  it  intended  to  recognize  it  as  one  already  estab- 
lished by  authority  of  the  State  constitutions.  This  intended  recog- 
nition— if  there  were  any  such — being  founded  on  an  error  as  to  what 
the  State  constitutions  really  did  authorize,  necessarily  falls  to  the 
ground,  as  a  defunct  institution. 

"  We  make  a  stand,  then,  at  this  point,  and  insist  that  the  main 
question — the  only  material  question — is  already  decided  against  slav- 
ery ;  and  that  it  is  of  no  consequence  what  recognition  or  sanction  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  may  have  intended  to  extend  to  it. 

'•  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  at  its  adoption,  certainly 
took  effect  upon,  and  made  citizens  of  all  '  the  people  of  the  United 
States,'  who  were  not  slaves  under  the  State  constitutions.  No  one 
can  deny  a  proposition  so  self-evident  as  that.  If,  then,  the  State 
constitutions  then  existing  authorized  no  slavery  at  all,  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  took  effect  upon  and  made  citizens  of  all 
'  the  people  of  the  United  States,'  without  discrimination.  And  if 
all  '  the  people  of  the  United  States  '  were  made  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  by  the  United  States  Constitution,  at  its  adoption,  it  was  then 
forever  too  late  for  the  State  governments  to  reduce  any  of  them  to 

*  Unconstitutionality  of  Slavery,  pp.  54,  55. 


518  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

slavery.  They  were  thenceforth  citizens  of  a  higher  government, 
under  a  Constitution  that  was  'the  supreme  law  of  the  land,'  'any- 
thing in  the  constitution  or  laws  of  the  States  to  the  contrary  not- 
withstanding.' If  the  State  governments  could  enslave  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  the  State  constitutions,  and  not  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  would  be  the  '  supreme  law  of  the  land  ' — for  no  higher 
act  of  supremacy  could  be  exercised  by  one  government  over  another, 
than  that  of  taking  the  citizens  of  the  latter  out  of  the  protection  of 
their  government,  and  reducing  them  to  slavery."* 

Mr.  Spooner  next  discusses  the  question  of  "  the  unders^tand- 
ING  OF  THE  PEOPLE  "  In  reference  to  the  establishment  of  slavery 
by  the  Constitution,  and  comes  to  this  conclusion : 

"  Now  is  it  not  idle  and  useless  to  pretend,  when  even  the  strongest 
slaveholding  States  had  free  constitutions — when  not  one  of  the  sepa- 
rate States^  acting  for  itself,  wouW  have  any  but  a  free  constitution 

that  the  whole  thirteen,  when  acting  in  unison,  should  concur  in  estab- 
lishing a  slaveholding  one  ?  The  idea  is  preposterous.  The  single 
fact  that  all  the  State  constitutions  were  at  that  time  free  ones,  scatters 
forever  the  pretense  that  the  majority  of  the  people  of  all  the  States 
either  intended  to  establish,  or  could  have  been  induced  to  establish, 
any  other  than  a  free  one  for  the  nation.  Of  course  it  scatters  also 
the  pretense  that  they  believed  or  understood  that  they  were  establish- 
ing any  but  a  free  one."")"     .... 

"At  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  there 
was  no  legal  or  Constitutional  slavery  in  the  States.  Not  a  single 
State  constitution  then  in  existence,  recognized,  authorized,  or  sanc- 
tioned slavery.  All  the  slaveholding  then  practiced  was  merely  a 
private  crime  committed  by  one  person  against  another,  like  theft, 
robbery,  or  murder.  All  the  statutes  which  the  slaveholders,  through 
their  wealth  and  influence,  procured  to  be  passed,  were  unconstitu- 
tional and  void,  for  the  want  of  any  constitutional  authority  in  the 
legislatures  to  enact  them."! 

Having  thus  proved,  as  he  supposes,  that  slavery  is  unconsti- 
tutional and  illegal,  Mr.  Spooner  proceeds  to  determine  how  the 
liberty  of  the  slaves  is  to  be  secured;  and  this  he  decides  is  to 
be  accomplished  by  the  courts,  under  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus. 
He  states  the  case  as  follows  : 

*  Unconstitutionality  of  Slavery,  p.  56.        tibid.,  p.  126.       %  Ibid.,  p.  271. 


MOVEMENTS   OP  THE   ABOLITIONISTS — BY  INDIVIDUALS.      519 

"  This  right  of  personal  liberty,  this  sine  qua  non  to  the  enjoyment 
of  all  other  rights,  is  secured  by  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  This  writ, 
as  has  before  J)een  shown,  necessarily  denies  the  right  of  property  in 
man,  and  therefore  liberates  all  who  are  restrained  of  their  liberty  on 
that  pretense,  as  it  does  all  others  that  are  restrained  on  grounds  in- 
consistent with  the  intended  operation  of  the  Constitution  and  laws 

of  the  United  States As  the  government   is    bound  to 

dispense  its  benefits  impartially  to  all,  it  is  bound,  first  of  all,  after 
securing  '  the  public  safety,  in  cases  of  rebellion  and  invasion,'  to 
secure  liberty  to  all.  And  the  whole  power  of  the  Government  is 
bound  to  be  exerted  for  this  purpose,  to  the  postponement,  if  need  be, 
of  everything  else  save,  '  the  public  safety,  in  cases  of  rebellion  and 
invasion.'  And  it  is  the  constitutional  duty  of  the  government  to 
establish  as  many  courts  as  may  be  necessary  (no  matter  how  great 
the  number,)  and  to  adopt  all  other  measures  necessary  and  proper, 
for  bringing  the  means  of  liberation  within  the  reach  of  eyery  person 
who  is  restrained  of  his  liberty  in  violation  of  the  principles  of  the 
Constitution.*  ....  The  power  of  the  General  Government  to 
liberate  men  from  slavery,  by  the  use  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  is 

of  the  amplest  character If  these  opinions  are  correct, 

it  is  the  constitutional  duty  of  Congress  to  establish  courts,  if  need  be^ 
in  every  county  and  township  even,  where  there  are  slaves  to  be  liber- 
ated ;  to  provide  attorneys  to  bring  the  cases  before  the  courts,  and 
to  keep  a  standing  military  force,  if  need  be,  to  sustain  the  proceed- 
ings."t 

With  such  an  interpretation  of  the  Constitution  as  we  have 
presented  here,  all  obstacles  to  swearing  to  support  it,  on  the 
part  of  Judges  of  the  United  States  Courts,  are  fully  removed ; 
and  with  the  bench  filled  with  abolition  judges,  the  work  of  eman- 
cipation could  progress  with  rapidity.  It  was  under  the  convic- 
tion of  the  truth  of  this  interpretation  of  the  Constitution,  that 
Mr.  Burlingame  asserted  that  one  of  his  aims,  as  a  member  of 
Congress,  was  to  have  judges  who  "  believe  in  an  anti-slavery 
Constitution ;"  and  who  would,  consequently,  use  their  oJEcial 
power  in  promoting  emancipation ;  and  it  was  in  the  same  spirit 
that  the  Free  Soil  candidate  for  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, Mr.  Brown,  declared  it  to  be  the  object  of  the  free 

*  Unconstitutionality  of  Slavery,  p.  275.  t  Ibid.,  p.  277. 


52Q»  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

States  to  take  possession  of  the  Government  by  their  united 
votes.  To  have  succeeded  in  this  would  have  enabled  the  Free 
Soil  party  to  control  the  courts,  and  thus  promote  the  work  of 
abolition. 

But  the  conservative  men  of  the  North  rebuked  this  spirit  of 
fanaticism  by  the  defeat  of  the  Free  Soil  party ;  and  the  present 
dominant  party  came  into  power  under  the  pledge  of  non-inter- 
ference with  slavery  where  it  exists.  One  wing  of  this  party 
had  other  aims,  we  know,  in  giving  it  support;  but  the  great 
mass  of  the  people  belonging  to  it  repudiated  the  charge  that 
they  contemplated  promoting  the  abolition  of  slavery. 

The  whole  theory  of  the  abolitionists,  in  reference  to  the  un- 
constitutionality of  slavery,  and  the  consequent  exemption  of  the 
citizens  of  the  North  from  all  obligations  to  recognize  the  right 
of  the  master  to  his  slave,  is  based  upon  the  fiction  of  Lord 
Manfield,  in  which  he  asserted  that  slavery  can  only  exist  as  the 
creature  of  local  law ;  and  that,  therefore,  where  no  positive  stat- 
utes exist,  establishing  slavery,  there  no  slavery  can  prevail,  if 
the  courts  do  their  duty.  But  the  discussions  of  Lord  Stowell 
and  others,  quoted  in  the  present  chapter,  show  that  Lord  Mans- 
field's opinion  has  not  been  recognized  as  correct;  and  the  fact 
that  American  slavery  has  been  treated  as  a  legal  relation  by  the 
American  Congress,  in  various  ways  ;  by  Great  Britain,  in  paying 
for  slaves  illegally  taken  from  their  American  owners ;  and  by 
the  Emperor  of  Bussia,  as  an  umpire  in  the  case  referred  to 
him  ;*  all  go  to  prove  that  slavery  requires  no  positive  statutes 
for  its  establishment ;  but  that,  at  the  time  the  Constitution  was 


*  "  Right  of  Propkrty  iisr  Slaves  recognized  by  Great  Britaijs-. — The 
Londo7i  Courier  says:  'His  Excellency,  Mr.  Stevenson,  the  American  Minister, 
attended  yesterday  at  the  treasury  department  and  Bank  of  England,  and 
closed  the  negotiation  which  has  been  pending  so  long  between  the  Govern- 
ment and  that  of  the  United  States,  relative  to  the  number  of  slaves  claimed 
by  American  citizens  as  their  property,  and  which,  having  been  shipwrecked, 
some  eight  or  nine  years  ago,  in  the  Bahamas,  were  liberated  by  the  authorities 
of  Nassau.  The  amount  of  compensation  which  we  understand  her  majesty's 
Government  finally  agreed  to  pay,  and  was  yesterday  received  by  the  Ameri- 
can Minister,  amounted  to  between  thirty  and  forty  thousand  pounds  sterling.' 
— Niles^  Register.,  Fehrunry  8,  1840." 


MOVEMENTS   OF  THE   ABOLITIONISTS — BY  INDIVIDUALS.       521 

adopted,  African  slavery  was  everywhere  recognized  as  a  lawful 
institution.  The  whole  history  of  the  country,  so  far  as  the 
African  race  is  concerned,  shows  conclusively  that  no  notice 
was  intended  to  be  taken  of  slavery  by  the  framers  of  the  Con- 
stitution, because,  over  that  question  the  people  did  not  intend 
to  give  the  National  Government  any  power  whatever.  The 
South  so  understood  the  compact ;  the  North  so  understood  it ; 
and  no  one  ever  dreamed  of  giving  the  Constitution  any  other 
interpretation,  until  the  rise  of  abolitionism.  In  no  other  sense 
than  that  in  which  it  was  adopted,  can  it  be  binding.  Mr.  Spoon- 
er's  theories,  therefore,  are  all  fudge;  and  yet  much  of  the  action 
both  in  and  out  of  Congress,  on  the  part  of  the  abolitionists,  has 
been  based  upon  his  theories.  Indeed,  they  are  the  only  ones 
that  can  justify  the  treason  of  abolitionism — the  only  ones  that 
will  clear  the  conscience  of  the  fanatic  who  attempts  to  resist  the 
execution  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  or  destroy  the  Union. 

We  might  have  extended  the  quotations  in  this  section  indef- 
initely ;  but  as  they  are  used  only  for  illustration,  it  was  not  im- 
portant that  they  should  be  multiplied.  They  show  very  clearly 
the  feeling  existing  at  the  North  against  the  Constitution  and 
the  Union,  on  account  of  slavery ;  and  when  taken  in  connection 
with  the  documents  presented  in  the  two  preceding  sections, 
prove  conclusively  that  the  right  of  secession,  and  even  the  dis- 
solution of  the  Union,  were  questions  favorably  entertained  at 
the  North,  even  by  men  who  had  solemnly  sworn  to  support  the 
Constitution. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  expressions  of  sentiment,  which  are 
quoted,  date  back  several  years,  to  a  time  when  there  was  room 
for  calm  reflection ;  when  deliberate  purposes  could  be  formed, 
and  suitable  measures  to  carry  them  out  adopted.  After  the  war 
began,  individual  opinions  varied  from  day  to  day,  and  as  these 
later  opinions  had  no  influence  in  producing  it,  they  have  no  con- 
nection with  the  objects  before  us. 

How  far  any  of  the  opinions  given  were  designed  for  mere 
local  political  efi"ect,  we  shall  not  undertake  to  determine ;  the 
practical  results  at  the  South  were  the  same  as  though  the  North 
was  in  earnest  in  these  utterances.     They  were  spread  broad- 


622  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

cast  over  the  slave  States,  and  produced  that  alarm  which  en- 
abled the  political  leaders  to  precipitate  the  people  of  the  South 
into  acts  of  rebellion.  Conservative  men  were  as  remiss  in  duty 
there,,  as  they  have  been  here.  The  penalty  is  now  being  exe- 
cuted upon  them. 

Section  IV. — Movements  North  and  South  precipitating 
Civil  War. 

A  history,  in  detail,  of  the  movements  in  the  South,*  con- 
nected with  counter-movements  in  the  North,  which  precipitated 
the  nation  into  civil  war,  is  not  necessary  to  the  purpose  we  have 
in  view.  A  few  leading  facts  and  incidents,  in  relation  to  the 
sectional  contests  resulting  so  fatally,  will  serve  to  convey  a  cor- 
rect impression  of  the  manner  in  which  the  actors  brought  on  the 
final  collision  of  arms,  and  compelled  conservative  men  to  rally 
for  the  preservation  of  the  Union. 

The  year  1832  found  South  Carolina  in  the  midst  of  her  nulU^ 
fication  measures.  All  the  other  slave  States  remained  loyal  to 
the  Government ;  and  even  a  large  portion  of  the  citizens  of  that 
rebel  State  continued  true  to  the  Union,  and  were  most  efiicient 
agents  in  the  work  of  restoring  harmony  when  the  proclamation 
of  General  Jackson  appeared.  At  this  period,  therefore,  the 
South  at  large  were  not  contemplating  secession  and  disunion. 

But  the  peace  of  the  country,  secured  by  the  energy  of  Gen- 
eral Jackson,  and  by  the  statesman-like  abilities  of  Henry  Clay, 
who,  in  connection  with  the  President,  devised  a  compromise 
which  satisfied  both  the  discontented  State  and  the  General  Gov- 
ernment, was  again  to  be  disturbed.  The  pulpits  and  ecclesias- 
tical councils  at  the  North  kept  up  the  agitation  on  slavery. 
With  two  or  three  exceptions,  every  religious  denomination  stood 
pledged  to  labor  on,  and  labor  ever,  for  its  overthrow.  One  of 
the  most  prominent  Churches  in  the  nation,  at  every  succeeding 
conference,  asked  the  question  :  "  What  can  be  done  for  the  ex- 
tirpation of  the  evil  of  slavery?  "  The  clergymen  who  had  become 
tainted  with  abolition  sentiments,  were  crying  aloud  that  they 
would  give  neither  sleep  to  their  eyes,  nor  slumber  to  their  eye- 
lids, until  the  last  slave  in  the  land  should  be  proclaimed  a  free- 


MOVEMENTS    PRECIPITATING  CIVIL  WAR.  523 

man.  Lecturers,  commissioned  and  paid  by  abolition  societies, 
swarmed  over  the  North  like  the  locusts  of  old,  when,  in  judg- 
ment, they  darkened  the  land  of  Egypt  in  their  flight,  and  de- 
stroyed every  green  thing  upon  which  they  descended ;  and 
agents  from  Great  Britain  came  to  their  help,  to  aid  in  the  work 
of  assailing  the  South.*  Abolitionists  boasted  that  British  gold 
was  not  lacking,  but  supplied  with  liberal  hand,  to  promote  the 
work  of  ruin  which,  it  had  been  decreed  in  Exeter  Hall,  should 
overtake  the  American  planter. 

But  the  efi"orts  of  the  abolitionists  were  not  to  be  limited  to 
moral  means  alone.  New  political  parties  were  organized,  ex- 
pressly to  lend  their  aid  in  promoting  the  work  of  abolition. 
The  old  established  political  parties  reeled  under  the  blows  of 
the  new,  or,  taking  them  to  their  bosoms,  perished  in  the  em- 
brace. The  original  interpretations  of  the  Constitution  were  set 
aside,  and  new  ones  adopted  that  would  justify  an  aggressive 
warfare  upon  Southern  institutions.  Agencies  were  formed,  ex- 
tending into  the  slave  States,  to  entice  the  slaves  to  escape  from 
their  masters ;  and  provision  was  made  in  the  free  States,  to  en- 
able the  fugitives  to  flee  in  safety  beyond  the  reach  of  their  pur- 
suers. The  legislatures  of  many  of  the  northern  States  passed 
enactments  forbidding  the  execution  of  the  original  law  of  Con- 
gress for  the  return  of  runaway  slaves  ;  and  the  re-enactnient 
of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  to  meet  the  existing  obstacles  to  the 
fulfillment  of  constitutional  engagements,  was  made  the  occasion 
of  renewed  attacks  upon  the  institutions  and  men  of  the  South. 

But,  up  to  this  date,t  the  balance  of  power  between  the  slave 
and  free  States  had  remained  undisturbed.  Texas  was  in  the 
Union,  and  its  territory,  though  capable  of  being  subdivided  into 
five  States,  could  not  be  made  available  to  the  South  for  an  in- 
crease of  power,  as,  according  to  the  treaty  of  admission,  two  of 
the  additional  four  States  must  be  free,  and  the  two  remaining 
ones  slaveholding. 

*  Englishmen  seemed  not  to  have  forgotten  the  declaration  of  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth, when,  in  opposing  me  abolition  of  the  slave  trade,  shortly  before  the 
American  Eevolution,  he  said:  "  Negroes  cannot  become  republicans;  they  will 
be  a  power  in  our  hands  to  restrain  the  unruly  colonists." 

t  The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  was  passed  in  1850. 


524  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

A  little  previous  to  this/''  an  unsuccessful  attempt  had  been 
made  to  extend  the  Missouri  Compromise  line  to  the  Pacific,  so 
that  all  territory  acquired  by  the  Mexican  War,  and  lying  South 
of  that  line,  might  be  secured  to  slavery.  This  measure  failing, 
left  the  South  in  a  position  of  great  uncertainty  as  to  the  future ; 
and  the  fears  entertained  were  well-grounded,  as,  in  the  subse- 
quent organization  of  California,  a  large  Jirea  of  country  lying 
South  of  the  Missouri  line  was  included  in  the  territory  of  that 
State,  and  slavery  excluded  from  the  whole.  The  admission  of 
California  as  a  free  State, f  with  more  than  one-third  of  its 
territory  South  of  36°  30',  was  viewed  by  the  South  as  a 
virtual  abrogation  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  as  indicat- 
ing an  intention  of  putting  the  "  Wilmot  Proviso  "  into  practical 
operation.! 

As  the  territories  then  remained,  New  Mexico  alone  lay  South 
of  36°  30',  while  immense  regions  were  North  of  it,  awaiting  the 
westward  flow  of  population,  to  come  into  the  Union  as  free 
States. §  The  South  had  no  corresponding  quantity  of  territory 
on  its  side  of  the  line ;  and  unless  its  institutions  could  be  spread 
North  of  that  line,  so  as  to  maintain  the  balance  of  power,  it 
must  soon  be  overwhelmed  by  the  anti-slavery  forces  from  the 
North.  And  even  New  Mexico,  though  South  of  36°  30',  might 
share  the  fate  of  the  Southern  portion  of  California,  and  be 
wrested  from  the  South  by  congressional  enactment. 

The  Missouri  Compromise  had  excluded  slavery  from  all  the 
territory  North  of  36"  30'  which  was  obtained  by  the  purchase 
of  Louisiana.  The  extension  of  slavery,  therefore,  to  the  North 
of  that  line,  could  not  be  effected  except  by  the  repeal  of  the  Mis- 
souri Compromise.  Minnesota  and  Oregon  were  preparing  for 
admission  into  the  Union,  and  Kansas  and  Nebraska  were  asking 
for  territorial  organization.      In  the  Congressional  bill  for  the 


*  August,  1848 — the  Mexican  "VYar  having  been  closed  in  May  previous. 

t  California  was  admitted  in  1850. 

I  The  "Wilmot  Proviso,"  brought  forward  in  Congress  in  1846  and  1847,  but 
never  adopted,  proposed  to  exclude  slavery  from  all  territories  ever  acquired  on 
this  continent. 

§It  will  be  well  for  the  reader  to  examine  a  map. 


MOVEMENTS  PKECIPITATING  CIVIL    WAR.  525 

organization  of  these  territories,  the  Missouri  Compromise  was 
repealed,*  and  the  territories  both  North  and  South  of  36°  SO' 
thrown  open  to  the  competition  of  the  opposing  forces — slavery 
and  anti-slavery.  This  brought  on  the  Kansas  troubles,  in  which 
the  South  Avas  overwhelmed  by  the  superior  forces  thrown  into 
the  territory  from  New  England. 

All  this  vast  territory  north  of  36°  30',  extending,  we  may  say, 
to  the  Pacific,  Avas  included  in  the  Louisiana  purchase,  and,  con- 
sequently, slave  territory.!  But  as  the  purchase  had  been  made 
by  the  common  funds  of  the  nation,  the  North  laid  claim  to  a  part 
of  the  territory,  and,  by  the  Missouri  Compromise,  took  the  lion's 
share  of  it.  The  South  was  looking  toward  Mexico  to  maintain 
the  balance  of  power,  by  gaining  territory  better  adapted  to  slav- 
ery, south  of  36°  30',  and  submitted  to  the  loss  in  patience. 

But  the  developments  of  abolition  principles  at  the  North,  by 
which  it  became  evident  the  South  would  be  denied  access  to  the 
territories  with  its  slave  property,  and  that  no  more  slave  States 
would  be  admitted,  left  it  but  one  resource  to  secure  its  safety. 
This  was  to  protect  itself  against  interference  with  slavery  within 
the  States  where  it  existed ;  and  this  could  only  be  effected  by 
the  insertion  of  a  new  clause  in  the  Constitution.  Such  an 
amendment  was  the  more  necessary,  as  the  new  doctrines  em- 
braced at  the  North,  that  slavery  is  unconstitutional,  and  can  be 
abolished  by  the  courts,  was  entertained  by  not  a  few.  No  one 
could  tell  at  what  moment  the  small  party  holding  this  doctrine, 
and  having  the  balance  of  power  at  the  North,  might  gain  the 
control  of  the  Government,  and  force  the  question  to  an  issue. 

In  the  meantime,  the  results  of  emancipation  in  Hayti,  Mexico, 
Bolivia,  the  British  West  Indies,  and  the  French  Islands,  were 
manifesting  themselves  to  the  world,  and  demonstrating  the  utter 
worthlessness  of  a  free  negro  population  as  a  laboring  force  in 
the  cultivation  of  staple  ■productions.  All  these  results  were  per- 
fectly well  known  at  the  South,  and  its  people  fully  believed  that 

♦This  bill  was  passed  in  1854. 

t  John  Quincy  Adams,  in  his  speech  on  the  admission  of  Arkansas,  said  that 
slavery  existed  there  at  the  time  of  the  acquisition,  and  that  he  was,  therefore, 
bound  to  admit  her  with  slavery. 


526  PULPIT    POLITICS, 

emancipation  would  result  in  ruin  to  themselves  and  their  pos- 
terity, as  well  as  in  the  extermination  of  the  weaker  race.  They 
were  not  alone  in  holding  this  belief.  "  M.  de  Tocqueville,  who 
had  judged  America  with  so  sure  an  eye,"*  in  speaking  of 
negro  slavery  in  the  United  States,  had  said  : 

"  Hitherto,  wherever  the  whites  have  been  the  more  powerful,  they 
have  held  the  uegroes  in  degradation  and  slavery ;  wherever  the  ne- 
groes have  been  the  more  powerful,  they  have  destroyed  the  whites. 
This  is  the  only  account  which  can  ever  be  opened  between  the  two 
races." 

Already  the  ground  had  been  taken  that  no  more  slave  States 
should  be  admitted,  and  that  slavery  should  not  be  extended  into 
the  Territories.  The  manner  in  which  these  doctrines  were  met 
by  the  statesmen  of  the  South,  may  be  inferred  from  the  debates 
in  Congress  during  the  session  of  1855-56.  A  few  extracts  will 
serve  as  illustrations. 

Mr.  Cox,  of  Kentucky,  in  the  House,  December  20, 1855,  said  : 

"  When  you  tell  me  that  you  intend  to  put  a  restriction  on  the  Ter- 
ritories, I  say  to  you  that  upon  that  subject  the  South  is  a  unit,  and 
will  not  submit  to  any  such  thing.  You  do  not  understand  that,  or 
you  would  not  press  it  so  pertinaciously. "f 

Mr.  Campbell,  of  Kentucky,  in  the  House,  Dec.  19, 1855,  said : 

"  It  is  an  interference  with  our  institutions,  when  our  citizens  are 
denied  the  same  rights  in  the  new  Territories  with  the  citizens  of  the 
North ;  for  that  Territory  belongs  as  much  to  us  as  it  does  to  you. 
.  .  .  We  regard  this  confederacy  as  secondary  in  importance,  and 
when  a  government  falters  in  carrying  out  its  guarantees  for  the  pro- 
tection of  life,  liberty,  and  property,  it  is  no  longer  entitled  to  the 
fealty  of  its  citizens.  And  in  addition  to  that,  I  will  avow  this  sen- 
timent, believing  that  it  will  be  indorsed  by  my  constituency,  that 
whenever  this  Government  makes  a  distinction  between  a  Southern 
and  a  Northern  constituency  or  citizenship,  then  we  shall  no  longer 

*  Count  de  Gnsparin  uses  the  quotation  here  made  in  his  recent  Essay  on  the 
"Co-existence  of  the  two  liaces  after  Emancipation." 
t  Appendix  to  Congrossioual  Globe,  p.  30. 


MOVEMENTS   PRECIPITATING    CIVIL  WAR.  527 

consider  ourselves  bound  to  support  the  confederacy,  but  will  resort 
to  the  right  of  revolution,  which  is  recognized  by  all."* 

Mr.  Brooks,  of  Soutli  Carolina,  in  the  House,  Dec.  24, 1855,  said : 

"  The  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  has  announced  to  the  world 
that,  in  certain  contingencies,  he  is  willing  to  'let  the  Union  slide.' 
Now,  sir,  let  his  contingencies  be  reversed,  and  I  am  also  willing  to 
'  let  the  Union  slide,' — ay,  sir,  to  aid  in  making  it  slide.  ...  I 
hesitate  not  to  say,  that  if  his  construction  of  the  constitutional  power 
of  Congress  over  the  Territories  shall  prevail  in  this  country,  I,  for 
one,  heartily  indorse  the  sentiment."f 

Mr.  BoYCE,  of  South  Carolina,  in  the  House,  Jan.  4, 1856,  said  : 

"  I  have  thought,  and  I  still  think,  and  I  have  expressed  the  opin- 
ion, that  there  are  circumstances  which  are  hurrying  us  almost  irre- 
sistibly to  disruption.  ...  I  have  seen  at  the  North  the  formation 
of  a  great  party,  based  upon  the  single  idea  of  hostility  to  the  insti- 
tutions of  the  South.  The  only  question  with  me,  then,  as  to  the 
continuance  of  the  Union  is,  whether  that  party  will  take  possession 
of  the  North?  If  they  do,  in  my  opinion,  the  Union  is  at  an  end, 
.  .  .  What  is  that  party  pledged  to  ?  The  great  boasting  idea  of 
that  party  is,  that  freedom  is  national,  and  slavery  is  sectional.  That 
party,  then,  are  obliged,  if  they  come  into  power,  as  is  recommended  in 
the  resolutions  of  the  State  of  Maine,  presented  to  the  Senate  yesterday, 
to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  to  prohibit  it  in  all 
the  Territories,  arsenals,  and  dock-yards  in  the  United  States.  Well, 
then,  it  seems  to  me  that  if  that  party  comes  into  power,  pledged  to 
those  measures,  we  shall  be  in  the  midst  of  chaos,  and  anarchy,  and 
revolution. 

"  This  great  sectional  party  at  the  North,  goes  upon  the  idea  that, 
by  uniting  together  at  the  North,  they  can  obtain  the  control  of  this 
Government,  and  dispense  its  vast  patronage  among  themselves,  and 
reduce  the  people  of  the  South  to  a  secondary  and  subordinate  con- 
dition. .  .  .  That  party  which  places  itself  upon  the  position  of 
giving  power  to  the  North,  will  eventually  succeed ;  and  when  that 
party  does  succeed,  in  my  opinion,  the  Union  will  be  at  an  end."  I 

*  Congressional  Globe,  p.  56.  t  Political  Text-Book,  p.  601. 

X  Congressional  Globe,  p.  143. 


628  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

Mr.  BococK,  of  Virginia,  in  the  House,  January  19,  addressing 

himself  to  the  Republicans,  said : 

"  You  cheat  yourself  with  the  delusion  that  your  platform  makes 
you  national.  You  declare  war  on  the  institution  of  slavery  wherever 
the  strong  arm  of  this  Government  can  reach  it,  and  call  that  a  national 
platform.  To  justify  so  absurd  a  position,  you  love  to  employ  the 
specious  phrase  that  '  freedom  is  national,  and  slavery  sectional.'  I 
tell  gentlemen  that  it  is  a  cheat  and  delusion.  .  .  .  When,  in 
your  platform,  you  come  forward  and  say  that  your  institutions  alone 
are  entitled  to  the  protection  of  the  Government,  and  that  ours  are  to 
be  discountenanced  and  restricted  by  its  action,  then  you  lay  down  a 
sectional  platform,  and  array  yourselves  into  a  sectional  party.  You 
put  us  beyond  the  pale  of  the  Constitution,  and  you  force  us  to  fight 
you  by  every  fair  and  honorable  means,  and  we  shall  do  it."* 

Judge  Butler,  of  South  Carolina,  in  the  Senate,  March  27, 
1856,  said : 

"I  say  now,  calmly,  that  when  a  Northern  majority  shall  acquire 
such  a  control  over  the  legislation  of  this  country  as  to  disfranchise 
the  slaveholding  States,  in  any  respect  in  which  they  have  an  equality 
under  the  Constitution  of  the  country,  I  will  not  agree  to  live  under 
this  Government,  when  the  Union  can  survive  the  Constitution. 
All  that  I  have  contended  for  is,  that  the  domain  of  this  Government, 
acquired  by  the  common  blood  and  treasure  of  all  parts  of  the  United 
States,  shall  be  just  as  free  to  one  class  of  citizens  as  another. 
But,  sir,  if  an  insulting  interference  were  to  be  made  by  a  majority 
of  Congress,  or  such  an  interference  as  would  exclude  a  slaveholder 
on  the  broad  ground  that  he  was  unworthy  of  equality  with  a  non-slave- 
holding  population,  do  you  suppose  I  would  stay  in  the  Union  if  I 
could  get  out  of  it?""!: 

Mr.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  in  the  House,  Jan.  17,  1856,  said: 

"I  was  willing  to  divide,  as  an  alternative  only,  but  a  majoi-ity  of 
the  North  would  not  consent  to  it;  and  now  we  have  got  the  great 
principle,  established  in  1850,  carried  out  in  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
bill,  that  Congress,  after  removing  all  obstructions,  is  not  to  intervene 

*  Congress.  Globe,  p.  264.         t  Ibid.,  p.  758,  and  Politicfil  Text-Book,  p.  603. 


MOVEMENTS   PRECIPITATING    CIVIL  WAR.  529 

against  us.  This  is  the  old  Southern  Republican  principle,  attained 
after  a  hard  and  protracted  struggle  in  1850,  and  I  say,  if  Congress 
ever  again  exercises  the  power  to  exclude  the  South  from  an  equal 
participation  in  the  common  Territories,  I,  as  a  southern  man,  am  for 
resisting  it."  * 

Mr.  Jones,  of  Tennessee,  in  the  Senate,  Feb.  25, 1856,  said : 

"  We  ask  nothing  but  what  the  Constitution  guarantees  to  us.  That 
much  we  do  ask.  That  much  we  will  have.  I  do  not  wish  to  be  excited 
about  this  matter.  We  do  not  mean  to  be  driven  from  our  propriety, 
but  there  is  a  fixed,  immutable,  universal  determination,  on  the  part 
of  the  South,  never  to  be  driven  a  single  inch  further.  If  we  are  not  to 
enjoy  our  rights  under  the  Constitution,  tell  us  so;  and  if  we  may,  let 
us  separate  peaceably  and  decently.  ...  I  tell  you,  in  every  hand 
there  will  be  a  knife,  and  there  will  be  war  to  the  knife,  and  the  knife 
to  the  hilt."t 

Mr.  Letcher,  of  Virginia,  in  the  House,  March  13, 1856,  said  : 

"  If  you  undertake  to  repeal  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and  deprive 
us  of  the  means  of  recovering  our  property  when  it  is  stolen  from  us. 
.  .  .  If  you  undertake  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia, and  prohibit  it  in  the  Territories  of  the  United  States  by  Congress- 
ional legislation,  .  .  .  you  will  find  that  the  South,  if  it  has  a 
particle  of  self-respect — and  I  know  that  it  has — will  be  prepared  to 
resist  any,  and  all,  such  measures."  | 

Mr.  Warner,  of  Georgia,  in  the  House,  April  1,  1856,  said : 

"  We  have  been  told  by  those  who  advocate  this  line  of  policy, 
that  they  do  not  desire  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States  where 
it  exists ;  and  yet  it  is  their  intention  to  prevent  the  extension  of 
slavery,  by  excluding  it  from  the  common  territory.  ...  It  mat- 
ters but  little  with  me,  whether  a  man  takes  my  property  outright, 
or  restricts  me  in  the  enjoyment  of  it,  so  as  to  render  it  of  but  little 
or  no  value  to  me.  .  .  ,  Slavery  can  not  be  confined  within  cer- 
tain specified  limits  without  producing  the  destruction  of  both  mas- 
ter and  slave  ;  it  requires  fresh  lands.     ...     If  the  slaveholding 

*  Political  Text-Book,  p.  603,  and  Appendix  to  Congressional  Globe,  p.  60. 
t  Political  Text-Book,  p.  603,  and  Appendix  to  Congressional  Globe,  p.  95. 
t  Political  Text-Book,  p.  603,  and  Appendix  to  Congressional  Globe,  p.  230. 

34 


530  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

States  should  ever  be  so  regardless  of  their  rights,  and  their  power, 
as  co-equal  States,  to  be  willing  to  submit  to  this  proposed  restric- 
tion, .  .  .  they  could  not  do  it.  They  ought  not  to  submit  to 
it  on  principle,  if  they  could,  and  could  not  if  they  would. 

"  It  is  in  view  of  these  things,  sir,  that  the  people  of  Georgia  have 
assembled  in  convention,  and  solemnly  resolved  that,  if  Congress  shall 
pass  a  law  excluding  them  from  the  common  property,  with  their 
slave  property,  they  will  disrupt  the  ties  that  bind  them  to  the  Union. 
This  position  has  not  been  taken  by  way  of  threat  or  menace.  Georgia 
never  threatens,  but  Georgia  always  acts."* 

Mr.  Shorter,  of  Alabama,  in  the  House,  April  9,  1856,  said : 

"  I  believe  in  the  right  of  a  sovereign  State  to  secede  from  the 
Union  whenever  she  determines  that  the  Federal  Constitution  has 
been  violated  by  Congress ;  and  that  this  Government  has  no  consti- 
tutional power  to  coerce  such  seceding  States.  .  .  .  I  think  South 
Carolina  mistook  her  remedy — secession,  and  not  nullification,  ought 
to  have  been  her  watchword.  .  .  .  The  extraordinary  exertions 
made  by  Massachusetts  ....  to  rob  the  South  of  her  equal 
rights  in  the  Territories  has  had  one  effect.  You  have  thoroughly 
aroused  the  southern  States  to  a  sense  of  their  danger.  You  have 
caused  them  coolly  to  estimate  the  value  of  the  Union ;  and  we  are 
determined  to  maintain  our  equality  in  it,  or  independence  out  of  it. 

"  The  South  has  planted  itself  where  it  intends  to  stand  or  fall, 
Union  or  no  Union,  and  that  is,  upon  the  platform  laid  down  by  the 
Georgia  convention.  .  .  .  We  tell  you  plainly  that  we  take  issue 
with  you ;  and  whenever  you  repeal  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  or  refuse 
to  admit  a  State  on  account  of  slavery  in  her  Constitution,  or  our 
equality  in  the  territories  is  sacrificed  by  an  act  of  Congress,  then  the 

star  of  this  Union  will  go  down  to  rise  no  more Should 

we  be  forced  to  dissolve  the  Union  in  order  to  preserve  Southern  in- 
stitutions and  Southern  civilization,  we  will  do  it  in  peace,  if  we  can ; 
in  war,  if  we  must ;  and  let  the  God  of  Battles  decide  between  us. 

"  The  shadows,  sir,  of  the  coming  storm  already  darken  our  path- 
way.    It  will  soon  be  upon  uswith  all  its  fury."t 

Mr.  Barksdale,  of  Mississippi,  in  the  House,  July  23,  1856, 
said : 

*  Political  Text-Book,  p.  604,  and  Appendix  to  Congressional  Globe,  p.  297. 
t  Political  Text-Book,  p.  604. 


MOVEMENTS    PRECIPITATING    CIVIL    WAR.  531 

"  Sir,  I  make  no  threats ;  but  I  tell  the  gentlemen  on  the  other  side 
of  this  House,  plainly,  as  it  is  my  solemn  duty  to  do,  as  the  represen- 
tative of  a  hundred  thousand  freemen  upon  this  floor,  that  we  submit 
to  no  further  aggression's  upon  us,  '  there  is  a  point  beyond  which 
forbearance  ceases  to  be  a  virtue,'  and  that,  for  the  future,  '  we  tread  no 
steps  backward.'  We  are  done,  gentlemen,  with  compromises.  All 
that  have  been  made  you  forced  upon  us ;  and  while  we  have  observed 
them  in  good  faith,  you  have  shamelessly  disregarded  and  trampled 
them  under  foot.  I  hold  up  before  you  the  Constitution  as  it  came 
from  the  hands  of  its  immortal  authors,  Northern  and  Southern  men- — 
itself  a  compromise ;  we  claim  our  rights  under  that,  and  we  intend  to 
have  them."  * 

In  this  connection  it  may  be  well  to  lay  before  the  reader  the 
opinions  of  Mr.  Jefferson  in  relation  to  the  dangers  of  the  creation 
of  sectional  issues,  and  the  domineering  spirit  of  New  England  fed- 
eralism.    We  copy  from  the  Political  Text- Book,  page  336  : 

"In  reference  to  the  3Iissouri  Compromise,  Mr.  Jefferson  said: 

"  '  The  question  is  a  mere  party  trick.  The  leaders  of  federalism, 
defeated  in  their  schemes  of  obtaining  power  by  rallying  partisans  to 
the  principle  of  monarchism — a  principle  of  personal,  not  of  local 
division — have  changed  their  tact  and  thrown  out  another  barrel  to 
the  whale.  They  are  taking  advantage  of  the  virtuous  feeling  of  the 
people  to  effect  a  division  of  parties  by  a  geographical  line ;  they  ex- 
pect that  this  will  insure  them,  on  local  principles,  the  majority  they 
could  never  obtain  on  principles  of  federalism ;  but  they  are  still  put- 
ting their  shoulders  to  the  wrong  wheel ;  they  are  wasting  jeremiads 
on  the  miseries  of  slavery,  as  if  we  were  advocates  of  it.  Sincerity 
in  their  declamations  should  direct  their  efforts  to  the  true  point  of 
difl&culty,  and  unite  their  councils  with  ours  in  devising  some  reason- 
able and  practical  plan  of  getting  rid  of  it.'  "j" 

"  In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Adams,  dated  Jan.  22,  1821,  Mr.  Jefferson 
says  : 

"  '  Our  anxieties  in  this  quarter  are  all  concentrated  in  the  question, 
What  does  the  holy  alliance,  in  and  out  of  Congress,  mean  to  do  with 
us  on  the  Missouri  question  ?     And  this,  by  the  way,  is  but  the  name 

*  Political  Text-Book,  p,  605.  t  Jefferson's  Writings,  vol.  7. 


532  PULPIT     POLITICS. 

of  the  case  ;  it  is  only  tlie  John  Doe  or  Richard  Roe  of  the  ejectment. 
The  real  question,  as  seen  in  the  States  afflicted  with  this  unfortunate 
population,  is.  Are  our  slaves  to  be  presented  with  freedom  and  a 
dagger  ?  For,  if  Congress  has  the  power  to  regulate  the  conditions 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  States  within  the  States,  it  will  be  but  an- 
other exercise  of  that  power  to  declare  that  all  shall  be  free.  Are 
we,  then,  to  see  again  Athenian  and  Lacedaemonian  confederacies  ? 
To  wage  another  Peloponnesian  war  to  settle  the  ascendancy  between 
them  ?  Or  is  this  the  tocsin  of  merely  a  servile  war  ?  That  remains 
to  be  seen ;  but  I  hope  not  by  you  or  me.  Surely  they  will  parley 
awhile  and  give  us  time  to  get  out  of  the  way.  What  a  bedlamite 
is  man ! ' 

"In  a  letter  to  Lafayette,  dated  Nov.  4,  1823,  Mr.  Jefferson 
said : — 

" '  On  the  eclipse  of  federalism  with  us,  although  not  its  extinction, 
its  leaders  got  up  the  Missouri  question,  under  the  false  front  of 
lessening  the  measure  of  slavery,  but  with  the  real  view  of  producing 
a  geographical  division  of  parties,  which  might  insure  them  the  next 
President.  The  people  of  the  North  went  blindfold  into  the  snare, 
and  followed  their  leaders  for  awhile  with  a  zeal  truly  moral  and  laud- 
able, until  they  became  sensible  that  they  were  injuring  instead  of 
aiding  the  real  interests  of  the  slaves ;  that  they  had  been  used 
merely  as  tools  for  electioneering  purposes,  and  that  trick  of  hypocrisy 
then  fell  as  qu^'ckly  as  it  had  been  got  up.' 

"In  a  letter  to  Mr,  Short,  dated  April  13,  1820,  Mr.  Jefferson 
said  : — 

"  'Although  I  had  laid  down  as  a  law  to  myself,  never  to  write, 
talk,  or  even  think  of  politics,  to  know  nothing  of  public  affairs,  and 
had,  therefore,  ceased  to  read  newspapers,  yet  the  Missouri  question 
aroused  and  filled  me  with  alarm.  The  old  schism  of  Federal  and 
Republican  threatened  nothing,  because  it  existed  in  every  State,  and 
united  them  together  by  the  fraternism  of  party.  But  the  coincidence 
of  a  marked  principle,  moral  and  political,  with  a  geographical  line, 
once  conceived,  I  feared  would  never  more  be  obliterated  from  the 
mind ;  that  it  would  be  recurring  on  every  occasion,  and  renewing 
irritations,  until  it  would  kindle  such  mutual  and  mortal  hatred  as  to 
render  separation  preferable  to  eternal  discord.  I  have  been  among 
the  most  sanguine  in  believing  that  our  Union  would  be  of  long  du- 


MOVEMENTS  PRECIPITATINa  CIVIL  WAR.  583 

ration.  I  now  doubt  it  mucli,  and  see  the  event  at  no  great  distance, 
and  the  direct  consequence  of  this  question ;  not  by  the  line  which 
has  been  so  confidently  counted  on — the  laws  of  nature  control  this — 
but  by  the  Potomac,  Ohio,  and  Missouri,  or  more  probably  the  Mis- 
sissippi, upward  to  our  northern  boundary.  My  only  comfort  and 
consolation  is,  that  I  shall  not  live  to  see  it ;  and  I  envy  not  the 
present  generation  the  glory  of  throwing  away  the  fruits  of  their 
fathers'  sacrifices  of  life  and  fortune,  and  of  rendering  desperate  the 
experiment  which  was  to  decide  ultimately  whether  man  is  capable 
of  self-government.  This  treason  against  human  hope  will  signalize 
their  epoch  in  future  history  as  the  counterpart  of  the  model  of  their 
predecessors.' 

" '  I  thank  you,  my  dear  sir,  for  the  copy  you  have  been  so  kind  as 
to  send  me  of  the  letter  to  your  constituents  on  the  Missouri  ques- 
tion. .  .  .  But  this  momentous  question,  like  a  fire-bell  in  the 
night,  awakened  me  and  filled  me  with  terror.  I  considered  it  at 
once  as  the  knell  of  the  Union.  It  is  hushed,  indeed,  for  the  mo- 
ment; but  this  is  a  reprieve  only,  not  a  final  sentence.  A  geograph- 
ical line,  coinciding  with  a  marked  principle,  moral  and  political,  once 
conceived  and  held  up  to  the  angry  passions  of  men,  will  never  be 
obliterated ;  and  every  new  irritation  will  mark  it  deeper  and  deeper. 
.  .  .  If  they  would  but  dispassionately  weigh  the  blessings  they 
will  throw  away,  against  an  abstract  principle,  more  likely  to  be 
eiiected  by  union  than  by  scission,  they  would  pause  before  they  could 
perpetrate  this  act  of  suicide  on  themselves,  and  of  treason  against 
the  hopes  of  the  world.'  ^ 

*"  I  am  indebted  to  you  for  your  two  letters  of  Feb.  7th  and  19th. 
The  Missouri  question,  by  a  geographical  line  of  division,  is  the  most 
portentous  one  I  ever  contemplated ;  *  *  *  ig  ready  to  risk  the 
Union  for  any  chance  of  restoring  his  party  to  power,  and  wriggling 
himself  to  the  head  of  it ;  nor  is  *  *  *  without  his  hopes,  nor 
scrupulous  as  to  the  means  of  fulfilling  them.'  f 

" '  The  banks,  bankrupt  laws,  manufactures,  Spanish  treaty,  are 
nothing.  These  are  occurrences  which,  like  waves  in  a  storm,  will 
pass  under  the  ship,  but  the  Missouri  question  is  a  breaker  on  which 
ye  lose  the  Missouri  country  by  revolt,  and  what  more,  God  only 

*  Letter  to  Jno.  Holmes,  dated  Monticello,  April  22,  1820. 
r  Letter  to  Mr.  Madison. 


534  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

knows.  From  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill,  to  the  treaty  of  Paris,  we 
never  had  so  ominous  a  question.  It  even  damps  the  joy  with  which 
I  hear  of  your  high  health,  and  welcomes  to  me  the  want  of  it.  I 
thank  God  I  shall  not  live  to  witness  its  issue.'  * 

"  '  The  line  of  division  lately  marked  out  between  diflFerent  portions 
of  our  confederacy,  is  such  as  will  never,  I  fear,  be  obliterated,  and 
we  are  now  trusting  to  those  who  are  against  us  in  position  and  prin- 
ciple, to  fashion  to  their  own  form  the  minds  and  affections  of  our 
youth.  If,  as  has  been  estimated,  we  send  three  hundred  thousand 
dollars  a  year  to  the  northern  seminaries  for  the  instruction  of  our 
own  sons,  then  we  must  have  five  hundred  of  our  sons  imbibing  opin- 
ions and  principles  in  discord  with  those  of  their  own  country.  This 
canker  is  eating  on  the  vitals  of  our  existence,  and,  if  not  arrested 
at  once,  will  be  beyond  remedy,'  f 

"  '  The  Missouri  question  is  the  most  portentous  one  which  ever 
yet  threatened  our  Union.  In  the  gloomiest  moment  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary War,  I  never  had  any  apprehension  equal  to  that  I  felt  from 
this  source.'  "| 

What  Mr.  Jefferson  perceived  in  the  distant  future,  Mr.  Clay, 
twenty  years  afterward,  saw  as  rapidly  approaching.  In  address- 
ing Rev.  Walter  Colton,  his  biographer,  Mr.  Clay  expressed  his 
opinions,  in  relation  to  abolitionism,  as  follows  : 

"  Ashland,  Sept.  2,  1843. 

'■^My  Dear  Sir: — -Allow  me  to  select  a  subject  for  one  of  your  tracts, 
which,  treated  in  your  popular  and  condensed  way,  I  think  would  be 
attended  with  great  and  good  effect.     I  mean  abolition. 

"  It  is  manifest  that  the  ultras  of  that  party  are  extremely  mischiev- 
ous, and  are  hurrying  on  the  country  to  fearful  consequences.  They 
are  not  to  be  conciliated  by  the  Whigs.  Engrossed  with  a  single  idea, 
they  care  for  nothing  else.  They  would  see  the  administration  of  the 
Government  precipitate  the  nation  into  absolute  ruin  before  they  would 
lend  a  helping  hand  to  arrest  its  career.  They  treat  worse,  and  de- 
nounce most,  those  who  treat  them  best,  who  so  far  agree  with  them 
as  to  admit  slavery  to  be  an  evil.  Witness  their  conduct  toward  Mr. 
Briggs  and  Mr.  Adams,  in  Massachusetts,  and  toward  me. 

*  Letter  to  John  Adams,  December  10,  1819. 

t  Letter  to  General  Breckenridge,  February  11,  1821. 

t  Letter  to  Mr.  Monroe,  March  3,  1820. 


MOVEMENTS   PRECIPITATING   CIVIL   WAR.  535 

"  I  will  give  you  an  outline  of  the  manner  in  whicli  I  would  handle 
it :  Show  the  origin  of  slavery.  Trace  its  introduction  to  the  British 
Government.  Show  how  it  is  disposed  of  by  the  Federal  Constitution  ; 
that  it  is  left  exclusively  to  the  States,  except  in  regard  to  fugitives, 
direct  taxes,  and  representation.  Show  that  the  agitation  of  the  ques- 
tion, in  the  free  States,  will  first  destroy  all  harmony,  and  finally  lead 
to  disunion — perpetual  war — the  extermination  of  the  African  race — 
ultimate  military  despotism. 

"  But  the  great  aim  and  object  of  your  tract  should  be  to  arouse  the 
laboring  classes  in  the  free  States  against  aholition.  Depict  the  con- 
sequences to  them  of  immediate  abolition.  The  slaves,  being  free, 
would  be  dispersed  throughout  the  Union ;  they  would  enter  into  coin- 
petition  with  the  free  laborer — with  the  Avierican^  the  Irish,  the  Ger- 
'man — reduce  his  icages,  be  confounded  with  him,  and  affect  his  moral  and 
social  standing .  And  as  the  ultras  go  both  for  abolitionism  and  amal- 
gamation, show  that  their  object  is  to  unite  in  marriage  the  laboring 
white  man  and  the  laboring  black  woman,  to  reduce  the  white  labor- 
ing man  to  the  despised  and  degraded  condition  of  the  black  man. 

"  I  would  show  their  opposition  to  colonization.  Show  its  humane, 
religious,  and  patriotic  aim.  That  they  are  those  whom  Grod  has  sep- 
arated. Why  do  abolitionists  oppose  colonization?  To  keep  and 
amalgamate  together  the  two  races,  in  violation  of  G-od's  will,  and  to 
keep  the  blacks  here,  that  they  may  interfere  with,  degrade,  and  de- 
base the  laboring  whites.  Show  that  the  British  Government  is  co- 
operating with  the  abolitionists  for  the  purpose  of  dissolving  the 
Union,  etc.  You  can  make  a  powerful  article,  that  will  be  felt  in 
every  extremity  of  the  Union.  I  am  perfectly  satisfied  it  will  do 
great  good.     Let  me  hear  from  you  on  this  subject. 

"Henry  Clay." 

But  we  must  pass  on.  The  year  1859  found  the  prevailing 
excitement  on  the  negro  question  quickened  into  new  life,  by  the 
attempt  of  John  Brown  to  raise  a  negro  insurrection  in  Virginia; 
and  his  execution,  near  the  close  of  the  year,  producing  at  the 
North  many  strong  manifestations  of  sympathy  for  himself  and 
the  cause  he  had  espoused,  was  the  occasion  of  fresh  alarm  at  the 
South. 

And  was  there  not  cause  for  alarm  ?  One  class  of  politicians 
had  declared  their  intention  to  proclaim  emancipation  whenever 
a  servile  insurrection  should  occur,  or  a  civil  war  break  out. 


536  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

John  Brown  had  attempted  to  accomplish  the  task  of  arousing 
the  slaves  ;  and  in  the  North  his  death  was  pronounced  that  of  a 
martyr  to  a  holy  cause,  and  every  token  of  respect  shown  to  his 
memory  in  many  pulpits,  and  in  one  legislative  hall.*  The 
courts  of  justice,  too,  in  at  least  one  case,  were  adjourned  on  the 
day  of  his  execution,  to  signify  an  approval  of  his  conduct.f 

The  abolitionists,  having  failed  in  exciting  the  slaves  to  insur- 
rection, were  still  persevering  in  their  attempts  to  provoke  the 
South  to  acts  of  rebellion.  John  Brown  had  been  but  the  em- 
bodiment of  the  spirit  of  this  party  ;  and  Joshua  R,  Giddings  had 
identified  himself  with  it,  when  he  thus  wrote  to  the  Ashtabula 
Sentinel  : 

"We  have  ourselves  paid  money  to  redeem  Southern  slaves  until  we 
have  become  disgusted  with  the  practice,  and  prefer  that  our  future 
donations  shall  be  made  in  powder  and  balls,  delivered  to  the 

SLAVES,   TO  BE  USED  AS   THEY  MAY  DEEM  PROPER." 

The  counter-movements  in  the  South,  to  guard  against  the 
schemes  of  the  abolitionists,  progressed,  from  day  to  day,  until 
it  became  evident  that  the  safety  of  the  Union  was  endangered. 
Reflecting  men,  both  North  and  South,  began  to  take  the  alarm, 
and  to  devise  measures  for  the  removal  of  the  causes  which 
threatened  such  a  dreadful  calamity. 

And  here,  as  elsewhere,  we  shall  not  attempt  to  trace  Avith 
regularity  the  proceedings  of  the  actors  in  this  drama,  because 
we  wish  to  avoid  coming  into  contact  with  the  movements  of 
political  parties.  This  much,  however,  we  can  say,  that  the 
great  majority  of  the  two  leading  parties — Republican  and  Demo- 
crat— were  determinedly  hostile  to  a  dissolution  of  the  Union. 
But  the  Republicans,  at  the  North,  were  powerless,  except  by  the 
abolition  vote ;    and  the   abolitionists,   believing  they  had  now 

*  Massachusetts. 

t  The  court  at  Akron,  Ohio,  on  motion  of  Attorne3'-General  Wolcott,  was 
adjourned  on  the  day  of  the  execution  of  John  Brown,  as  a  mark  of  respect 
to  him,  and  of  sympathy  for  the  cause  in  which  he  lost  his  life.  And  what 
makes  this  latter  case  the  more  marked  is,  that  Mr.  Wolcott  was  afterward 
appointed  a  memhcr  of  the  Peace  Congress,  at  "Washington,  by  the  Governor 
of  Ohio,  and  aided  in  defeating  the  compromise  of  the  national  difficulties. 


MOVEMENTS    PRECIPITATING  CIVIL  WAR.  537 

worked  up  the  country  to  a  point  when  a  collision  could  be  pro- 
duced, and  slavery  abolished,  were  determined  to  push  matters  to 
the  last  extremity,  and  bring  on  the  long-wished-for  crisis.  The 
Democrats,  on  the  other  hand,  could  not  elect  their  candidate  ex- 
cepting by  the  united  vote  of  the  South.  Less  fortunate  than  the 
Republicans,  they  could  not  secure  that  united  vote — could  not 
affiliate  with  the  secession  party — and  were,  therefore,  defeated. 
The  event  proved  that  the  abolitionists  held  the  balance  of  power 
at  the  North. 

It  does  not  fall  in  with  our  plan  to  give  any  detailed  statements 
as  to  the  views  of  the  President  upon  the  subject  of  slavery. 
That  they  have  been  conservative,  in  the  main,  appears  from  the 
assaults  made  upon  him  by  the  ultra  abolitionists,  immediately 
after  his  election.  The  New  York  Times,  November  9,  1860,  in 
Tioticing  a  speech  of  Wendell  Phillips,  in  Boston,  says  : 

"  It  is  one  of  Mr.  Phillips's  sharpest  and  most  stinging  diatribes. 
Every  sentence  hisses  with  malignant  scorn  and  indignation.  Lin- 
coln, Seward,  Banks,  and  all  the  practical  statesmen  who  concur  in 
their  opinions,  are  branded  as  traitors  and  hypocrites.  .  .  .  It  is 
scarcely  necessary  to  say,  that  the  grounds  on  which  Mr.  Phillips  de- 
nounces Mr.  Lincoln  are  precisely  those  on  which  the  country  bases 
its  hopes  that  he  will  have  a  successful  and  beneficent  administration. 
Whatever  Mr.  Phillips  may  do,  a  President  of  the  United  States  can 
not  ignore  the  Constitution,  nor  disregard  or  evade  its  requisitions. 
Whatever  he  may  think  of  slavery,  he  must  i-ecognize  its  existence  in 
States  over  whose  domestic  affairs  the  Federal  Government  has  no 
control,  and  give  full  weight  to  the  rights  and  interests  of  those  whose 
fortunes  are  identified  with  it.  Mr.  Phillips,  some  time  since,  paid 
Mr.  Sumner  the  very  damning  compliment  of  saying  that  he  thought 
him  incapable  of  keeping  the  oath  he  had  taken  to  support  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States.  We  are  very  glad  to  find  that  he  has 
no  such  praise  in  store  for  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  does  him  nothing  more 
than  justice  in  denouncing  his  purpose  to  abide  by  the  Constitution 
in  all  its  parts." 

That  the  Republican  party  at  large  were  very  anxious  to  have 
it  understood  that  Mr.  Lincoln  would  occupy  national  ground  in 
the  administration  of  the  Government,  is  further  apparent  from 


538  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

the  remarks  of  Hon.  Horace  Greeley,  at  a  Republican  mass  meet- 
ing, in  New  York  City,  on  the  evening  of  November  8,  1860, 
when  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  had  been  ascertained.     He  said : 

"  It  was  not  the  fault  of  the  Republican  party  if  they  had  not  been 
allowed  to  proclaim  their  principles  in  all  sections  of  the  country. 
Had  they  been  thus  allowed,  the  South  would  have  been  disabused  of 
their  eri'ors  in  regard  to  the  party,  and  he  believed  they  could  have 
fairly  challenged  the  support  of  a  majority  of  Southern  men.  As  it 
was,  he  believed  that  when  they  come  to  be  better  understood,  as  they 
would  be  after  the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  their  measures  would 
be  cheerfully  acquiesced  in  by  all  the  moderate  men  of  the  South."* 

But  these  conservative  views,  attributed,  we  believe,  justly,  to 
Mr.  Lincoln,  did  not  stand  alone  among  Hepublicans,  or  they 
would  have  contributed  to  the  preservation  of  the  peace  of  the 
country.  At  this  very  same  meeting,  William  Cullen  Bryant, 
who  acted  as  chairman,  and  who  was  one  of  the  electors  on  the 
Republican  ticket,  on  taking  the  chair  said : 

"  That  they  had  met  to-night  to  celebrate  one  of  the  most  import- 
ant moral  and  political  victories  that  had  ever  been  achieved.  The 
youngest  of  his  hearers  might  live  till  the  next  century,  and  not  wit- 
ness another  election  so  pregnant  with  great  results  as  the  one  through 
which  they  had  just  passed.  And,  best  of  all,  they  had  triumphed. 
[Applause.]  The  enemy  was  conquered.  At  their  feet  lay  the  carcass 
of  that  odious  slave  oligarchy,  which,  for  so  long  a  period,  had  ruled 
our  country,  ruled  Northern  men,  and  tyrannized  over  both.  [Tre- 
mendous applause.]  And  they,  the  young  men  he  saw  before  him, 
had  aided  in  dealing  that  terrible  blow,  which  had,  at  length,  struck 
the  creature  to  the  earthy  [Renewed  applause.]  There  it  lay  before 
them,  dismembered,  lifeless,  dead,  and  from  that  death  there  was  no 
resurrection.     [A  voice — '  Thank  the  Lord  !']."'t 

Thus,  while  conservative  men  in  the  Republican  party  were 
rejoicing  over  the  election  of  a  President  who,  in  their  opinion, 
would  sustain  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution,  there  were 
others,  in  that  same  party,  who  took  a  very  different  view  of  the 


*  New  York  TimeF?,  November  9,  1860.  t  Ibid. 


MOVEMENTS    PRECIPITATING    CIVIL    WAR.  539 

effects  of  the  election.  Mr.  Bryant  may  be  taken  as  one  of  the 
opposite  class,  who  anticipated  the  entire  extirpation  of  slavery 
through  the  agency  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  The  truth  is,  that  the  abo- 
litionists were  now  resolved  to  reap  the  harvest  they  had  been 
so  long  engaged  in  sowing. 

On  the  other  hand,  South  Carolina  was  equally  determined  to 
carry  out  at  once  her  long-cherished  policy  of  secession.  Her 
politicians  believed  that  compromises  were  no  longer  practicable, 
as  they  could  not  be  relied  upon  to  secure  the  objects  for  which 
they  stipulated.  The  Constitution  itself  had  been  a  compro- 
mise, and  yet,  in  some  of  its  provisions,  it  had  been  repudi- 
ated, not  only  by  political  parties,  but  by  States.  The  parties 
claiming  that  slavery  was  unconstitutional,  held  the  balance  of 
power  at  the  North,  and,  it  was  believed,  could  control  the  in- 
coming administration.  South  Carolina,  therefore,  persuaded 
herself  that  secession  was  the  only  safeguard  for  her  institutions, 
and  that,  sooner  or  later,  she  must  resort  to  that  remedy ;  and 
that  the  longer  it  was  deferred,  the  worse  it  would  be  for  the 
whole  South.  The  North,  by  foreign  immigration,  was,  year  by 
year,  growing  stronger  and  stronger ;  while  the  South,  having 
only  its  natural  increase,  was  by  no  means  able  to  keep  up  its 
numerical  strength  to  an  equality  with  the  North.  The  longer 
the  delay,  therefore,  the  less  the  chances  of  success — the  less 
the  ability  of  the  South  to  resist  the  aggressions  of  the  North 
upon  its  institutions. 

Here,  now,  stood  the  champions  in  this  conflict.  South  CarO' 
lina,  determined  on  secession  as  the  only  means  of  protecting 
her  slave  property,  was  arrayed  on  the  one  side.  New  England, 
determined  on  the  extinction  of  slavery,  or  the  dissolution  of  the 
Union,  stood  iipon  the  other. 

But  South  Carolina  stood  alone — the  other  slave  States  believ- 
ing that  their  rights  could  be  best  secured  under  the  Constitution 
and  in  the  Union.  As,  however,  it  had  been  denied  at  the  North 
that  slaveholders  had  the  same  constitutional  rights,  as  to  prop- 
erty, which  the  non-slaveholders  possessed,  they  demanded  that 
proper  guarantees  should  "be  given,  so  that,  hereafter,  no  inter- 
ference with   slavery   should   be  attempted.     Accordingly,   the 


540  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

propositions  were  brought  forward  as  a  peace  measure,  which 
afterward  took  the  name  of  the  "  Crittenden  Compromise." 
But  Congress  failed  to  secure  the  necessary  vote  to  carry  this 
compromise.  The  "  Peace  Congress "  was  equally  unsuccess- 
ful. Conservative  men  of  both  parties — Republicans  and  Demo- 
crats— tremblingly  alive  to  the  necessity  of  settling  the  contro- 
versy, and  averting  the  impending  civil  war — united  in  entreating 
South  Carolina  to  stay  her  incendiary  hand,  and  not  to  apply 
the  torch  to  the  edifice  which  had  cost,  for  its  erection,  the  toil 
and  the  blood  of  their  patriot  fathers.  They  appealed,  also,  with 
equal  fervor,  to  the  fanatical  abolitionist,  to  relax  his  zeal  in  a 
cause  that  must  end  in  the  ruin  of  the  race  he  would  benefit,  as 
well  as  the  destruction  of  the  only  free  government  on  earth. 
But,  no  !  Carolina  stood  ready  to  light  the  flame :  the  abolition- 
ist, holding  the  legal  control  of  the  issue  in  his  grasp,  refused 
the  guarantee  to  the  South,  and  called  for  the  effusion  of  blood. 

We  are  not  judging  harshly.  At  the  moment  when  it  was 
thought  that  the  "  Peace  Congress  ''  might  adopt  measures  to 
restore  the  Union,  and  prevent  war,  and  when  Michigan  held 
back,  and  would  not  send  delegates  to  that  body,  Senator  Chand- 
ler wrote  to  Governor  Blair,  of  that  State,  urging  that  the  Legis- 
lature would  retrace  its  steps,  and  at  once  send  on  its  delegates. 
The  following  is  his  letter,  and  no  other  conclusion  can  be  drawn 
than  that  the  object  was  to  prevent  the  passage  of  any  compro- 
mise measures,  so  that  civil  war  might  be  precipitated  upon  the 
country  : 

"Washington,  February  11,  1861. 

"  My  Dear  Governor : — Governor  Bingham  and  myself  telegraphed 
you  on  Saturday,  at  the  request  of  Massachusetts  and  New  York,  to 
send  delegates  to  the  Peace  or  Compromise  Congress.  They  admit 
that  we  are  right,  and  they  wrong ;  that  no  Republican  State  should 
have  sent  delegates  ;  but  they  are  here,  and  can't  get  away.  Ohio,  In- 
diana, and  Rhode  Island  arr.  caving  in,  and  there  is  danger  of  Illinois, 
and  now  they  beg  us,  for  God's  sake,  to  come  to  their  rescue,  and  save 
the  Republican  jjarti/  from  rupture.  I  hope  you  will  send  stiff-hached 
men,  or  none.  The  whole  thing  was  got  up  against  my  judgment  and 
advice,  and  will  end  in  thick  smoke.     Still,  I  hope,  as  a  matter  of 


MOVEMENTS   PRECIPITATING   CIVIL   WAR.  541 

courtesy  to  some  of  our  erring  brethren,  that  you  will  send  the  dele- 
gates. Truly,  your  friend,  Z.  CHANDLER. 

"  His  Excellency,  Austin  Blair. 

"  P.  S. — Some  of  the  manufacturing  States  think  that  a  fight  would 
be  AWFUL.  Witliout  a  little  blood-letting,  this  Union  will  not,  in  my 
estimation,  he  worth  a  rush.^' 

That  a  compromise  would  have  been  effected,  and  that  the 
whole  South  would  have  accepted  it,  save  South  Carolina  only, 
and  the  Union  have  been  maintained,  by  the  adoption  of  some 
one  of  the  compromises  proposed,  is  a  truth  that  can  not  be 
disputed,  and  that  Avas  not  denied  when  it  was  asserted  upon  the 
floor  of  Congress.  Hear  Mr.  Douglas,  in  his  speech  in  the 
Senate,  January  3d,  1861,  when  urging  the  adoption  of  his  com- 
promise : 

"  I  believe  this  to  be  a  fair  basis  of  amicable  adjustment.  If  you 
of  the  Republican  side  are  not  willing  to  accept  this,  nor  the  propo- 
sition of  the  Senator  from  Kentucky,  [Mr.  Crittenden,]  ])ra7/  tell  us 
what  you  are  willing  to  do  ?  I  address  the  inquiry  to  the  Republicans 
alone,  for  the  reason  that,  in  the  Committee  of  Thirteen,  a  feio  days  ago, 
every  member  from  the  South,  including  those  from  the  cotton  Slates, 
[Messrs.  Toombs  and  Davis,]  expressed  their  readiness  to  accept  the 
proposition  of  my  venerable  friend  from  KentucTcy  [Mr.  Crittenden]  as 
a  final  settlement  of  the  controversy,  if  tendered  and  sustained  by  the 
Republican  members.  Hence,  the  sole  responsibility  of  our  disagree- 
ment, and  the  only  difiictdty  in  the  way  of  an  amicable  adjustment  is 
with  the  Repuhlican  party y 

Again,  we  have  the  testimony  of  another  Senator,  Mr.  Pugh, 
in  his  speech,  March  2d,  1861,  upon  the  Corwin  resolution  to 
amend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.     He  said : 

"  The  Crittenden  proposition  has  been  indorsed  by  the  almost  unan- 
imous vote  of  the  Legislature  of  Kentucky.  It  has  been  indorsed  by 
the  Legislature  of  the  noble  old  commonwealth  of  Virginia.  It  has  been 
petitioned  for  by  a  larger  number  of  electors  of  the  United  States  than 
any  proposition  that  was  ever  before  Congress,  I  believe,  in  my  heart, 
to-day,  that  it  would  carry  an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  people 
of  my  State;   ay,  sir,  and  of  nearly  every  other  State  in  the  Union. 


542  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

Before  the  Senators  from  the  State  of  Mississippi  left  this  chamber^  I 
heard  one  of  them,  who  noio  assumes,  at  least,  to  be  President  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy,  propose  to  accept  it,  and  to  maintain  the  Union, 
if  that  proposition  could  receive  the  vote  it  ought  to  receive  from  the 
other  side  of  the  chamber.  Therefore,  of  all  your  propositions,  of  all 
your  amendments,  knowing,  as  I  do,  and  knowing  that  tlie  historian 
will  write  it  down,  at  any  time  before  the  first  of  January,  a  two-thirds 
vote  for  the  Crittenden  resolutions,  in  this  chatnber,  would  have  saved 
every  State  in  the  Union  but  South  Carolina." 

These  declarations  were  made  in  the  hearing  of  Messrs. 
Seward,  Wade,  Fessenden,  Trumbull,  and  all  the  Republican 
Senators,  none  of  whom  denied  their  truth ;  and  Mr.  Douglas 
also  heard  it,  and  confirmed  its  truth  thus : 

"  The  Senator  has  said,  that  if  the  Crittenden  proposition  could  have 
passed  early  in  the  session,  it  toould  have  saved  all  the  States  except 
South  Carolina.  I  firmly  believe  it  toould.  While  the  Crittenden  pro- 
position was  not  in  accordance  with  my  cherished  views,  I  avowed  my 
readiness  and  eagerness  to  accept  it,  in  order  to  save  the  Union,  if  we 
could  unite  upon  it.  No  man  has  labored  harder  than  I  have  to  get 
it  passed.  /  caii  confirm  the  Senator^s  declaration,  that  Senator  Davis 
himself,  when  on  the  Committee  of  Thirteen,  teas  ready,  at  all  times, 
to  compromise  on  the  Crittenden  proposition.  I  will  go  farther,  and  say 
'that  Mr.  Toombs  was  also." 

But  if  more  is  wanting  to  prove  that  the  South  would  have 
accepted  the  Crittenden  Compromise,  we  have  it  in  the  language 
of  Mr.  Toombs  himself,  who,  in  his  speech  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  January  7,  1861,  said: 

"  But  although  I  insist  upon  this  perfect  equality,  yet,  when  it  was 
proposed — as  I  understand  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  now  proposes — 
that  the  line  of  36°  30'  shall  be  extended,  acknowledging  and  protect- 
ing our  property  on  the  south  side  of  the  line,  for  the  sake  of  peace — 
permanent  peace,  I  said  to  the  Committee  of  Thirteen,  and  I  say  here, 
with  other  satisfactory  provisions,  I  would  accept  it." 

The  arrival  of  new  delegates  to  the  Peace  Congress,  upon  the 
appeal  made  to  the  States  not  represented,  placed  the  conserv- 
ative Republicans  and  Democrats  in  a  position  which  rendered 


MOVEMENTS    PRECIPITATING   CIVIL  WAR.  543 

them  powerless  for  good.  No  compromise  could  be  effected;  and 
the  die  was  then  cast.  The  South  had  demanded  protection  or 
dissolution :  the  protection  being  refused,  dissolution  was  at- 
tempted. 

But  there  is  another  act  in  the  drama,  which  must  be  noticed 
briefly,  in  order  to  have  a  better  understanding  of  the  causes 
contributing  to  our  present  national  distress.  Hon.  Andrew 
Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  had  charged  upon  the  anti-slavery  men 
of  the  North  the  formation  of  a  conspiracy  to  dissolve  the  Union. 
The  right  of  secession  had  been  claimed  by  Mr.  Quincy,  of  Boston, 
in  1811 ;  by  J.  Q.  Adams,  in  1838  and  1839 ;  and  by  many  other 
Northern  men.  As  the  present  crisis  approached,  or  toward  the 
close  of  1860,  and  after  the  Presidential  election,  one  of  the  lead- 
ing anti-slavery  papers,  and  its  editor  a  representative  man  among 
abolitionists,  gave  utterance  to  the  following  sentiments,  perhaps 
as  a  lu7'e  to  lead  the  South  to  hope  that  peaceful  secession  was 
practicable  : 

"If  the  cotton  States  consider  the  value  of  the  Union  debatable,  we 
maintain  their  perfect  right  to  discuss  it.  Nay,  we  hold  with  Jefferson, 
to  the  inalienable  right  of  communities  to  alter  or  abolish  forms  of 
government  that  have  become  oppressive  or  injurious;  and  if  the  cot- 
ton States  shall  become  satisfied  that  they  can  do  bettor  out  of  the 
Union  than  in  it,  we  insist  on  letting  thejn  go  in  peace.  The  right  to 
secede  may  be  a  revolutionary  one,  but  it  exists,  nevertheless ;  and  we 
do  not  see  how  one  party  can  have  a  right  to  do  what  another  party 
has  a  right  to  prevent.  We  must  ever  resist  the  asserted  right  of  any 
State  to  remain  in  the  Union  and  nullify  or  defy  the  laws  thereof;  to 
withdraw  from  the  Union  is  quite  another  matter.  And  whenever  a 
considerable  section  of  our  Union  shall  deliberately  resolve  to  go  out, 
we  shall  resist  all  coercive*  measures  designed  to  heep  it  in.  We  hope 
never  to  live  in  a  republic  whereof  one  section  is  pinned  to  the  residue 
by  bayonets."* 

"  If  the  cotton  States  unitedly  and  earnestly  wish  to  withdraw 
peacefully  from  the  Union,  we  think  they  should  and  would  be  allowed 
to  do  so.  Any  attempt  to  compel  them,  hy  force,  to  remain,  would  be 
contrary  to  the  principles  enunciated  in  the  immortal  Declaration  of 

*New  York  Tribune,  Nov.  9,  1860. 


544  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

Independence — contrary  to  the  fundamental  ideas  on  which  Human 
Liberty  is  based. "=*= 

''  If  the  people  of  seven  or  eight  contiguous  States  shall  pretty  unani- 
mously resolve  to  secede  and  set  up  for  themselves,  we  think  they 
would  do  so,  and  that  it  loould  he  most  umvtse  to  undertake  to  resist 
such  secession  hy  Federal  force.  Why  is  it  that  those  who  want  to 
enforce  this  doctrine  make  their  attack  on  something  else  ?"f 

South  Carolina  opened  her  guns  upon  Fort  Sumter,  and  a  shout 
of  exultation  arose  from  the  abolitionist.  Listen  to  the  Anti- 
slavery  Standard,  sounding  the  glad  tidings  over  the  land,  and 
glorying  in  its  treason  to  the  Constitution : 

"  For  the  last  ten  years,  yea,  eleven,  next  seventeenth  of  March,  the 
Hunkerdom  of  the  North  has  been  engaged  in  a  constant  effort  to  save 
the  Union.  The  abolitionism  of  the  North  has  been  all  the  time  busy 
in  the  opposite  direction,  trying  to  break  it  up.  Well^  we  have  beaten — 
the  Union  is  dissolved,  in  spite  of  the  Hunhers.  It  is  nothing  odd  that 
they  should  rage  and  imagine  strange  things.  Nobody  likes  to  be 
licked.  That  is  just  what  they  are.  Let  us  be  patient  with  them, 
and  let  them  expend  their  froth  and  fury.  Better  times  are  at  hand, 
and  all  the  nearer,  the  worse  they  behave.  One  thing  is  certain,  the 
Union  is  dissolved^ 

The  unceasing  efforts  of  the  abolitionists  to  secure  emancipa- 
tion by  military  proclamation,  and  their  attacks  upon  every  one — 
the  President  not  excepted — who  stood  in  the  way  of  the  execu- 
tion of  their  policy,  can  now  be  understood.  But  in  what  way 
can  we  reconcile  the  declarations  of  Mr.  Greeley,  in  favor  of  peace- 
ful secession  before  the  war,  with  his  ferocious  denunciations  of 
the  secessionists  since  its  commencement,  and  his  desire  that  the 
war  shall  be  one  of  utter  ruin  to  the  South,  excepting  upon  the 
theory  of  Senator  Johnson,  that  there  existed  a  conspiracy  to 
effect  a  dissolution  of  the  Union  ?  Hear  him,  shortly  after  the  war 
had  commenced : 

"  Therefore  shall  we  imitate  the  South  no  more  in  war  than  in  peace. 
But,  nevertheless,  we  mean  to  conquer  them — not  merely  to  defeat, 
but  to  conquer,  to  SUBJUGATE  them — and  we  shall  do  this  the  most 

*  New  York  Tribune,  Nov.  26.  t  Ibid.,  Dec.  10. 


MOVEMENTS   PRECIPITATING   CIVIL   WAR.  545 

mercifully  the  more  speedily  we  do  it.  But  when  the  rebellious 
traitors  are  overwhelmed  in  the  field,  and  scattered  like  leaves  before 
an  angry  wind,  it  must  not  be  to  return  to  peaceful  and  contented 
homes.  They  must  find  poverty  at  their  firesides,  and  see  privation 
in  the  anxious  eyes  of  mothers,  and  the  rags  of  children." 

Mr.  Greeley's  language  to  the. South,  before  its  rebellion,  was 
practically  this  :  "  Go  on  and  secede,  we  do  not  longer  want  you, 
and  we  shall  not  molest  you."  But  no  sooner  had  the  secession 
flag  been  fairly  unfurled,  than  he  calls  for  the  direst  vengeance 
to  be  executed  upon  all  its  inhabitants,  mothers  and  children  not 
excepted. 

About  the  same  time  that  Mr.  Greeley  called  for  destruction  to 
the  traitors,  the  Neiv  York  Independent,  the  paper  of  Rev.  Henry 
Ward  Beecher,  used  the  following  language  : 

"The  grand  result  —  the  only  solution  of  the  question  —  is  fast 
coming  up — the  emancipation  of  the  slaves  by  the  nation.  What  other 
escape  is  there  from  our  difficulties?  Why  should  not  our  people  and 
our  statesmen  look  it  fair  in  the  face  ?  The  South  is  far  stronger  and 
better  supplied  than  we  suppose.  She  is  in  earnest.  She  believes  her- 
self bitterly  wronged.  She  is  not  likely  to  think  herself  less  so  after 
%  blockade  and  a  campaign.  She  is  encouraged  by  the  base  sympathy 
of  England.     She  never  could  feel  any  surety  for  slavery  in  another 

Union  with  us.     She  liates   us Evidently  there   is   but 

one  path  to  safety  and  victory — one  to  a  permanent  settlement — one 
to  the  quiet  or  subjugation  of  the  South.  Do  not  fear  it!  Look  it 
boldly  in  the  face — namely :  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves. 

"  Let  our  armies,  as  a  '  military  necessity  '  and  strategical  act,  de- 
clare '  freedom '  to  all,  and  in  a  moment  we  have  an  army  of  four 
million  human  beings  on  our  side — allies  in  every  house  and  on  every 
plantation.  The  enemy  is  demoralized.  Panic  sweeps  through  the 
Southern  land.  Here  is  a  foe  more  dreadful  than  Northern  armies. 
Fighting  so  near  our  own  forces,  we  may  hope  the  revengeful  feelings 
of  these  poor  oppressed  creatures  would  be  restrained.  Still,  there 
would  inevitably  be  desolation  and  destruction  sweeping  like  a  temj^est 
over  the  Southern  land.  And  it  would  he  just.  These  men  have  borne 
the  wrongs  of  centuries,  and  why  should  not  their  tiprising  he  hloodyf 
Let  them  have  their  freedom,  if  they  can  win  it,  even  though  it  be 
over  the  corpses  of  their  masters  and  the  ashes  of  the  ruined  home- 
35 


546  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

steads.  After  this  tempest  of  fire  and  havoc,  would  arise  a  better  era 
for  the  South.  Free  laborers  would  pour  in ;  wasted  fields  would  be 
cultivated  by  new  hands ;  ruined  cities  would  be  built  up  by  Northern 
capital  and  ingenuity,  and  the  problem  and  the  task  for  the  civiliza- 
tion of  the  coming  age  would  be  the  education  and  preparation  of 
4,000,000  of  blacks — perhaps  through  some  system  of  apprenticeship, 
for  the  rights  and  the  privileges  of  free  laborers. 

"  For  S2ich  a  glorious  result,  even  if  it  come  throu^jh  tears  and  blood, 
do  we  devoutly  pray  y 

It  would  be  an  onerous  task,  indeed,  to  copy  all  the*  outpour- 
ings of  the  gall  and  the  wormwood  of  clerical  abolitionists,  on  the 
question  of  the  subjugation  of  the  South  as  a  means  of  emanci- 
pation. One  or  two  only  need  be  presented.  The  Ameeican 
Reform  Tract  and  Book  Society,*  an  abolition  association  in 
Cincinnati,  in  one  of  its  Occasional  Tracts,  (No.  5,)  undertakes 
thus  to  frighten  the  Government  into  emancipation,  by  declaring 
what  is  the  will  and  purposes  of  the  Almighty  in  the  present  con- 
dition of  the  country : 

"  We  shall  fall  hefore  the  rebels  until  the  nation  act  as  He  demands 
at  our  hands.  Defeat  will  attend  our  arms,  corruption  and  misman- 
agement our  affairs,  destruction  brood  the  natioii,  the  history  of  Pha- 
raoh and  Egypt  be  ours,  unless  we  yield  thus  to  His  will. 

"  Then  let  the  decree  go  forth  from  the  nation,  through  its  authori- 
ties ;  in  obedience  to  the  Word,  and  Spirit,  and  Providence  of  God ; 
in  compliance  with  the  enlightened  sentiment  of  the  civilized  world ; 
in  response  to  the  moral  convictions  of  our  own  people ;  in  answer 
to  the  emphatic  demands  of  Public  Safety,  and  in  clear  conformity 
with  a  just  Public  Integrity — the  decree  that  'This  Slaveholding 
Interest,  being  in  rebellion  against  the  nation,  and  threat- 
ening IT  with  destruction,  shall  no  longer  have  protection 

UNDER  the  national  LAWS  ;  BUT  IS  FOREVER  OUTLAWED  AS  A  PUB- 
LIC ENEMY  ;  AND  SLAVEHOLDING  HENCEFORTH  EXCLUDED  WHEREVER 
THE  NATIONAL  POWER  EXTENDS.'  " 

Another  Occasional  Tract,  (No.  6,)  printed  by  the  same  society, 
and  delivered  as  a  sermon  by  the  pastor  of   the  Ninth  Street 

*  This  Society  and  its  tracts  have  been  recommended  by  the  General  Assem- 
bly of  the  United  Presbyterian  Church. 


MOVEMENTS  PRECIPITATING  CIVIL   WAR.  547 

Baptist  Cliurcli,  Cincinnati,  December   8th,  1861,  contains  the 
following  diabolical  utterance : 

"  Let  every  city  be  razed  to  the  ground,  swept,  sacked,  and  burned — 
let  Washington,  Baltimore,  New  York,  Cincinnati  and  St.  Louis  lie 
in  ashes,  rather  than  we  yield,  or  reconstruct,  or  Compromise :  for 
now  there  is  no  compromise  except  in  yielding." 

We  leave  the  reader  to  judge  of  the  motives  of  Northern  poli- 
ticians, in  first  advocating  the  right  of  secession,  and  then  de- 
manding coercion,  as  soon  as  that  right  was  asserted  by  the 
South.  In  the  quotations  made,  the  opinion  is  openly  avowed 
that  abolitionism  was  necessary  to  preserve  the  balance  of  the 
Constitution;  and  that,  in  the  event  of  that  balance  being  made 
to  turn  in  behalf  of  the  South,  by  the  extension  of  slavery,  the 
North  would  dissolve  the  Union.  These  oft-repeated  threats,  on 
the  part  of  Northern  politicians,  were  equally  as  criminal  as  any 
similar  ones  ever  made  at  the  South,  so  long  as  nothing  but 
threats  were  employed.  They  were  conditional  on  both  sides ; 
those  of  the  North  threatening  a  withdrawal  from  the  Union, 
should  slavery  be  extended ;  those  of  the  South  threatening  the 
same  course  of  action,  should  any  attempt  be  made  either  to  de- 
stroy or  limit  that  institution.  Both  parties  acted  in  a  criminal 
manner,  because  such  threats  were  familiarizing  the  people  to 
the  idea  of  the  dissolution  of  the  Union ;  and  in  allowing  the 
parties  using  them  to  escape  the  most  withering  rebuke,  scorn, 
contempt,  indignation,  has  been  the  great  sin  of  conservative  men 
upon  both  sides  of  Mason's  and  Dixon's  Line.  The  only  differ- 
ence between  these  parties  who  talked  so  daringly  about  disunion, 
is,  that  while  it  was  mainly  employed  as  mere  bunkum,  for  poli- 
tical effect,  at  the  North,  it  was  no  unmeaning  phrase  at  the 
South.  There,  the  value  of  property,  the  peace  and  safety  of 
society,  the  lives  of  wives  and  children,  were  involved  in  the 
issue  of  the  controversy  which  the  secessionists  of  the  South 
held  with  the  disunionists  of  the  North.  They  were  terribly  in 
earnest,  and,  under  such  goadings  as  those  quoted  from  Gid- 
dings  and  others,  they  have  had  the  courage  to  carry  out  their 
threats  into  actual  treason ;  and  are  now  suffering  the  penalty 


548  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

justly  due  to  the  enormity  of  the  offense  they  have  com- 
mitted. Had  they  waited,  the  conservative  men  of  the  North 
would  have  forced  Congress  to  give  them  the  guarantees  they  de- 
manded under  the  Constitution.     Of  this  there  can  be  no  question. 

But  they  are  not  suffering  alone.  We  have  more  than  once 
referred  to  the  fact,  that  the  conservative  men  of  the  country  are 
responsible  for  the  calamities  brought  upon  the  nation,  by  the 
opposing  sectional  factions  who  have  used  the  slavery  question 
as  a  means  of  promoting  sectional  interests.  The  penalty  for 
their  remissness  is  now  being  visited  upon  them ;  and  these  con- 
servative men  are  at  last  aroused  to  a  sense  of  the  dangers  that 
surround  them,  but  which  should  have  been  prevented  by  them. 
They  are  at  last  taking  a  just  view  of  the  dangers  of  abolition- 
ism, whether  it  presents  itself  in  the  pulpit,  the  press,  or  the 
ecclesiastical  council.  The  disturbing  influences  of  "  pulpit  poli- 
tics," whether  ringing  from  Southern  pulpits  in  support  of  slav- 
ery, or  from  those  of  the  North  against  it,  have  overwhelmed 
them  in  a  mighty  struggle  to  preserve  the  Constitution  and  the 
Union,  and  they  are  freely  offering  their  property,  their  blood, 
their  lives,  to  consummate  that  object.  And  when  that  task  is 
done,  they  will  have  learned  a  more  striking  lesson  than  did  the 
nation  of  Israel,  under  King  David,  when  the  three  years  of  fam- 
ine fell  upon  the  land,  as  a  judgment  for  the  violation  of  its 
covenant  with  the  Gibeonites,  made  centuries  before  the  violation 
occurred.*  And,  here,  we  would  remark,  that  it  seems  never  to 
have  occurred  to  the  minds  of  the  demagogues  among  the  clergy, 
to  study  the  history  of  the  Gibeonites,  and  there  to  learn  that 
covenants  between  peoples  must  be  sacredly  kept ;  because 
Heaven  takes  cognizance  of  the  violation  of  covenant  engage- 
ments among  men. 

But  we  must  not  pursue  this  subject.  The  roar  of  cannon 
sounding  in  our  ears,  the  noise  of  the  rush  of  armed  men  to  the 
battle,  the  cries  of  the  wounded,  the  groans  of  the  dying,  the 
tears  and  wailing  of  the  widow  and  the  orphan  forbid  it !  A  dread- 
ful responsibility,  before  high  Heaven,  rests  upon  the  authors  of 
these  woes. 

*  II  Samuel,  chapter  21. 


CHAPTER   XI. 

THE  COTTON  CROP  IN  ITS  RELATIONS  TO  AMERICAN   COMMERCE. 

Much  misconception  has  existed  in  the  United  States  in  refer- 
ence to  the  question  of  the  production  and  supply  of  cotton,  and 
much  misrepresentation,  in  relation  to  the  facts  in  the  case,  has 
been  set  afloat  through  the  medium  of  the  press.  Were  we  to 
I^ass  this  subject  without  notice,  our  investigations  would  be  in- 
complete. In  entering  upon  its  examination,  a  historical  review 
of  the  movements  of  Great  Britain  will  best  serve  to  exhibit  the 
true  relations  which  the  American  cotton  planter  has  sustained  to 
the  cultivation  of  this  commodity  throughout  the  world. 

Section  I.  —  Early  movements  of  Great  Britain  to  retrieve 

HER  losses  consequent  UPON  WeST  InDIA  EMANCIPATION. 

The  death  blow  to  cotton  cultivation  in  the  British  West  Indies 
was  given  by  the  act  abolishing  the  slave  trade.  At  the  begin- 
ning of  the  present  century  the  exports  of  cotton  from  these 
islands  nearly  equaled  that  from  the  United  States  —  the  one 
exporting  17,000,000  lbs.,  the  other  17,780,000  lbs.  But  upon 
the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade,  and  the  consequent  diminution 
of  labor  in  the  islands,  its  cultivation  began  to  decline,  so  that,  by 
1834,  when  the  emancipation  act  went  into  operation,  it  had  dimin- 
ished to  2,296,525  lbs.  This  enormous  decline  in  cotton  culture, 
in  the  West  Indies,  was  a  source  of  great  alarm  to  British  manu- 
facturers. Emancipation  was  expected  to  remedy  this  great  mis- 
fortune, on  the  principle  that  the  labor  of  the  negroes,  when  free, 
would  be  much  more  productive  than  it  had  been  while  they  were 
slaves.  This  was  the  British  theory  of  that  day,  as  to  the  benefi- 
cial effects  of  emancipation  ;  upon  this  theory  Parliament  based 
its  act  for  the  abolition  of  West  India  slavery ;  and,  as  a  conse- 
quence of  this  act,  the  English  people  confidently  anticipated  an 

(549) 


550  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

enlarged  production  of  all  the  commodities  usually  cultivated  in 
the  islands. 

Even  as  late  as  1839  this  theory  was  still  held  as  true,  as  ap- 
pears from  an  address  delivered  in  Boston,  by  Mr.  Scoble,  a  gen- 
tleman who  had  been  secretary  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Anti- 
Slavery  Society,  which  we  find  noticed  in  the  Christian  Watchman 
of  that  year.  *  Mr.  Scoble  had  recently  visited  the  West  Indies, 
and  professed  to  speak  from  actual  observation.  He  represented 
the  prosperity  of  the  islands  as  on  the  increase,  and  this  he  "  ac- 
counted for  by  saying  that  one  free- laborer  would  do  more  than 
two  slaves." 

All  this,  it  is  now  well  understood,  was  mere  bunkum,  designed 
to  influence  the  people  of  the  United  States  to  follow  the  example 
of  England  in  abolishing  slavery,  ^sop  would  have  illustrated 
the  designs  of  Mr.  Scoble  by  his  fable  of  the  fox  that  lost  his  tail 
in  the  trap,  and  who  urged  upon  a  convention  of  other  foxes  the 
great  convenience  he  experienced  in  having  that  bushy  appendage 
out  of  the  way. 

The  year  1839,  in  which  Mr.  Scoble  came  over  to  instruct  us  as 
to  the  benefits  of  emancipation,  found  the  West  Indies  exporting 
but  928,425  pounds  of  cotton,  and  the  year  1840  but  427,529 
pounds  as  against  17,000,000  exported  in  1800.  Cotton  cultiva- 
tion was  about  at  an  end  in  the  West  Indies.  The  labor  neces- 
sary for  its  production  could  not  be  commanded ;  and,  even  if  it 
had  been  in  suflficient  abundance,  prices  had  so  fallen,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  immense  production  of  the  United  States,  then 
equaling,  for  export  alone,  743,941,000  pounds  that  year,  (1840,) 
that  attractive  wages  could  not  be  oifered  to  the  newly  emanci- 
pated blacks. 

The  American  planter  had  the  monopoly  of  the  supply  of  cotton 
to  the  markets  of  the  Christian  world  ;  and  the  West  India  planter 
as  far  as  he  could  command  labor,  chose  to  employ  it  in  the  pro- 
duction of  sugar  rather  than  upon  cotton.  This  left  the  British 
manufacturer  at  the  mercy  of  the  slaveholder  of  the  United  States 
for  his  supplies  of  that  commodity  —  a  position  that  he  chose  not 
to  occupy  a  moment  longer  than  it  could  be  avoided.     We  find, 


*  The  article  is  quoted  in  the  Christian  Intelligencer,  Hamilton,  Ohio,  Octo- 
ber, 1839,  page  284. 


THE  COTTON  CROP  AND  AMERICAN  COMMERCE.  551 

accordingly,  that  at  the  same  time  that  Mr.  Scoble  was  telling  the 
American  people  about  the  increasing  prosperity  of  the  West 
Indies,  and  the  greater  efficiency  of  the  free  negro  over  the  slave, 
a  movement  was  set  on  foot,  in  England,  to  transfer  the  seat  of 
cotton  cultivation  to  the  East  Indies.  George  Thompson,  Esq., 
the  Abolitionist,  was  placed  in  the  foreground  in  this  movement, 
and,  during  1839,  in  a  course  of  lectures,  undertook  to  prove  that 
all  the  elements  of  successful  cotton  cultivation  existed  in  India ; 
and  that  the  English  people  might  soon  obtain  their  supplies  of 
cotton  from  that  country,  and  thus  be  enabled  to  repudiate  that 
of  the  United  States.  The  appeal  was  made  to  Parliament  to  ex- 
tend a  helping  hand  to  cotton  culture  in  the  East  Indies ;  and 
the  object  to  be  gained  by  the  measure  proposed  was  the  emanci- 
pation of  the  slaves  of  the  United  States,  by  destroying  the 
markets  for  its  cotton.     In  one  of  his  lectures  he  thus  exclaims : 

"The  battle-ground  of  freedom  for  the  world  is  on  the  plains  of 
Hindostan.  Yes,  my  friends,  do  justice  to  India;  wave  there  the 
scepter  of  justice,  and  the  rod  of  oppression  falls  from  the  hands 
of  the  slaveholder  in  America;  and  the  slave,  swelling  beyond  the 
measure  of  his  chains,  stands  disenthralled,  a  free  man  and  an  acknowl- 
edged brother."* 

The  introduction  to  the  American  edition  of  the  lectures  deliv- 
ered by  Mr.  Thompson,  on  that  occasion,  which  was  written  by 
William  Lloyd  Garrison,  contains  the  following  sentences,  f  They 
sufficiently  indicate  what  were  the  anticipations  of  the  advocates 
of  the  measure : 

"  If  England  can  raise  her  own  cotton  in  India,  at  the  paltry  rate 
of  a  penny  a  pound,  what  inducement  can  she  have  to  obtain  her  sup- 
ply from  a  rival  nation,  at  a  rate  six  or  eight  times  higher?  It  is 
stated  that  the  East  India  free  labor  costs  three  pence  a  day  —  African 
slave  labor  two  shillings ;  that  upward  of  800,000  bales  of  cotton  are 
exported  from  the  United  States  annually  to  England ;  and  that  the 
cotton  trade  of  the  United  States  with  England  amounts  to  the  enor- 
mous sum  of  $40,000,000  annually.     Let  that  market  be  closed  to  this 

*  Lectures  of  George  Thompson,  Esq.,  1839,  page  121. 
t  Introduction  to  Thompson's  Lectm-es,  page  9, 


552  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

slaveholding  republic,  and  its  slave  system  must  inevitably  perish 
from  starvation  !  " 

In  pursuance  of  this  policy,  cotton-seed  from  the  United  States 
was  sent  to  India,  and  experienced  planters  from  Mississippi,  at 
high  salaries,  were  employed  to  superintend  its  cultivation.  But 
the  enterprise  was  not  successful,  and  the  Mississippians,  after 
several  years'  experimenting,  returned  home  to  their  own  planta- 
tions. 

The  public  are  fully  informed  on  this  subject,  so  that  the  history 
of  the  enterprise  need  not  be  traced  at  large. 

Paragraphs  like  the  following,  from  time  to  time,  frequently 
met  the  eye  of  the  general  reader.  It  is  taken  from  a  reliable 
periodical : 

"  Late  accounts  from  India,  (through  the  English  press,)  represent 
that  the  attempts  of  the  British  capitalists,  during  the  last  two  or 
three  years,  to  cultivate  cotton  in  the  district  of  Dharwar,  from  which 
much  was  expected,  have  signally  failed.  In  1847-'48,  about  20,000 
acres  were  cultivated.  It  is  now  ascertained  that  the  crop  has  rapidly 
decreased,  only  4,000  acres  having  been  under  cultivation  the  past 
year." 

Toward  the  close  of  this  East  India  experiment,  the  London 
Times,  under  the  head  of  "  Cotton  in  India,"  said  : 

"  The  one  great  element  of  American  success  —  of  American  enter- 
prise—  can  never,  at  least  for  many  generations,  be  imparted  to  India. 
It  is  impossible  to  expect  of  Hindoos  all  that  is  achieved  by  citizens 
of  the  States.  During  the  experiments  to  which  we  have  alluded,  an 
English  plow  was  introduced  into  one  of  the  provinces,  and  the  natives 
were  taught  its  use  and  superiority  over  their  own  clumsy  machinery. 
They  were  at  first  astonished  and  delighted  at  its  efi"ects,  but  as  soon 
as  the  agent's  back  was  turned,  they  took  it,  painted  it  red,  set  it  up 
on  end  and  worsJdped  it." 

But  this  attempt  of  Great  Britain,  to  secure  her  supplies  of 
cotton  from  other  sources  than  the  United  States,  does  not  stand 
alone.  Seeing,  as  if  by  prophetic  forecast,  that  the  attempt  to 
cultivate  the  better  qualities  of  cotton  in  India  would  prove  a 
failure,  a  nearly  simultaneous  effort  was  made  to  extend  its  culti- 


THE  COTTON  CROP  AND  AMERICAN  COMMERCE. 


553 


vation  to  Africa.  The  West  Indies,  as  a  field  of  cotton  supply, 
seemed  to  be  closed  forever,  as  a  consequence  of  emancipation.  * 
It  was  the  expectation  of  the  British  that  the  United  States  could 
be  made  to  share  the  same  fate,  by  the  success  of  abolitionism ; 
and  that  the  monopoly  of  the  American  planter  being  thus  de- 
stroyed, the  price  of  cotton  would  necessarily  rise,  so  that  it  could 
be  grown  and  exported,  at  a  profit,  from  more  distant  fields. 

The  circumstances  which  gave  rise  to  the  attempt  to  make  Africa 
a  field  of  cotton  production  are  of  very  great  interest,  and  must 
not  be  overlooked.     They  may  be  briefly  given  in  a  few  extracts : 

"  The  following  table,  extracted  from  Parliamentary  documents, 
presents  the  average  number  of  slaves  exported  from  Africa  to  Amer- 
ica, and  sold  chiefly  in  Brazil  and  Cuba,  with  the  per  cent,  amount  of 
loss  in  the  periods  designated : 


ANNUAL      AVER- 
AGE     NTJ3IBER 
EIPORTEB. 

AVERAGE   CASUALTIES   OF   VOTAGE. 

PER   CENT. 

AMOUMT. 

1798  to  1805 

85,000 

85,000 
93,000 
106,000 
106,000 
103,000 
125,000 
78,500 
135,800 

14 
14 
14 
25 
25 
25 
25 
25 
25 

12,000 

1805  to  1810 

12,000 

1810  to  1815 

13,000 

1815  to  1817 

26,600 

1817  to  1819 

26,600 
25,800 
31,000 
19,600 

1819  to  1825 

1825  to  1830 

1830  to  1835 

1835  to  1840 

33,900 

"  The  late  Sir  Thomas  Fowell  Buxton  devoted  himvself  with  unwea- 
ried industry  to  the  investigation  of  the  extent  and  enormities  of  the 
foreign  slave  trade.  His  labors  extended  through  many  years,  and 
the  results,  as  published  in  1840,  sent  a  thrill  of  horror  throughout 
the  Christian  world.  He  proved  conclusively  that  the  victims  to  the 
slave  trade  in  Africa  amounted  annually  to  500,000.  This  included 
the  numbers  who  perish  in  the  seizure  of  the  victims,  in  the  wars  of 
the  natives  upon  each  other,  and  the  deaths  during  their  march  to  the 
coast  and  the  detention  there  before  embarkation.  This  loss  he  esti- 
mates at  one-half,  or  500  out  of  every  1,000.  The  destruction  of  life 
during  the  middle  passage  he  estimates  at  25  per  cent.,  or  125  out  of 
the  remaining  500  of  the  original  1,000.  The  mortality  after  landing 
and  in  seasoning  he  shows  is  20  per  cent.,  or  one-fifth  of  the  375  sur- 


*The  coolie  traffic  was  not  then  begun,  and  no  means  existed,  apparently,  for 
restoring  the  islands  to  their  former  productiveness. 


554  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

vivors.  Thus  he  proves  that  the  number  of  lives  sacrificed  by  the 
system  bears,  to  the  number  of  slaves  available  to  the  planter,  the  pro- 
portion of  seven  to  three  —  that  is  to  say,  for  every  300  slaves  landed 
and  sold  in  the  market,  700  have  fallen  victims  to  the  deprivations  and 
cruelties  connected  with  the  traffic. 

"  This  enormous  increase  of  the  slave  trade,  it  must  be  remembered, 
had  taken  place  during  the  period  of  vigorous  efi"orts  for  its  suppres- 
sion. England  alone,  according  to  McQueen,  had  expended  for  this 
object,  up  to  1842,  in  the  employment  of  a  naval  force  on  the  coast  of 
Africa,  the  sum  of  $88,888,888,  and  he  estimated  the  annual  expendi- 
ture at  that  time  at  $2,500,000. 

"  The  disclosures  of  Mr.  Buxton  produced  a  profound  sensation 
throughout  England,  and  the  conviction  was  forced  upon  the  public 
mind,  and  '  upon  Her  Majesty's  confidential  advisers,'  that  the  slave 
trade  could  not  be  suppressed  by  physical  force,  and  that  it  was  '  in- 
dispensable to  enter  upon  some  new  preventive  system  calculated  to 
arrest  the  foreign  slave  trade.' 

"  The  remedy  proposed  and  attempted  to  be  carried  out,  was  '  the 
deliverance  of  Africa  by  calling  forth  her  own  resources.' 

"  To  accomplish  this  great  work,  the  capitalists  of  England  were  to 
set  on  foot  agricultural  companies,  who,  under  the  protection  of  the 
Grovernment,  should  obtain  lands  by  treaty  with  the  natives,  and  em- 
ploy them  in  its  tillage  ;  to  send  out  trading  ships  and  open  factories 
at  the  most  commanding  positions  ;  to  increase  and  concentrate  the 
English  naval  force  on  the  coast,  the  rivers,  and  the  interior.  These 
measures  adopted,  the  companies  formed  were  to  call  to  their  aid  a 
race  of  teachers  of  African  blood,  from  Sierra  Leone  and  the  West 
Indies,  who  should  labor  with  the  whites  in  difi'usiug  intelligence,  in 
imparting  religious  instruction,  in  teaching  agriculture,  in  establishing 
and  encouraging  legitimate  commerce,  and  in  impeding  and  suppress- 
ing the  slave  trade.  In  conformity  with  these  views  and  aims,  the 
African  Civilization  Society  was  formed,  and  the  G-overnment 
fitted  out  three  large  iron  steamers,  at  an  expense  of  $300,000,  for 
the  use  of  the  company. 

"  Mr.  McQueen,  who  had  for  more  than  twenty  years  devoted  him- 
self to  the  consideration  of  Africa's  redemption  and  Britain's  glory, 
and  who  had  become  the  most  perfect  master  of  African  geography 
and  African  resources,  also  appealed  to  the  Government,  and  urged 
the  adoption  of  measures  for  making  all  Africa  a  dependency  of  the 
Br itUh Empire.  Speaking  of  what  Engl-'ind  had  already  accomplished, 
and  what  she  could  yet  achieve,  he  exclaims  : 


THE  COTTON  CROP  AND  AMERICAN  COMMERCE.  555 

" '  Unfold  the  map  of  the  world :  We  command  the  Ganges.  For- 
tified at  Bombay,  the  Indus  is  our  own.  Possessed  of  the  islands  in 
the  mouth  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  we  command  the  outlets  of  Persia  and 
the  mouths  of  the  Euphrates,  and  consequently  of  countries  the  cradle 
of  the  human  race.  We  command  at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  Gib- 
raltar and  Malta  belonging  to  us,  we  control  the  Mediterranean.  Let 
us  plant  the  British  standard  on  the  island  of  Socatora  —  upon  the 
island  of  Fernando  Po,  and  inland  upon  the  banks  of  the  Niger ;  and 
then  we  may  say  Asia  and  Africa,  for  all  their  productions  and  all  their 
wants,  are  under  our  control.  It  is  in  our  power.  Nothing  can  pre- 
vent us.' 

"  The  African  Civilization  Society  commenced  its  labors  under  cir- 
cumstances the  most  favorable  for  success.  Its  list  of  members  em- 
braced many  of  the  noblest  names  of  the  kingdom.  Men  of  science 
and  intelligence  embarked  in  it,  and  when  the  expedition  set  sail,  a 
shout  of  joy  arose  and  a  prayer  for  success  ascended  from  ten  thousand 
philanthropic  English  voices. 

"  But  this  magnificent  scheme,  fraught  with  untold  blessings  to 
Africa,  and  destined,  it  was  believed,  not  only  to  regenerate  her  speed- 
ily, but  to  produce  a  revenue  of  unnumbered  millions  of  dollars  to 
the  stockholders,  proved  an  utter  failure.  The  African  climate,  that 
deadly  foe  to  the  white  man,  blighted  the  enterprise.  In  a  few 
months,  disease  and  death  had  so  far  reduced  the  number  of  the  men 
connected  with  the  expedition,  that  the  enterprise  was  abandoned."  *   . 

In  1844,  Mr.  McQueen  again  sounded  the  note  of  alarm  in  the 
ears  of  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  and  urged  upon  public  atten- 
tion the  necessity  of  recovering  the  former  advantages,  in  tropical 
productions,  which  the  nation  had  possessed.  The  strong  manner 
in  which  he  put  the  case,  will  be  seen  from  an  extract  or  two  : 

"  During  the  fearful  struggle  of  a  quarter  of  a  century,  for  her  ex- 
istence as  a  nation,  against  the  power  and  resources  of  Europe,  directed 
by  the  most  intelligent,  but  remorseless  military  ambition  against  her, 
the  command  of  the  productions  of  the  torrid  zone,  and  the  advanta- 
geous commerce  which  that  afforded,  gave  to  Great  Britain  the  power 
and  resources  which  enabled  her  to  meet,  to  combat,  and  to  overcome 
her  numerous  and  reckless  enemies  in  every  battle-field,  whether  by 
sea  or  land,  throughout  the  world.     In  her  the  world  saw  realized  the 

*  "  Ethiopia,"  pages  12,  13,  14. 


556 


PULPIT   POLITICS. 


fabled  giant  of  antiquity.  With  her  hundred  hands  she  grasped  her 
foes  in  every  region  under  heaven,  and  crushed  them  with  resistless 
energy." 

As  remarked  in  a  previous  chapter,  if  the  possession  and  control 
of  tropical  production  gave  to  England  such  immense  resources, 
and  secured  to  her  the  superiority  and  such  power,  in  the  last  cen- 
tury, then  she  would  not  yield  them  in  the  present,  but  in  a  death- 
struggle  for  their  maintenance.  That  struggle  had  commenced 
■when  Mr.  McQueen  came  forward  with  his  appeals  to  the  nation, 
to  resort  to  Africa  for  the  remedy.  British  philanthropy  had 
wrought  out  its  results  in  the  West  Indies,  and  demonstrated  the 
futility  of  the  schemes  it  had  pursued.  British  tropical  cultivation 
and  the  commerce  it  sustained  both  lay  in  ruins,  while  the  slave 
trade  and  slavery  laughed  the  nation  to  scorn.  In  urging  imme- 
diate action  upon  the  government  and  people,  he  proceeded  to 
show  that  "  the  increased  cultivation  and  prosperity  of  foreign 
tropical  possessions  is  become  so  great,  and  is  advancing  so  rap- 
idly the  power  and  resources  of  other  nations,  that  these  are  em- 
barrassing this  country  (England,)  in  all  her  commercial  relations, 
in  her  pecuniary  resources,  and  in  all  her  political  relations  and 
negotiations." 

In  proof  of  his  assertions,  he  presented  the  oflScial  returns  of 
the  exports  from  the  British  tropical  possessions,  as  compared  with 
those  of  a  few  only  of  those  of  other  nations,  in  three  articles  alone 
of  tropical  products.     The  following  are  the  results : 


AETICIiES. 
Sugar,  lbs.,  1842 

BRITISH    POSSESSIONS. 

FOREIGN  COUNTRIES.* 

447,302,352 

27,393,003 

137,443,446 

1,199,044,784 
337,432,840 
981,206,903 

Coffee,  lbs.,  1842 

Cotton,  lbs.,  1840 

This  exhibition  of  figures  is  full  of  meaning.  Nearly  three- 
fourths  of  the  products  of  these  foreign  countries  had  been  created 
within  thirty  years  of  the  date  of  the  appeal  of  Mr.  McQueen ; 

*  The  British  Possessions  referred  to,  include  the  East  Indies,  West  Indies, 
and  Mauritius;  the  foreign  countries,  the  United  States,  Cuba,  Brazil,  Java, 
Venezuela. 


THE   COTTON  CROP  AND   AMERICAN   COMMERCE.  557 

and,  aside  from  the  United  States,  Java,  and  Venezuela,  all  were 
dependent  upon  the  slave  trade  for  the  successful  prosecution  of 
their  cultivation.     Mr.  McQ.,  therefore,  proceeded  to  say  : 

"  If  the  foreign  slave  trade  be  not  extinguished,  and  the  tropical 
territories  of  other  powers  opposed  and  checked  by  British  tropical 
cultivation,  then  the  interests  and  the  power  of  such  states  will  rise 
into  a  preponderance  over  those  of  Great  Britain  ;  and  the  power  and 
the  influence  of  the  latter  will  cease  to  be  felt,  feared,  and  respected, 
among  the  civilized  and  powerful  nations  of  the  world." 

From  the  foregoing  facts  it  is  easy  to  perceive  that  the  slave 
trade  had  been  very  sensibly  and  very  seriously  affecting  the  in- 
terests of  the  British  Government ;  *  that  it  had  been  an  engine 
in  the  hands  of  other  nations,  by  which  they  had  thrown  England 
into  the  back  ground  in  the  productions  of  those  articles  of  which 
she  formerly  had  the  monopoly,  and  which  had  given  to  her  such 
power  and  influence  ;  and  that  she  must  either  crush  the  slave 
trade,  or  it  would  continue  to  paralyze  her.  Here  is  the  true 
secret  of  her  movements  in  reference  to  the  slave  trade  and 
slavery.  Her  first  step  —  the  prohibition  of  the  slave  trade  to 
her  colonies  —  gave  to  Spain,  Portugal,  and  France  all  the  advan- 
tages of  that  traffic  ;  and  the  cheaper  and  more  abundant  labor 
thus  secured,  gave  a  powerful  stimulus  to  the  production  of  trop- 
ical commodities  in  their  colonies,  and  soon  enabled  them  to  rival 
and  greatly  surpass  England  in  the  amount  of  her  production  of 
these  articles.  It  was  considered  absolutely  necessary,  therefore, 
to  the  prosperity  of  Great  Britain,  that  she  should  regain  the  ad- 
vantageous position  which  she  had  occupied,  in  being  the  chief  pro- 
ducer of  tropical  commodities,  or,  at  least,  that  she  should  lessen 
her  dependence  upon  other  countries. 

But  the  Government  and  its  advisers  now  found  themselves  in 
the  mortifying  position  of  having  blundered  miserably  in  their 
emancipation  scheme,  and  of  having  landed  themselves  in  a  dilem- 
ma of  singular  perplexity.  The  prohibition  of  the  slave  trade, 
and  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  West  Indies,  resulted  so  favor- 
ably to  the  interests  of  those  countries  employing  slave  labor,  by 
enlarging  the  markets  for  slave-grown  products,  that  the  difficulty 

*  For  details  see  Chapter  V. 


558  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

of  inducing  tliem  to  cease  from  it,  was  increased  a  hundredfold. 
In  relation  to  the  embarrassments  under  which  the  Biitish  nation 
was  laboring,  Mr.  McQueen  said : 

"  Instead  of  supplying  her  own  wants  with  tropical  productions,  and 
next  nearly  all  Europe,  as  she  formerly  did,  she  had  scarcely  enough 
of  some  of  the  most  important  articles  for  her  own  consumption,  while 
her  colonies  were  mostly  supplied  with  foreign  slave  produce.  .  .  . 
...  In  the  meantime,  tropical  productions  had  been  increased  from 
^75,000,000  to  $300,000,000  annually.  The  English  capital  invested 
in  tropical  productions  in  the  East  and  West  Indies  had  been,  by  eman- 
cipation in  the  latter,  reduced  from  $750,000,000  to  $650,000,000 ; 
while,  since  1808,  on  the  part  of  foreign  nations,  $4,000,000,000  of 
fixed  capital  had  been  created  in  slaves  and  in  cultivation  wholly  de- 
pendent upon  the  labor  of  slaves." 

The  odds,  therefore,  in  agricultural  and  commercial  capital  and 
interest,  and  consequently  in  political  power  and  influence,  arrayed 
against  the  British  tropical  possessions,  were  very  fearful  —  six  to 
one. 

This,  then,  was  the  position  of  England  from  1840  to  1844, 
and  these  the  forces  marshaled  against  her,  and  which  she  must 
meet  and  combat.  In  all  her  movements  hitherto,  she  had  only 
added  to  the  strength  of  her  rivals.  Her  first  step,  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  slave  trade,  had  diminished  her  West  India  laborers 
100,000  in  twenty-three  years,  and  reduced  her  means  of  pro- 
duction to  that  extent,  giving  all  the  bene^ts  arising  from  this  and 
from  the  slave  trade  to  rival  nations,  who  had  but  too  well  im- 
proved their  advantages.  But  besides  her  commercial  sacrifices, 
she  had  expended  $100,000,000  to  remunerate  the  planters  for  the 
slaves  emancipated,  and  another  $100,000,000  for  an  armed  re- 
pression of  the  slave  trade.  And  yet,  in  all  this  enormous  ex- 
penditure, resulting  only  in  loss  to  England,  Africa  had  received 
no  advantage  whatever;  but,  on  the  contrary,  she  had  been  robbed, 
since  1808,  of  at  least  3,500,000  slaves,  *  who  had  been  exported 
to  Cuba  and  Brazil  from  her  coast,  making  a  total  loss  to  Africa, 
by  the  rule  of  Buxton,  of  11,666,000  human  beings,  or  one  mil- 
lion more  than  tiie  whole  white  population  of  the  United  States  in 

*  McQueen. 


THE   COTTON    CROP    AND    AMERICAN   COMMERCE.  559 

1830,  and  more  than  three  times  the  number  of  our  present  slave 
population.  * 

Now,  it  was  abundantly  evident  that  Great  Britain  was  im- 
pelled by  an  overpowering  necessity,  by  the  instinct  of  self-pres- 
ervation, to  effect  the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade.  It  was 
true,  no  doubt,  that  considerations  of  justice  and  humanity  were 
among  the  motives  which  influenced  her  actions.  Interest  and 
duty,  therefore,  combined  to  stimulate  her  to  exertion.  The  meas- 
ures to  be  adopted  to  secure  success,  were  also  becoming  more 
apparent.  Few  other  nations  are  guided  by  statesmen  more  quick 
to  perceive  the  best  course  to  adopt  in  an  emergency,  and  none 
more  readily  abandon  a  scheme  as  soon  as  it  proves  impractica- 
ble. Great  Britain  stood  pledged  to  her  own  citizens  and  to  the 
world  for  the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade.  She  stood  equally 
pledged  to  demonstrate  that  free  labor  can  be  made  more  pro- 
ductive than  slave  labor,  even  in  the  cultivation  of  tropical  com- 
modities. These  pledges  she  could  not  deviate  from  nor  revoke. 
Her  interests  as  well  as  her  honor  were  deeply  involved  in  their 
fulfillment.  But  she  could  only  demonstrate  the  greater  produc- 
tiveness of  free  labor  over  slave  labor,  by  opposing  the  one  to 
the  other,  in  their  practical  operations  on  a  scale  coextensive  with 
each  other.  She  must  produce  tropical  commodities  so  cheaply 
and  so  abundantly  by  free  labor,  that  she  could  undersell  slave- 
grown  products  to  such  an  extent,  and  glut  the  markets  of  the 
world  with  them  so  fully,  as  to  render  it  unprofitable  any  longer 
to  employ  slaves  in  tropical  cultivation.  Such  an  enterprise,  suc- 
cessfully carried  out,  she  conceived,  would  be  a  death-blow  to 
slavery  and  the  slave  trade.  "  But,"  says  McQueen,  "  there  re- 
mained no  portion  of  the  tropical  world,  where  labor  could  be 
had  on  the  spot,  and  whereon  Great  Britain  could  conveniently 
and  safely  plant  her  foot,  in  order  to  accomplish  this  desirable 
object  —  extensive  tropical  cultivation  —  but  in  tropical  Africa. 
Every  other  part  was  occupied  by  independent  nations,  or  by  peo- 
ple that  might  and  would  soon  become  independent."  Africa, 
therefore,  was  the  field  upon  which  Great  Britain  Avas  compelled 
to  enter  and  make  her  second  grand  experiment,  f 

*  This  refers  to  1850. 

t  See  "Ethiopia,"  pages  48,  49. 


560  -PULPIT  POLITICS. 

But  even  this  field  was  not  as  fully  open  as  it  had  been  when 
the  "  Niger  Expedition "  was  fitted  out.  The  failure  of  that  en- 
terprise occurred  while  the  Government  was  engaged  in  adjusting 
its  difiiculties  with  China,  which  grew  out  of  the  "  Opium  Ques- 
tion," and  in  conducting  its  war  with  the  Sikhs  of  India.  When, 
therefore,  attention  was  again  turned  to  Africa,  it  was  found  that 
much  of  its  territory,  also,  had  been  occupied  by  other  nations. 
Briefly,  we  must  once  more  refer  to  the  labors  of  McQueen  for 
the  main  part  of  our  facts : 

"  France,  fully  alive  to  the  importance  of  the  commerce  with  Afri- 
ca, had,  within  a  short  period,  securely  placed  herself  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Senegal  and  at  Goree,  extending  her  influence  eastward  and  south- 
eastward from  both  places.  She  had  a  settlement  at  Albreda,  on  the 
Gambia,  a  short  distance  above  St.  Mary's,  and  which  commands  that 
river.  She  had  formed  a  settlement  at  the  mouth  of  the  Gaboon,  and 
another  near  the  chief  mouth  of  the  Niger..  She  had  fixed  herself 
at  Massuah  and  Bure^  on  the  west  shore  of  the  Red  Sea,  commanding 
the  inlets  into  Abyssinia.  She  had  endeavored  to  fix  her  flag  at  Brava 
and  the  mouth  of  the  Jub,  and  had  taken  permanent  possession  of  the 
important  island  of  Johanna,  situated  in  the  center  of  the  northern 
outlet  of  the  Mozambique  channel,  by  which  she  acquired  its  com- 
mand. Her  active  agents  were  placed  in  Southern  Abyssinia,  and 
employed  in  traversing  the  borders  of  the  Great  White  Nile  ;  while 
Algiers,  on  the  northern  shores  of  Africa,  must  speedily  be  her  own.* 
Spain  had  planted  herself,  since  the  Niger  expedition,  in  the  island 
of  Fernando  Po,  which  commands  all  the  outlets  of  the  Niger  and  the 
rivers  from  Cameroons  to  the  equator.  Portugal,  witnessing  these 
movements,  had  taken  measures  to  revive  her  once  fine  and  still  im- 
portant colonies  In  tropical  Africa.  They  included  17°  of  latitude 
on  the  east  coast,  from  the  tropic  of  Capricorn  to  Zanzibar,  and  nearly 
19°  on  the  west  coast,  from  the  20th°  south  latitude,  northward  to 
Cape  Lopez.  The  Imaum  of  Muscat  claimed  the  sovereignty  on  the 
east  coast,  from  Zanzibar  to  Babelmandel,  with  the  exception  of  the 
station  of  the  French  at  Brava.  From  the  Senegal  northward  to 
Algeria  was  in  the  possession  of  the  independent  Moorish  princes. 
Tunis,  Tripoli,  and  Egypt  were  north  of  the  tropic  of  Cancer,  and  in- 
dependent tributaries  of  Turkey. 

"  Here,  then,  all  the  eastern  and  northern  coasts  of  Africa,  and  also 

*  This  has  been  accomplished. 


THE  COTTON  CROP  AND  AMERICAN  COMMERCE.  561 

the  west  coast  from  the  Grambia  northward,  was  found  to  be  in  the 
actual  possession  of  independent  sovereignties,  who,  of  course,  would 
not  yield  the  right  to  England.  Southern  Africa,  below  the  tropic  of 
Capricorn,  already  belonging  to  England,  though  only  the  same  dis- 
tance south  of  the  equator  that  Cuba  and  Florida  are  north  of  it,  is 
highly  elevated  above  the  sea  level,  and  not  adapted  to  tropical  pro- 
ductions. The  claims  of  Portugal  on  the  west  coast,  before  noticed, 
extending  from  near  the  British  South  African  line  to  Cape  Lopez, 
excluded  England  from  that  district.  From  Cape  Lopez  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Niger,  including  the  Gaboon  and  Fernando  Po,  as  before  stated, 
was  under  the  control  of  the  French  and  Spanish. 

"  The  only  new  territory,  therefore,  not  claimed  by  civilized  coun- 
tries, which  could  be  made  available  to  England  for  her  great  scheme 
of  tropical  cultivation,  was  that  between  the  Niger  and  Liberia,  em- 
bracing nearly  fourteen  degrees  of  longitude." 

Subsequently  to  the  summing  up  of  the  facts  here  stated,  Rev. 
Dr.  Livingstone's  discoveries,  in  the  interior  of  Africa,  have  added 
much  additional  territory  to  the  fields  upon  which  Great  Britain 
can  enter. 

Section  II.  —  Condition  of  the  Cotton  Question  in  1850. 

Before  attempting  to  show  what  has  been  done  in  Africa,  or 
elsewhere,  toward  increasing  the  supplies  of  cotton  to  the  English 
manufacturers,  the  exact  condition  of  this  question  in  1850  must 
be  given ;  as  it  will  afford  a  starting  point  from  which  to  estimate 
the  true  progress  made  by  England  in  her  efforts  to  become  in- 
dependent of  the  United  States,  for  her  supplies  of  this  commodity. 

For  information  on  this  subject  we  are  indebted  to  the  London 
Economist,  January,  1850.  After  a  most  elaborate  investigation, 
the  editor  thus  sums  up  the  results : 

"Now,  hearing  in  mind  that  the  figures  in  the  above  tables  are,  with 
scarcely  an  exception,  ascertained  facts,  and  not  estimates,  let  us  sum 
the  conclusions  to  which  they  have  conducted  us :  conclusions  suffi- 
cient, if  not  to  alarm  us,  yet  certainly  to  create  much  uneasiness,  and 
to  suggest  great  caution  on  the  part  of  all  concerned,  directly  or  in- 
directly, in  the  great  manufacture  of  England. 

"  1.  That  our  supply  of  cotton  from  all  quarters  (excluding  the 
3(3 


562  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

United  States,)  has  for  many  years  been  decidedly,  though  irregularly, 
decreasing. 

"  2.  That  our  supply  of  cotton  from  all  quarters^  (including  the 
United  States,)  available  for  home  consumption,  has  of  late  years  been 
falling  off  at  the  rate  of  400,000  pounds  a  week,  while  our  consump- 
tion has  been  increasing  during  the  same  period  at  the  rate  of  1,440,- 
000  pounds  a  week. 

"3.  That  the  United  States  is  the  only  country  where  the  growth 
of  cotton  is  on  the  increase ;  and  that  there  even  the  increase  does  not, 
on  an  average,  exceed  three  per  cent.,  or  32,000,000  pounds  annually, 
which  is  barely  sufficient  to  supply  the  increasing  demand  for  its  own 
consumption  and  for  the  continent  of  Europe. 

"4.  That  no  stimulus  of  price  can  materially  augment  this  annual 
increase,  as  the  planters  always  grow  as  much  cotton  as  the  negro 
population  can  pick. 

"  5.  That  consequently,  if  the  cotton  manufacture  of  Great  Britain 
is  to  increase  at  all  —  on  its  present  footing  —  it  can  only  be  enabled  to 
do  so  by  applying  a  great  stimulus  to  the  growth  of  cotton  in  other 
countries  adapted  for  the  culture." 

The  writer  also  presents  the  following  historical  sketch  of  the 
cotton  trade  of  England,  and  closes  with  a  statement  of  the  reason 
why  other  countries  have  diminished  their  production  of  cotton. 
It  will  be  seen  that  it  is  due  to  the  fact  that  they  are  unable  to 
compete  with  the  United  States  in  its  production.  We  can  supply 
the  markets  so  much  cheaper  than  they  are  able  to  do,  that  our 
cotton  is  driving  theirs  from  the  English  market.    The  writer  says : 

"  Within  the  memory  of  many  now  living,  a  great  change  has  taken 
place  in  the  countries  from  which  our  main  bulk  of  cotton  is  procured. 
In  the  infancy  of  our  manufacture  our  chief  supply  came  from  the 
Mediterranean,  especially  from  Smyrna  and  Malta.  Neither  of  these 
places  now  sends  us  more  than  a  few  chance  bags  occasionally.  In  the 
last  century  the  West  Indies  were  our  principal  source.  In  the  year 
1786,  out  of  20,000,000  pounds  imported,  5,000,000  came  from  Smyrna,- 
and  the  rest  from  the  West  Indies.  In  1848,  the  West  Indies  sent  us 
only  1,300  bales,  (520,000  pounds.)  In  1781,  Brazil  began  to  send  us 
cotton,  and  the  supply  thence  continued  to  increase,  though  irregular- 
ly, till  1830,  since  which  time  it  has  fallen  off  to  one-half.  About 
1822,  Egyptian  cotton  began  to  come  in  considerable  quantities,  its 
cultivation  having  been  introduced  into  that  country  two  years  before. 


THE  COTTON  CROP  AND  AMERICAN  COMMERCE. 


563 


The  import  exceeded  80,000  bales,  (32,000,000  pounds,)  in  1845. 
The  average  of  the  h\st  three  years  has  not  been  a  third  of  that  quan- 
tity. Cotton  has  always  been  grown  largely  in  Hindostan,  but  it  did 
not  send  much  to  England  till  about  thirty  years  ago.  In  the  five 
years  ending  in  1824,  the  yearly  average  import  was  33,000  bales ; 
in  1841,  it  reached  274,000 ;  and  may  now  be  roughly  estimated  at 
200,000  bales  a  year,  (80,000,000  pounds.) 

"  Now  what  is  the  reason  why  these  countries,  after  having  at  one 
time  produced  so  largely  and  so  well,  should  have  ceased  or  curtailed 
their  growth  within  recent  years  ?  It  is  clearly  a  question  of  price. 
Let  us  consider  a  few  of  the  cases  : 


AT  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE 
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1836-1839  inclusive 

1840-1843  

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1844-1848  

"  Here,  surely,  may  be  read  the  explanation  of  the  deplorable  fall- 
ing off  in  our  miscellaneous  supply." 

But  we  may  extend  these  examinations  so  as  to  embrace  a  range 
of  facts  that  will  show  the  true  position  of  all  Europe  at  this 
period,  1850,  in  relation  to  the  cotton  question. 

PO0NDS. 

The  total  cousumption  of  cotton  by  England  in  1849 624,000,000 

By  France 156,000,000 

By  the  remaining  Continental  countries 129,920,000 

To  which  add  that  of  the  United  States 270,000,000 

Total  consumption  of  cotton  in  1849 1,179,920,000 

The  sources  from  which  these  supplies  were  obtained  reveals 
the  extent  to  which  slave  labor  and  free  labor,  respectively,  con- 
tributed of  their  products  to  make  up  the  amount  consumed. 
They  were  as  follows  :  * 


*  These  statistics  are  mainly  taken  from  the  London  Economist,  and  tlxe 
details  may  be  found  in  "Ethiopia." 


664  PULPIT  POLITICS. 


SLAVE  LABOR  COTTON  CONSUMED  IN  1849. 

POTTNBS. 

By  England,  from  Brazil 30,000,000 

By  England,  from  United  States  ..'. 522,530,800 

By  France,  from  United  States 147,000,000 

By  France,  from  Brazil,  say 3,000,000 

By  other  Continental  countries,  from  United  States 128,800,000 

By  United  States,  growth  of  United  States 270,000,000 

Total  slave  labor  consumption 1,101,330,800 

TREE  LABOR   COTTON   CONSUMED   IN    1849. 

POUNDS. 

By  England,  from  all  sources 71,469,200 

By  France,  say 6,000,000 

By  other  Continental  countries 1,120,000 

Total  free  labor  consumption 78,589,200 

Grand  total  cotton  consumption 1,179,920,000 

This  was  the  condition  of  the  cotton  supplies,  so  far  as  they 
depend  upon  slave  labor  and  free  labor  respectively,  upon  the 
ushering  in  of  the  year  1850. 

For  the  year  1859,  the  imports  of  cotton  into  Great  Britain 
from  all  sources,  excepting  the  United  States  and  the  East  Indies, 
were  only  50,125,000  pounds,  while  the  monthly  consumption  of 
her  looms  was  46,600,000  pounds.  Nor  did  India,  at  that  moment, 
present  any  very  encouraging  prospects,  as  she  furnished  but 
70,838,000  pounds  of  the  755,469,000  pounds  that  year  imported 
into  England. 

Here  had  been  a  ten  years'  struggle  on  the  part  of  England  to 
render  herself  less  dependent  upon  America  for  cotton.  That  the 
attempt  failed  is  fully  admitted,  and  that  India  could  not  be  relied 
upon  as  a  field  in  which  to  compete  with  the  United  States  is  re- 
luctantly conceded.  On  this  point  the  London  Economist,  after 
showing  that  Brazil,  Egypt  and  the  East  Indies  could  not  be  made 
to  meet  the  wants  of  the  English  manufacturers,  said : 

"  Our  hopes  lie  in  a  very  different  direction ;  we  look  to  our  West 
India,  African,  and  Australian  colonies,  as  the  quarters  from  which, 
would  Government  only  afford  every  possible  facility,  we  might,  ere 
long,  draw  such  a  supply  of  cotton  as  would,  to  say  the  least,  make 
the  fluctuations  of  the  American  crop,  and  the  varying  proportions  of 


THE  COTTON  CROP  AND  AMERICAN  COMMERCE.  565 

it  which  falls  to  our  share,  of  far  less  consequence  to  our  prosperity 
than  they  now  are." 

It  was  of  vital  importance  to  Great  Britain  that  she  should  be 
able  to  promote  the  cultivation  of  cotton  in  her  own  territories. 
Thus  far  she  had  failed,  and  a  renewal  of  her  efforts  was  all  that 
she  could  do,  while,  in  the  meantime,  she  remained  hopelessly 
dependent  upon  the  American  planter. 

Section  III.  —  Progress  of  events  connected  with  Cotton 
Culture  after  1850,  and  their  results  at  the  opening  of  1860. 

The  great  leading  interest  of  England  —  her  principal  depend- 
ence for  the  maintenance  of  her  power  and  influence — is  her 
manufactures.  Out  of  this  interest  grows  her  immense  commerce, 
and  from  her  commerce  arises  her  ability  to  sustain  her  vast 
navy,  giving  to  her  such  a  controlling  influence  in  the  affairs  of  the 
world.  "  Wealth,  civilization,  and  knowledge  add  rapidly  and  in- 
definitely to  the  powers  of  manufacturing  and  commercial  indus- 
try."    All  these  Great  Britain  possesses  in  an  eminent  degree. 

"  It  is  asserted  that  the  manufacturers  of  England  could  in  a  short 
time  be  made  to  quadruple  their  produce  —  that  so  vast  is  the  power 
which  the  steam-engine  has  added  to  the  means  of  production  in  com- 
mercial industry,  that  it  is  susceptible  of  almost  indefinite  and  im- 
mediate extension  —  that  Manchester  and  Glasgow  could  in  a  few 
years  prepare  themselves  for  furnishing  muslin  and  cotton  goods  to 
the  whole  world  —  that  with  England  the  great  difficulty  always  felt 
is,  not  to  get  hands  to  keep  pace  with  the  demand  of  the  consumers, 
but  to  get  a  demand  to  keep  pace  with  the  hands  employed  in  the  pro- 
duction.^' * 

We  have  seen  that  the  low  price  of  cotton  —  an  average  of  7 
91-100  cents  per  pound  —  from  1840  to  1849  —  was  the  principal 
cause  of  the  decrease  of  its  production  in  countries  other  than  the 
United  States ;  and  that  an  increase  of  price  was  essential  to  the 
encouragement  of  its  extended  cultivation  in  the  countries  which 
had  been  supplying  it,  as  well  as  in  new  fields  where  its  growth 
might  be  introduced.     No  permanent  increase  of  price  occurred, 

*  "  Ethiopia,"  page  56. 


566'  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

however,  until  1857,  -when  it  rose  to  12  55-100  cents  per  pound; 
but  this  was  in  consequence  of  the  short  crop  made  by  the  Amer- 
ican planters,  who  exported  that  year  303,159,226  pounds  less 
than  in  the  preceding  year.  The  years  1850  and  1851  had  also 
been  unfavorable  —  the  former  supplying  for  export  391,220,665 
pounds  less  than  the  exports  of  1849,  and  the  latter  99,365,180 
pounds  less  than  those  of  that  year  —  the  average  price  per  pound 
for  the  two  years  being  11  7-10  cents.  The  five  years  succeeding 
1851  furnished  abundant  crops  in  America,  and  the  price  averaged 
only  9  12-100  cents  per  pound.  No  increased  production  could 
be  secured  under  these  prices ;  but  the  rise  of  1857  brought  Eng- 
land 250,338,144  pounds  of  cotton  from  India,  being  69,841,520 
pounds  more  than  the  imports  from  that  country  during  the  pre- 
ceding year.  In  1858  and  1859,  the  United  States  produced  her 
usual  abundant  crops,  and  thus  again  resumed  her  monopoly  of 
the  cotton  markets  —  flinging  to  the  winds  the  temporary  prosper- 
ity of  India,  and  reducing  her  supplies,  in  1858,  below  those  of 
1857,  more  than  112,000,000  pounds. 

But  though  the  American  cotton  crops  of  1858  and  1859  were 
large  —  that  of  the  latter  year  allowing  an  export  of  1,372,755,000 
pounds  —  yet  owing  to  the  increasing  consumption  on  the  conti- 
nent and  in  the  United  States,  the  supply  of  England  was  not 
equal  to  her  wants ;  and  the  anxiety  in  relation  to  her  cotton 
supplies  continued  to  engage  attention. 

The  year  1859,  it  will  be  seen,  supplies  another  point  like 
1849,  from  which  to  institute  investigations  as  to  the  progress, 
made  by  the  English  people,  in  developing  the  cultivation  of  cot- 
ton in  fields  not  before  devoted  to  that  object.  The  success  at- 
tending their  efi'orts  —  or  rather  the  failure  of  their  schemes  — 
will  be  apparent  when  the  facts  are  fully  presented.  Again  we 
quote  from  the  London  Economist :  * 

"  We  are  not  surprised  that  the  future  supply  of  cotton  should  have 
engaged  the  attention  of  Parliament  on  an  early  night  of  the  session. 
It  is  a  question  the  importance  of  which  can  not  well  be  overrated,  if 
we  refer  only  to  the  commercial  interests  which  it  involves,  or  to  the 
social  comfort  or  happiness  of  the  millions  who  are  now  dependent 

*  February  12,  1859. 


THE  COTTON  CROP  AND  AMERICAN  COMMERCE.  567 

upon  it  for  their  support.  But  it  has  an  aspect  far  loftier,  and  even 
more  important.  At  its  root  lies  the  ultimate  success  of  a  policy  for 
which  England  has  made  great  struggles  and  great  sacrifices  —  the 
maintaining  of  existing  treaties,  and  perhaps  the  peace  of  the  world. 
Every  year  as  it  passes,  proves  more  and  more  that  the  question  of 
slavery,  and  even  the  slave  trade,  is  destined  to  be  materially  aflfected, 
if  not  ultimately  governed,  by  considerations  arising  out  of  the  culti- 
vation of  this  plant.  It  is  impossible  to  observe  the  tendency  of  pub- 
lic opinion  throughout  America,  not  even  excepting  the  free  States, 
with  relation  to  the  slave  trade,  without  feeling  conscious  that  it  is 
drifting  into  indifference,  and  even  laxity.  In  every  light,  then,  in 
which  this  great  subject  can  be  viewed,  it  is  one  which  well  deserves 
the  careful  attention  equally  of  the  philanthropist  and  the  statesman." 

The  Economist  then  proceeds  to  say,  that  in  1840  the  total  sup- 
ply of  cotton  imported  into  England  was  592,488,000  pounds  ;  and 
that,  with  temporary  fluctuations,  it  had  steadily  grown  until  it  had 
reached,  in  1859  and  the  two  preceding  years,  an  average  annual 
amount  of  more  than  900,000,000  pounds,  showing  an  increase  of 
fifty  per  cent. 

"Nevertheless,"  continues  the  editor,  "the  demand  had  been  con- 
stantly pressing  upon  the  supply,  the  consumption  has  always  shown 
a  tendency  to  exceed  the  production,  and  the  consequent  result  of  a 
high  price  has,  during  a  majority  of  these  years,  acted  as  a  powerful 
stimulus  to  cultivation.  But,  practically  speaking,  we  possess  but  two 
sources  of  supply,  and  both  present  such  powerful  obstacles  to  extend- 
ed cultivation,  that  we  are  not  surprised  at  the  habitual  uneasiness  of 
those  whose  interests  demand  a  continually-increasing  quantity.  Those 
two  sources  are  the  United  States  and  British  India.  It  is  true  that 
Brazil,  Egypt,  the  West  Indies,  and  some  other  countries,  furnish 
small  quantities  of  cotton  ;  but  when  we  state  that  of  the  931,847,000 
pounds  imported  into  the  United  Kingdom  in  1858,  the  proportion 
furnished  by  America  and  India  was  870,656,000  pounds,  leaving  for 
all  other  places  put  together  a  supply  of  only  61,191,000  pounds;  not- 
withstanding the  many  laudable  efforts  both  on  the  part  of  Govern- 
ment and  of  the  mercantile  community,  to  encourage  its  growth  in  new 
countries,  it  will  be  admitted  that,  as  an  immediate  and  practical  ques- 
tion, it  is  confined  to  these  two  sources.  They  are  not  only  the  sources 
from  whence  the  largest  supplies  are  received,  but  they  are  also  those 
where  the  chief  increase  has  taken  place." 


568  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

Extending  these  investigations,  we  find  that  in  1859  the  importa 
of  cotton  into  Great  Britain,  from  all  sources,  was  1,215,989,072 
pounds,  of  which  1,154,038,144  pounds  were  from  the  United 
States  and  the  East  Indies,  leaving  but  61,951,928  from  all  other 
countries,  or  an  increase  from  them  of  only  760,000  pounds  dur- 
ing the  year  !  The  progress  in  Africa  was  too  inconsiderable  to 
merit  much  attention. 

The  powerful  obstacles  to  extended  cultivation  in  the  United 
States,  alluded  to  by  the  Economist,  exist  in  the  inability  of  the 
cotton  planters  to  increase  their  labor  forces  in  any  greater  ratio 
than  that  of  the  natural  increase  of  the  slave  population.  This 
increase  is  about  three  per  cent,  per  annum,  and  the  ratio  of  in- 
creasing production  of  cotton  has  generally  been  limited  to  that 
amount.  From  1857  the  prices  remained  more  than  two  cents 
higher  per  pound  than  during  the  five  preceding  years,  and  thus  a 
great  stimulus  was  afforded  to  the  American  planter  to  increase 
his  cultivation.  But  while  the  prices  richly  remunerated  him,  they 
were  at  least  one  cent  per  pound  too  low  to  allow  of  any  serious 
competition  from  India.  At  12  55-100  cents  per  pound,  in  1857, 
the  East  Indies  sent  to  England  250,338,000  pounds;  but  in  1858, 
at  11  72-100  cents  per  pound,  only  138,253,000  pounds  were  for- 
warded from  that  quarter. 

It  was  plain,  therefore,  that  if  the  American  planter  could  keep 
the  price  of  cotton  below  about  eleven  cents  per  pound,  he  could 
retain  the  monopoly  of  the  markets  of  Europe  by  preventing  an 
increased  supply  from  India.  But  here,  at  this  very  point,  a  diffi- 
culty presented  itself.  The  increase  of  the  demand  for  cotton,  as 
has  been  estimated  by  a  British  writer,  would  equal  five  per  cent, 
per  annum,  were  it  practicable  to  augment  the  production  to  that 
extent ;  and  the  American  planter  could  only  increase  it  in  the 
ratio  of  three  per  cent. 

An  important  question  arose  here,  as  to  who  should  supply  this 
increasing  demand.  The  American  planter  could  not  do  it,  ex- 
cept by  extending  the  area  of  slave  labor ;  and  the  British  people 
dare  not  attempt  it,  while  cotton  maintained  the  low  prices  which 
had  prevailed.  The  English  introduced  the  coolie  system  of  labor, 
to  revive  their  lost  fortunes  in  the  West  Indies ;  and,  fearing  the 
Americans  would  renew  the  slave  trade,  they  again  commenced 


THE  COTTON  CROP  AND  AMERICAN  COMMERCE. 


569 


their  efforts  to  prevent  such  a  result.  It  was  readily  perceived, 
by  English  manufacturers  and  statesmen,  that  if  the  slave  trade 
should  be  renewed  by  the  United  States  —  an  opinion  for  which 
there  never  was  any  just  foundation  —  all  their  hopes  of  regaining 
a  monopoly  of  tropical  cultivation,  as  well  as  their  expectations  of 
divorcing  themselves  from  the  cotton  planters  of  the  United  States, 
would  be  at  an  end.  It  was  of  the  utmost  importance,  therefore, 
that  such  a  calamity  to  England,  as  the  renewal  of  the  slave  trade 
by  the  United  States,  should  be  averted  at  all  hazards. 

In  referring  to  this  subject,  the  London  Economist,  of  the  date 
before  quoted,  says  : 

"  But  with  what  an  enormous  interest  does  this  view  of  the  case  in- 
vest the  cultivation  of  cotton  in  India  ?  It  is  the  only  real  obstacle 
we  can  interpose  to  the  growing  feeling  in  favor  of  slavery,  and  the 
diminishing  abhorrence  of  the  slave  trade  in  the  United  States.  It  is 
the  only  field  competition  with  which  can,  for  many  years  to  come,  re- 
dress the  undue  stimulant  which  high  prices  are  giving  to  slave  labor 
in  America."  * 

That  the  editor  was  well  sustained  in  his  opinions,  by  actual  re- 
sults, is  apparent  from  the  fact  that  no  marked  increase  in  the 
production  of  cotton  had  taken  place  excepting  in  the  United  States 
and  East  Indies.  This  was  true  not  only  as  to  late  years,  but  has 
been  true  from  the  day  that  the  American  planters  began  their 
shipments  of  cotton  in  any  considerable  quantities.  Here  are  the 
facts,  as  indicated  by  the  imports  into  Great  Britain,  from  all 
sources  excepting  the  United  States  and  the  East  Indies,  for  the 
years  stated,  in  pounds : 


1786 19,900,000 

1800 48,000,000 

1821 48,500,000 

1832 36,997,000 

1840 27,620,667 

1841 21,363,706 

1842 24,764,698 

1843 32,744,867 

1844 40,252,866 

1845 36,892,115 

1846 31,367,738 

1847 26,273,710 


1848 28,670,712 

1849 50,126,447 

1850 51,591,007 

1851 58,113,811 

1852 79,229,472 

1853 54,978,793 

1854 35,345,794 

1855 64,943,312 

1856 63,349,664 

1857 64,172,704 

1858 61,189,856 

1859 61,950,928 


*  February  12,  1859. 


570 


PULPIT  POLITICS. 


These  were  startling  results,  truly,  to  those  who  had  been  flat" 
tering  themselves  that  British  capital  and  enterprise  could  force 
the  cultivation  of  cotton  in  new  fields  of  production,  or  augment 
it  in  the  old  ones  from  which  the  original  supplies  had  been  ob- 
tained. 

Let  us  now  look  back  for  a  moment  to  the  state  of  the  cotton 
supplies  and  cotton  manufacture  in  Great  Britain,  a  few  years  after 
the  outbreak  of  the  American  Revolution.  Her  cotton  manufac- 
tures were  then  in  their  infancy.  In  1781  her  imports  of  cotton 
were  5,198,778  pounds,  nearly  all  of  which  was  manufactured 
within  the  year.  In  1786  the  imports  had  increased  to  19,900,000 
pounds,  and  her  consumption  to  19,475,000  pounds.  From  that 
date  to  1832,  the  year  preceding  the  passage  of  the  West  India 
Emancipation  Bill,  the  sources  whence  the  cotton  supplies  were 
derived  may  be  inferred  from  the  following  statement  of  the  im- 
ports of  that  article  into  Great  Britain,  from  the  countries  named, 
at  the  difiierent  dates  given.     The  quantity  is  stated  in  pounds  : 


YEARS. 

UNITED 

STATES. 

EAST   INDIES. 

WEST  INDIES. 

BUAZIL. 

TURKEY 

AND 

SMYRNA. 

OTHER 

COUNTRIES. 

1786 

1791 

-n89,316 

*'9,330,000 

«I7,789,803 

n24,893,405 

»322, 215,122 

1,622,000 
30,000,001) 
50,000,005 
t5,178,625 

5,800,000 
12,000,000 

17,000,000 
9,000,000 
1,708,764 

J2,000,000 
20,000,000 

24,000,000 
28,000,000 
20,109-,560 

5,000,000 

?5,500,000 
^9,113,890 

117,100,000 

7,000,000 

6,000,000 

964,933 

1798 

1800 

1821 

1832 

From  these  statistics,  we  pass  on  to  1840,  two  years  after  final 
emancipation  in  the  West  Indies,  and  select  the  years  that  fairly 
represent  the  condition  of  the  cotton  supplies  of  Great  Britain, 
from  all  sources,  from  that  date  to  1860  : 

Imports  of  Cotton  into  Great  Britain  for  the  years  stated. 


,.„T„a,^,.     !                              IWEST     IN-1     OTHER 

TBAKS. 

UNITED  STATES. 

BRAZIL. 

"!""/«.■-«"»'-'-« 

DIES    AND 

COUN- 

TOTAL. 

GUIANA. 

TRIES. 

1840 

487,85(;,5l)-J: 

14,774,171 

8,324,937 

77,011,839 

806,157 

3,649,402 

592,488,010 

1845 

020,1)50,412 

20,157,633 

14,614,699 

58,437,420 

1,394,447 

725,336 

721,979,953 

1849 

(34,504,050 

30,738,133 

17,369,843 

70,838,515 

944,.307 

1,074,164 

755,409,012 

185G 

780,04(1,01  r, 

21,830,704 

34,010,848 

180,496,624 

402,784 

6,439,328 

1,023,886,304 

1857 

054,758,048 

20,010,832 

24,882,144 

250..338,144 

1,443  568 

7,968,160 

909,318,890 

1858 

732,403,840 

16,40(i,8OO 

34,807,840 

138,2.53.360 

9,862,272 

931.847,056 

1859 

901,707,204 

22,478,900 

37,0(J7,056 

192,3.30,880 

11,804,912 

1,215,989,072 

18(jO 

1,115,890,608 

17,280,864 

43,945,064 

204,141,168 

9,666,048 

1,391,929,752 

See  notes  on  next  page. 


THE  COTTON  CROP  AND   AMERICAN  COMMERCE.  571 

Here  we  have  Brazil  supplying  less  cotton  in  1860  than  in  1791 ; 
and  the  West  Indies  and  all  ''other  countries,"  a  considerably  less 
quantity  in  1860  than  the  British  West  Indies  alone  was  able  to 
furnish  in  1800.  The  increase  from  the  Mediterranean —  princi- 
pally from  Egypt  —  has  been  but  slight   as   between  1856   and 

1860,  being  only  9,329,000  pounds,  or  enough,  merely,  to  supply 
the  spindles  of  Great  Britain  for  three  days.  There  is,  therefore, 
no  disguising  the  fact  stated  by  the  Economist,  that  the  East  In- 
dies and  the  United  States  are  the  only  countries  from  which  in- 
creasing quantities  have  been  obtained  to  any  important  extent, 
notwithstanding  the  extraordinary  eiforts  made  to  produce  a  differ- 
ent result.     In  relation  to  Brazil  the  Westminster  Review  for  April, 

1861,  says : 

"  Since  the  abolition  of  the  external  slave  trade  in  1850,  an  increase 
in  the  available  supply  of  labor  sufficient  to  extend  in  any  great  degree 
the  cotton  cultivation  has  become  impossible,  and  for  that  reason  we 
have  little  to  hope  from  this  quarter." 

In  1860,  then,  the  United  States  and  British  India  were  the 
only  prominent  rivals  in  the  great  cotton  markets  of  the  world. 
The  American  planter  had  the  decided  advantage  in  the  contest 
for  supremacy  in  very  many  respects ;  but  still  he  had  obstacles 
to  overcome  of  a  very  stubborn  nature,  among  which,  as  already 
noticed,  were  the  diflGiculties  in  the  way  of  the  extension  of  slave 
labor.  To  retain  his  monopoly  of  the  cotton  markets,  he  must  not 
only  increase  his  production,  but,  at  the  same  time,  keep  the  prices 
depressed  below  the  rates  at  which  it  could  be  supplied  from  India. 
To  allow  any  measures  to  be  adopted  which  would  greatly  dimin- 
ish the  production  of  American  cotton,  would  be  to  promote  the 
interests  of  the  East  India  planters,  and  enable  them  successfully 
to  rival  those  of  the  United  States.  The  existing  difficulties  in  the 
way  of  the  East  Indies,  at  the  opening  of  the  year  1859,  are  thus 
stated  by  the  London  Economist: 

*  These  figures  include  the  total  exports. 

t  East  Indies  and  Mauritius. 

X  Reported  as  from  Portuguese  colonies,  Brazil  being  a  Portuguese  colony. 

§  Turkey  and  Egypt. 

11  From  French,  Spanish,  and  Dutch  colonies. 


572  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

"  In  some  important  respects  the  conditions  of  supply  from  India 
diflfer  very  much  from  those  which  attach  to  and  determine  the  supply 
from  America.  In  India  there  is  no  limit  to  the  quantity  of  labor. 
There  may  be  said  to  be  little  or  none  to  the  quantity  of  land.  The 
obstacle  is  of  another  kind ;  it  lies  almost  exclusively  in  the  want  of 
cheap  transit.  Our  supplies  of  India  cotton  are  not  even  determined 
by  the  quantity  produced,  but  by  that  which,  when  produced,  can  be 
profitably  forwarded  to  England.  It  is,  therefore,  a  question  of  price 
whether  we  obtain  more  or  less.  A  rise  in  the  price  of  one  penny  the 
pound  in  1857,  suddenly  increased  the  supply  from  180,000,000  pounds 
in  1856,  to  250,000,000  in  1857.  A  fall  in  the  price  in  1858  again 
suddenly  reduced  it  to  138,000,000  pounds.  It  was  not  that  the  pro- 
duction of  cotton  varied  in  these  proportions  in  those  years,  but  that  at 
given  prices  it  was  possible  to  incur  more  cost  in  the  transit  than  at 
others.  The  same  high  price,  therefore,  which  at  present  renders  a  large 
supply  possible  from  India,  creates  an  unusual  demand  for  slaves  in 
the  United  States.  But  would  not  the  same  corrective  consequence 
be  produced  if  we  could  diminish  the  cost  of  transit  in  India  ?  Every 
farthing  a  pound  saved  in  carriage  is  equivalent  to  so  much  added  to  the 
price  of  cotton.  Four-pence  the  pound  in  the  Liverpool  market,  for 
good  India  cotton,  with  a  cost  of  two-pence  from  the  spot  of  pro- 
duction, would  command  just  as  great  a  supply  as  a  price  of  five- 
pence  the  pound  if  the  intermediate  cost  were  three-pence.  The 
whole  question  resolves  itself  into  one  of  good  roads  and  cheap  con- 
veyance. Labor  in  India  is  infinitely  more  abundant  than  in  the 
United  States,  and  much  cheaper ;  land  is  at  least  as  cheap ;  the  cli- 
mate is  as  good  ;  but  the  bullock  trains  on  the  miserable  roads  of 
Hindostan  can  not  compete  with  the  steamers  and  other  craft  on  the 

Mississippi Whatever,  therefore,  be  the  financial  sacrifice 

which  in  the  first  place  must  be  made  for  the  purpose  of  opening 
the  interior  of  India,  it  should  be  cheerfully  made,  as  the  only  means 
by  which  we  can  hope  permanently  to  improve  the  revenues  of  India, 
to  increase  and  cheapen  the  supply  of  the  most  important  raw  mate- 
rial of  our  own  industry,  and  to  bring  in  the  abundant  labor  of  the 
millions  of  our  fellow-subjects  in  India,  to  redress  the  deficiency  in 
the  slave  States  of  America,  and  thus  to  give  the  best  practical  check 
to  the  growing  attractions  of  slavery  and  the  slave  trade."  * 

From  all  the  facts  and  considerations  before  us  it  can  no  longer 
be  disputed  that  the  manufacturers  of  Great  Britain,  in  1860,  as 

*  London  Economist,  February  12,  1859. 


\ 


THE    COTTON    CROP    AND    AMERICAN    COMMERCE. 


573 


in  1850,  -were  still  dependent  upon  India  and  the  United  States  for 
their  cotton  supplies  ;  and  that  an  increased  production  of  cotton 
in  the  United  States,  at  the  low  rates  at  which  it  had  been  previ- 
ously furnished,  would  crush  out  all  the  hopes  of  enlarged  exports 
from  India,  or  extended  cultivation  anywhere  else.  It  is  easy  to 
perceive,  therefore,  that  Great  Britain  has  long  been  deeply  inter- 
ested in  the  promotion  of  whatever  policy  would  tend  to  diminish 
the  production  of  American  cotton,  and  enhance  the  price  of  that 
commodity,  so  as  to  stimulate  its  cultivation  in  her  own  prov- 
inces. 

The  following  statement  of  the  prices  of  cotton  from  1821  to 
1860,  inclusive,  will  enable  the  reader  to  discover  the  causes  which 
have  produced  the  fluctuations  in  the  production  of  cotton  through- 
out the  world,  as  far  as  its  culture  was  controlled  by  the  price  of 
the  article.  The  table  of  prices  is  taken  from  the  Congressional 
Report  on  Finance,  for  1860.  The  price  stated  is  the  average  per 
pound  for  the  year  : 


AVERAGE 

COST  PEE 

AVERAGE 

COST  PEE 

AVERAGE 

COST  PEE 

AVEEAGE  COST  PER 

POUND 

IN  CENTS. 

POUND  IN  CENTS. 

POUND  IN  CENTS. 

POUND  IN 

CENTS. 

1821 

16.2 

1831 

9.1 

1841 

10.2 

1851 

12.11 

1822 

16.6 

1832 

9.8 

1842 

8.1 

1852 

....  8.05 

1823 

11.8 

1833 

11.1 

1843 

6.2 

1853 

9.85 

1824 

15.4 

20.9 

1834 

1835 

12.8 

16.8 

1844 

1845 

8.1 

5.92 

1854 

....  9.47 

1825 

1855 

....  8.74 

1826 

12.2 

10 

10.7 

1836 

1837 

1838 

16.8 

14.2 

10.3 

1846 

1847 

1848 

7.81 

10.34 

7.61 

1856 

9.49 

1827 

1857 

....12.55 

1828 

1858.. 

....11.72 

1829 

10 

1839 

14.8 

1849 

6.4 

1859 

....12.72 

1830 

9.9 

1840 

8.5 

1850 

11.3 

1860 

....10.85 

Section  IV.  —  Agencies  engaged  in  PROMOTiNa  measures 
tending  to  destroy  american  commerce,  by  lessening  the 
dependence  of  Europe  upon  us  for  Cotton. 


The  question  of  the  "cotton  supplies,"  and  who  shall  possess 
their  monopoly  in  the  future,  is  one  of  grave  import  to  the  Gov- 
ernment and  people  of  the  United  States.  Let  us  look  at  the  in- 
terests which  it  involves,  and  what  it  is  that  is  risked  to  the  nation 
in  the  loss  of  the  cotton  crop  —  a  loss  which  many  at  the  North 
have  professed  to  believe  would  be  no  detriment  to  the  prosperity 
of  the  country. 


574  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

The  quantity  and  value  of  our  exports  of  domestic  products  is 
annually  reported  to  Congress.  The  report  on  the  finances  for 
1860,  gives  the  total  value  of  all  the  exports  of  the  country  since 
1821.     The  several  classes  of  products  foot  up  as  follows  : 

Breadstuffs  and  Provisions $1,006,951,235 

Rice 87,854,511 

Tobacco 335,181,067 

Cotton 2,574,834,091 

Here  the  value  of  the  cotton  crop,  to  the  foreign  commerce  of 
the  country,  stands  out  in  its  true  proportions.  And  if  to  the  value 
of  the  cotton  we  add  that  of  the  tobacco  and  rice,  the  entire  ex- 
ports of  the  Southern  States,  in  these  three  products  alone,  reach 
a  value  of  nearly  three  billions  of  dollars,  or  thrice  the  amount  of 
the  whole  exports  of  all  the  other  products  of  the  soil. 

These  facts  give  us  a  clear  idea  of  the  character  of  our  foreign 
commerce  during  the  last  thirty-nine  years,  and  the  extent  to  which 
the  Northern  and  Southern  States,  respectively,  have  supplied  the 
commodities  exported  —  those  of  breadstuffs  and  provisions,  main- 
ly, being  of  Northern  production,  and  the  tobacco,  rice,  and  cotton 
of  Southern.  To  illustrate  this  point  more  fully,  take  the  three 
years  ending  with  1860,  as  a  means  of  comparison  between  the 
North  and  the  South,  in  their  present  relations  to  our  foreign  com- 
merce. The  exports  of  the  products  of  the  soil,  for  the  three 
years  named,  stood  as  follows  : 


PRODUCTS. 

1858. 

1859. 

I860. 

Breadstuffs  and  Provisions 

$  50,683,285 

17,009,767 

1,870,578 

131,386,661 

$  38,305,991 

21,074,038 

2,207,148 

161,434,923 

$  45,271,850 

15,906,547 

2,567,399 

191,806,555 

Tobacco 

Rice 

Cotton 

The  man  of  intelligence  can  now  comprehend  the  extent  to 
which  the  cotton  crop  enters  into  the  foreign  commerce  of  the 
country,  and  the  ruinous  consequences  to  our  national  progress 
and  prosperity  which  must  follow  the  discontinuance  of  its  pro- 
duction, or  its  exclusion  from  foreign  markets.  Strike  out  the  ex- 
ports of  tobacco,  rice,  and  cotton,  and  the  commerce  of  the  United 
States,  in  the  products  of  the  soil,  Avould  at  once  dwindle  down 
from  hvo  hundred  and  fifty-five  millions  of  dollars  per  annum  to 


THE   COTTON  CROP  AND   AMERICAN   COMMERCE.  575 

less  than  fifty  millions  of  dollars.  The  history  of  the  commercial 
operations  of  the  country,  for  the  last  forty  years,  demonstrates 
the  truth  of  this  proposition. 

But,  again,  by  taking  the  monied  value  of  all  the  commodities 
exported  for  the  last  thirteen  years  —  from  1847  to  1860  inclusive 
—  cotton  will  still  be  found  occupying  an  imperial  position  in  the 
commerce  of  the  country.  The  fiscal  year  ends  June  30,  and  the 
several  amounts  were  as  follows  : 

Cotton $1,489,859,591 

Tobacco 172,319,772 

Specie  and  Bullion 438,097,554 

Products  of  the  Sea 45,489,946 

Produetsof  the  Forest 141,504,708 

Breadstufla  and  Provisions,  including  Rice 661,018,096 

Manufactures 331,747,346 

Raw  Produce 28,107,594 

$3,308,144,607 

.  Deducting  the  specie  and  bullion,  and  the  cotton  alone,  through- 
out a  series  of  thirteen  years,  is  more  than  half  the  value  of  all 
the  articles  exported. 

We  can  now  comprehend  the  extent  of  the  risks  to  the  national 
prosperity  of  the  United  States  which  are  involved  in  the  diminu- 
tion or  destruction  of  the  cotton  crop,  and  the  importance  to  the 
people  of  Great  Britain  of  securing  to  themselves  the  monopoly 
of  the  cotton  supplies.  From  this  stand-point,  then,  we  can  pro- 
ceed with  our  examination  of  the  agencies  engaged  in  promoting 
the  interests  of  Englishmen  in  their  efforts  to  regain  their  monop- 
oly of  tropical  cultivation. 

The  struggle,  at  present,  for  the  monopoly  of  the  cotton  sup- 
plies, as  we  have  seen,  is  narrowed  down  to  a  contest  between  the 
United  States  and  India.  But,  from  the  day  that  Hon.  George 
Thompson  lectured  in  old  England,  to  induce  its  government  and 
people  to  engage  largely  in  cotton  culture  in  the  East  Indies  — 
from  the  day  that  this  same  gentleman  undertook  to  lecture  in  New 
England,  to  promote  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  America  —  our 
planters  have  maintained  their  advantageous  position,  and  India 
has  remained  prostrate  at  the  footstool  of  the  American  planter. 
Not  only  have  the  questions  of  price  and  transportation  been  against 
India,  but  the  character  of  her  staple,  very  inferior  at  the  outset, 


576  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

has  not  been  improved  in  quality  to  the  present  day.  So  long, 
therefore,  as  the  production  of  cotton  received  no  check  in  Amer- 
ica, so  long  India  failed  to  make  any  improvement  in  the  quality 
of  her  product,  or  in  the  means  of  its  transit  from  the  interior ; 
because  this  improvement  was  a  matter  dependent  upon  large  in- 
vestments of  capital,  and  British  capitalists  shrunk  instinctively 
from  a  contest  with  the  monarch  of  America  —  King  Cotton.  But 
the  production  of  a  better  staple  in  India  was  dependent  not  simply 
upon  an  increased  outlay  of  capital ;  the  advanced  civilization  of 
the  population  was  also  necessary  to  the  accomplishment  of  this 
object.  On  these  points  the  London  Examiner  says,  in  a  late 
issue  : 

"  As  for  the  opportunity,  has  it  not  been  the  same  for  India  as  for 
America  for  the  forty-eight  years  of  free  trade  which  have  elapsed 
since  the  year  1813,  and  what  has  been  the  result?  Here  it  is  from 
the  unquestionable  authority  of  Mr.  Henry  Ashworth  : 

"  '  The  proportion  of  India  cotton  consumed  in  this  country  last 
year  (I860,)  formed  only  seven  per  cent,  in  quantity,  and  only  four 
and  a  half  per  cent,  in  value ;  and  although  216,832,000  pounds  were 
actually  imported  and  brought  to  market,  the  great  bulk  —  say  more 
than  two-thirds  —  was  too  poor  to  find  buyers  for  English  consump- 
tion.' 

"  Is  it  by  bringing  more  of  this  trash  into  our  market  that  India 
cotton  is  to  prove  a  substitute  for  American?  The  cotton  of  India  is 
just  now  exactly  what  it  was  when  first  imported  seventy  years  ago, 
having  in  all  that  time  sustained  no  improvement.  It  is  probably  now 
what  it  was  four  thousand  years  ago,  and  what  it  will  continue  to  be 
for  another  four  thousand  years,  if  it  shall  continue  to  be  cultivated 
by  an  ignorant,  poverty-stricken  Asiatic  peasantry,  to  whom  the  death 
of  a  pair  of  bullocks  is  bankruptcy." 

That  India  can  not  compete  with  us  in  the  culture  of  cotton  is 
apparent  from  the  following  facts  in  relation  to  the  cost  of  its  pro- 
duction in  that  country.  The  statement  is  taken  from  the  Cal- 
cutta Englishman  of  1861,  a  paper  familiar  with  the  subject  it 
discusses  : 

"  The  following  table  shows  the  expense  of  cultivating  an  acre  of 


THE  COTTON  CROP  AND  AMERICAN  COMMERCE.  577 

land  with  cotton  in  the  Raichore  Doab,  the  yield  of  which  will  be  260 
pounds,  or  when  cleaned  70  pounds  : 

Government  land  tax £0  5     0 

Cost  of  preparing  land 0  3     0 

Weeding 0  1     0 

Cost  of  20%  pounds  of  seed 0  4     0 

Sowing  with  drill 0  2     0 

Picking  the  cotton 0  10 

Cleaning  the  cotton 0  13 

Carriage  to  seaport 0  4     8 

Freight  of  £3  10s  per  tun 0  2     0 

Screwing,  baling,  (tc 0  0  11 

£1  4  10 

Commissions  at  2 J4  per  cent.,  TKd 0  0     0 

Brokerage  at  J^  per  cent.,  IJ^d 0  0     9 

Total £1  5     7 

Or  nearly  4|^d.  per  pound,  exclusive  of  any  profit  whatever,  either  to 
the  cultivator  or  shipper.  It  is  thus  clearly  perceptible  that  the 
present  price  of  India  cotton  in  the  Liverpool  market  is  not  sufficient 
to  induce  any  increase  in  the  cultivation,  the  more  so  as  the  charges 
here  given  are  irrespective  of  the  thousand  and  one  demands  made  on 
the  trader  by  every  native  agent  through  whose  hands  it  passes." 

But  let  us  turn  a  moment  from  India  to  Africa.  When,  in  1850, 
it  became  obvious  to  the  British  people  that  "India  must  fail  in  her 
competition  with  the  United  States,  the  most  vigorous  efforts  were 
made  to  promote  the  cultivation  of  cotton  in  Africa,  as  a  field 
more  hopeful  of  favorable  results.  This  enterprise,  however,  could 
be  prosecuted  only  by  the  employment  of  slave  labor ;  yet  it  Avas 
not  discouraged  on  that  account  by  the  English  people.  It  is 
known  to  every  one  familiar  with  the  civil  condition  of  Africa,  that 
slavery  everywhere  prevails  throughout  all  its  territory,  inhabited 
by  the  negro  race.  To  cultivate  cotton  in  Africa,  therefore,  is  to 
establish  slavery  on  a  profitable  basis,  in  a  new  field  of  tropical 
production.  But  to  do  so,  it  was  argued,  was  justifiable  on  the 
ground  of  philanthropy,  as  it  would  tend  to  paralyze  the  slave 
trade,  and  prevent  its  renewal  in  America ;  that  is  to  say,  Eng- 
lishmen assented  to  the  establishment  of  slavery  in  Africa,  pro- 
vided its  success  there  would  destroy  it  in  the  United  States. 

"  Once  let  the  African  chiefs  find  out,  as  in  many  instances  they 
37 


578  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

have  already  found  out,  that  the  gale  of  the  laborer  can  be  only  a 
source  of  profit  once,  while  his  -labor  may  be  a  source  of  constant  and 
increasing  profit,  and  we  shall  hear  no  more  of  their  killing  the  hen 
which  may  lay  so  many  golden  eggs,  for  the  sake  only  of  a  solitary 
and  final  prize." 

Thus  spoke  the  London  Economist  early  in  1859.  In  comment- 
ing on  the  consequences  of  the  movement  for  promoting  cotton 
culture  in  Africa,  the  American  Missionary,  an  anti-slavery  publi- 
cation, very  truthfully  remarks  : 

"  There  is,  however,  one  danger  connected  with  all  this  that  can 
not  be  obviated  by  any  effort  likely  to  be  put  forth  under  the  stim- 
ulus of  commerce,  or  the  spirit  of  trade The  danger  to 

which  we  allude  is  not  merely  that  of  worldliness,  such  as  in  a  com- 
munity always  accompanies  an  increase  of  wealth,  but  that  the  slavery 
now  existing  there  inay  he  strengthened  and  increased  hy  the  rapid  rise 
in  the  value  of  labor,  and  thus  become  so  firmly  rooted  that  the  toil 
of  ages  may  be  necessary  for  its  removal."  * 

As  early  as  1858,  Lord  Palmerston  took  ground  in  favor  of  the 
vigorous  prosecution  of  the  growing  of  cotton  in  Africa.  He  made 
no  objection  to  the  measure  on  account  of  the  slavery  which  would 
be  employed  in  its  production.  He  said  nothing  about  the  sinful- 
ness of  slavery  ;  because  the  British  Government  had  never  adopt- 
ed that  belief  as  a  rule  of  action.  The  theory  that  slavery  is 
sinful,  was  designed  for  American  use,  and  as  a  maxim  that  might 
overthrow  American  slavery.  In  referring  to  the  encouraging 
prospects  for  cotton  culture  in  Africa,  during  the  debate  of  July 
13,  1858,  he  said  : 

"  I  venture  to  say,  that  you  will  find  on  the  west  coast  of  Africa  a 
most  valuable  supply  of  cotton,  so  essential  to  the  manufactures  of 
this  country.  It  has  every  advantage  for  the  growth  of  that  article. 
The  cotton  districts  of  Africa  are  more  extensive  than  those  of  India. 
The  access  to  them  is  more  easy  than  to  the  India  cotton  districts, 
and  I  venture  to  say,  that  your  commerce  with  the  western  coast  of 
Africa  in  the  article  of  cotton  will  in  a  few  years  prove  to  be  far 

*  American  Missionary,  March,  1859.     The  italics  are  the  author's. 


THE   COTTON   CROP  AND  AMERICAN  COMMERCE.  579 

more  valuable  than  that  of  any  portion  of  the  world,  the   United 
States  excepted."  * 

Details  of  the  progress  of  cotton  culture  in  Africa,  and  else- 
where, can  not  be  given  here  without  extending  this  chapter  to 
too  great  a  length. 

It  is  only  necessary,  to  a  clear  understanding  of  the  subject  of 
the  cotton  supplies,  to  state  that,  up  to  the  close  of  1860,  no  in- 
creased importations  of  cotton  into  Great  Britain,  from  either  the 
old  or  the  new  fields  of  production,  had  taken  place,  to  such  ex- 
tent as  would  warrant  her  manufacturers  in  entertaining  the  least 
hope  of  freeing  themselves  from  continued  dependence  for  that 
staple  upon  the  United  States,  so  long  as  its  production  with  us 
remained  undisturbed.  On  the  contrary,  the  imports  of  Great 
Britain,  in  the  aggregate,  from  the  West  Indies,  Africa,  and  "  other 
countries,'"  Avhich  were  less  by  more  than  two  million  pounds  in 
1860  than  they  were  in  1859,  f  have  sufi"ered  a  still  further  dimi- 
nution in  1861. 

Thus,  for  the  year  1861,  from  every  source,  the  imports  of  cotton 
into  Great  Britain,  as  compared  with  those  of  1860,  show  an  in- 
crease from  Africa,  the  West  Indies,  and  "  other  countries,"  of  only 
595,280  pounds ;  from  Brazil,  an  increase  of  but  3,472  pounds ; 
and  from  Egypt,  a  decrease  of  3,061,978  pounds ;  being,  from  all 
sources,  excepting  the  East  Indies  and  United  States,  a  total 
decrease  below  the  imports  of  1860,  of  2,463,406  pounds.  From 
the  East  Indies  the  increase  has  been  164,899,280  pounds  over  the 
imports  of  1860,  but  only  118,702,304  pounds  over  the  imports 
of  1857.  These  results  must  greatly  disappoint  those  who  were 
a,nticipating  largely  increased  supplies  from  other  sources  than 
the  United  States.;}: 

In  reference  to  the  extent  of  the  recent  supplies  of  cotton  re- 
ceived in  Great  Britain,  from  new  sources,  Mr.  William  Cross,  of 
Farnwarm,  near  Manchester,  says  in  a  communication  in  the  Lon- 
don Post,  June  21,  1861 : 

''It  has  been  stated  in  several  newspapers  that  40,000  'bales'  of 

*  Westminster  Review,  April,  186T. 

t  See  preceding  tabular  statement  of  imports  into  Great  Britain. 

t  From  OflBoial  Reports  in  the  London  Economist,  Maixh  1,  1862. 


580  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

cotton  have  been  received  from  fifty-eight  new  or  revived  sources. 
These  statements  are  erroneous.  A  bale  of  cotton  is  about  four  hun- 
dred pounds  weight,  but  a  large  proportion  of  the  so-called  bales  are 
only  small  sample-bags,  containing  a  few  pounds  of  cotton.  Of  the 
remainder,  18,924  bales  are  from  Tuticorin,  the  shipping  port  of  the 
Tinnovelly  District ;  and  inasmuch  as  Tinnovelly  cotton  has  been  well 
known  to  the  London  and  Liverpool  cotton  merchants  during  many 
years,  it  is  false  to  describe  that  district  as  a  new  source  of  supply. 
Down  to  the  present  time,  notwithstanding  the  assertions  of  the  Cot- 
ton Supply  Association,  there  has  not  been  received  as  much  cotton 
from  new  sources  as  would  find  employment  for  one  moderate  sized 
cotton-mill  during  the  space  of  sis  months ;  and  I  believe  I  am  quite 
within  the  mark  when  I  assert  that  the  several  cotton-procuring  com- 
panies which  have  been  advertised  in  Lancashire  are  not  in  possession 
of  as  much  paid  up  capital  as  would  purchase  a  twelve  month's  supply 
of  cotton  for  one  cotton-mill  of  moderate  dimensions." 

It  follows,  as  a  logical  deduction  from  the  facts  before  us,  that 
the  successful  development  of  the  growth  of  cotton  in  the  tropical 
possessions  of  Great  Britain  can  only  be  secured  by  effecting  a 
derangement  of  the  labor  forces  engaged  in  its  production  in  the 
United  States,  and  that  this  derangement  must  be  effected  to  such 
an  extent  as  will  diminish  the  production  of  American  cotton,  so 
as  to  give  permanency  to  high  prices  for  that  commodity.  This 
done,  and  British  capital,  in  a  proportionate  degree,  can  be  em- 
ployed safely  in  both  India  and  Africa  for  the  improvement  of  the 
quality  and  the  increase  of  the  quantity  of  their  cotton.  But 
until  this  is  done  —  until  the  American  planter  is  crippled  or  pros- 
trated—  British  capitalists,  as  we  are  assured  by  advices  from 
abroad,  will  not  venture  upon  extended  cotton  culture  in  any  por- 
tion of  the  world.  They  had  hoped  to  reverse  this  condition  of 
things,  and  to  have  lessened  the  American  production  of  that 
staple,  by  its  increased  cultivation  in  India,  but  this  scheme  was 
soon  found  to  be  impracticable,  and  its  increased  growth  in  India 
can  only  succeed  by  first  interrupting  its  culture  in  the  United 
States. 

Now,  on  arriving  at  this  point  in  our  investigations,  it  is  very 
easy  to  comprehend  why  the  people  of  Great  Britain  have  made 
such  extensive  and  persevering  efforts  to  promote  the  abolition  of 
slavery  in  the  United  States,    Emancipation,  they  very  well  know, 


THE  COTTON  CROP  AND  AMERICAN  COMMERCE.  581 

would  at  once  ruin  the  American  planters,  and  completely  destroy 
the  production  of  cotton  on  their  estates.  It  is  also  very  obvious 
why  the  English  abolitionists,  on  failing  in  their  schemes  in  refer- 
ence to  the  immediate  abolition  of  slavery  in  this  country,  have, 
with  such  perfect  unanimity,  approved  of  the  proposition  of  the 
American  abolitionists,  to  confine  slavery  within  the  limits  of  the 
States  where  it  now  exists ;  because,  to  prevent  the  extension  of 
Southern  slavery,  is  to  diminish  the  production  of  our  great  com- 
mercial staple,  and  to  allow  the  monopoly  of  the  cotton  supplies, 
ultimately,  to  pass  from  the  hands  of  our  own  citizens  into  those 
of  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain. 

We  do  not  complain  of  the  English  people  for  using  peaceful 
means  to  place  themselves  upon  an  equal  footing  with  those  of 
the  United  States  in  the  competition  for  the  grand  prize  of  sup- 
plying the  cotton  markets.  But  we  can  justly  say  that  the  Ameri- 
cans who  are  playing  into  their  hands  are  no  friends  to  the  com- 
mercial prosperity  of  their  own  country.  They  should  be  able  to 
see  that  the  hostility  of  the  British  people,  at  large,  to  American 
slavery  is  not  based  on  moral  considerations  —  as  is  apparent  from 
their  being  industriously  engaged  in  establishing  slavery  in  Africa, 
as  a  means  of  procuring  supplies  of  cotton  ;  and  that,  therefore,  in 
the  present  condition  of  the  world,  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
United  States  must,  necessarily,  force  its  establishment  in  Africa 
upon  a  footing  commensurate  with  existing  demands  for  tropical 
products,  and  humanity  thereby  reap  no  advantages  by  the  aboli- 
tion of  slavery  in  America. 

The  tendency  of  the  abolition  movements  in  the  United  States 
are  now  easily  discerned.  The  history  of  emancipation  every- 
where, without  exception,  proves  that  the  great  mass  of  the  blacks 
will  not  work  voluntarily,  to  any  useful  extent,  beyond  what  is 
necessary  to  supply  their  absolute  necessities.  The  blacks  of  the 
United  States  can  form  no  exception  to  the  general  rule.  Eman- 
cipation in  our  Southern  States,  therefore,  would  be  the  death 
blow  to  our  cultivation  of  cotton,  as  it  was  in  the  West  Indies  to 
the  production  of  both  cotton  and  sugar.  * 

The  crisis  in  American  cotton  culture  is  now  upon  us.     The 

*  The  reader  will  find  the  facts  relating  to  the  West  Indies  in  Chapter  V. 


582  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

prices  have  gone  up  three  hundred  per  cent.  With  these  prices 
prolonged,  by  the  withholding  of  the  American  crop  from  the 
markets  for  three  or  four  years,  but,  especially,  by  the  discontin- 
uance of  the  culture  of  cotton  in  the  South  for  want  of  hands  to 
perform  the  labor,  the  supplies  of  cotton  from  other  countries  may 
be  increased,  so  that  the  American  crop  may  be  no  longer  a  desid- 
eratum to  European  manufacturers.  Lord  Palmerston  seems  to 
understand  the  question  in  this  light.  At  the  late  Lord  Mayor's 
dinner  in  London,  the  American  minister,  Mr.  Adams,  being  pres- 
ent, the  noble  Lord,  in  alluding  to  fhe  want  of  cotton  from  Amer- 
ica, said  : 

••That  temporary  evil  will  be  productive  of  permanent  good  — 
(cheers)  —  and  we  shall  find  in  various  quarters  of  the  globe  sure  and 
certain  and  ample  supplies,  which  will  render  us  no  longer  dependent 
upon  one  source  of  production  for  that  which  is  so  necessary  for  the 
industry  and  welfare  of  the  country."^- 

The  extent  of  the  dependence  of  Great  Britain  upon  cotton, 
will  be  understood  when  it  is  stated  that  the  total  value  of  all  her 
exports,  for  the  year  ending  December  31,  1860,  f  estimating  the 
pound  sterling  at  ^5,00,  was  $679,214,085.  Of  these  exports  the 
value  of  cottons,  cotton  yarns,  etc.,  of  all  descriptions  was,  $260,- 
067,410;  raw  cotton,  350,428,640  pounds  exported,  at  say  11  cents 
per  pound,  $27,547,150  ;  to  this  add  the  British  domestic  consump- 
tion of  cottons,  estimated  at  $120,000,000 ;  making  British  in- 
terests in  cotton  alone  at  $407,614,560. 

Reader,  can  you  now  comprehend  the  question  of  the  cotton 
supplies  as  it  affects  Great  Britain ! 

We  do  not  say  that  the  abolitionists  of  America  desired  to 
destroy  our  cotton  cultivation  for  the  benefit  of  the  colonial  pos- 
sessions of  Great  Britain.  Their  movements  may  be  interpreted 
on  other  principles.  It  has  been  conjectured,  by  a  curious  writer, 
that  Satan  maintains  his  influence  in  the  world,  not  by  constant 
attention  to  every  man  whom  he  is  able  to  mislead  —  because  he 
is  not  omnipresent  —  but  mainly  by  setting  afloat  such  false  max- 


*  New  York  Observer,  November,  1861. 
t  London  Economist,  March  2,  1861. 


THE  COTTON  CROP  AND  AMERICAN  COMMERCE.  583 

ims  in  society  as,  on  being  accepted  as  rules  of  conduct,  will  cor- 
rupt mankind  and  mislead  them  to  their  ruin. 

So  it  has  been  in  reference  to  the  abolitionists  of  the  United 
States.  They  have  adopted,  from  time  to  time,  one  theory  after 
another  in  reference  to  slavery,  and  all  of  which  nearly  are  now 
demonstrated  to  be  historically  false.  These  theories,  mostly, 
were  of  foreign  origin,  and,  like  the  false  maxims  of  Satanic  origin, 
were  designed  to  mislead  the  simple  and  the  unwary.  * 

As  in  the  moral  and  religious  aspects  of  slavery,  false  maxims 
have  prevailed  to  a  ruinous  extent,  so  in  reference  to  its  economi- 
cal relations,  theories  equally  untrue  and  absurd  have,  from  time 
to  time,  been  set  afloat,  and  as  eagerly  seized  upon  to  promote  the 
interests  of  abolition.  Who  does  not  remember  the  labored  at- 
tempts to  prove  that  the  Union,  to  the  North,  was  of  but  little 
value,  pecuniarily  —  about  thirty-nine  cents,  perhaps,  to  each  per- 
son in  the  North,  according  to  one  abolition  organ  —  and  that, 
therefore,  the  Northern  States  would  be  more  prosperous  were  the 
Southern  States  cast  off  as  a  useless  burden !  The  story  of  the 
hay  crop  —  not  a  pound  of  which  is  exported,  as  being  of  more 
value  than  the  cotton  crop,  tAVO  hundred  millions  of  dollars  worth 
of  which  are  exported  —  is  still  fresh  in  the  memory  of  the  intel- 
ligent reader.  Because,  forsooth,  we  had  three  hundred  millions 
of  dollars  worth  of  hay,  we  could  very  well  do  without  the  two 
hundred  millions  worth  of  cotton!  The  mountaineer  gentleman, 
as  the  joke  runs,  has  a  costly  pair  of  spurs  and  a  glossy  shirt- 
collar,  therefore  he  has  no  need  of  coat  or  other  garments  ! 

A  few  facts  will  set  this  point  in  its  true  light.  Hay,  instead 
of  being  a  standard  of  wealth,  is  but  the  indication  of  severity  of 
climate  and  prolonged  winters.  This  proposition  may  be  illus- 
trated by  examples  taken  from  a  few  of  the  Northern  States, 
which  save  large  quantities  of  hay,  as  compared  with  the  same 
number  in  the  South,  which  save  but  little  hay ;  and  yet,  the 
Southern  States  are  able  to  subsist  a  much  larger  amount  of  live 
stock,  from  the  fact  that  their  climate  is  so  favorable  as  to  afford 
pasturage  throughout  the  winter: 

*  The  preceding  Chapters  are  devoted  to  the  exposure  of  the  false  theories 
of  the  anti-slavery  men  of  the  United  States. 


584 


PULPIT   POLITICS. 


STATES. 


HORSES,      CAT- 
TLE, ETC. 


New  Hampshire 

Vermont 

Maine 

Connecticut 

Michigan - 

Georgia 

Alabama 

Mississippi 

South  Carolina... 
Arkansas 


598,854 

866,153 

755,889 

616,1 31 

404,943 

23,449 

32,685 

12,504 

20,925 

3,976 


302,162 
410,123 
385,115 
239,603 
333,073 
1,306,238 
915,911 
903,977 
912,.340 
364,466 


384,756 
1,014,122 
451,577 
174,181 
746,435 
560,435 
371,880 
304,929 
285,551 
91,256 


63,487 

66,296 

54,598 

76,472 

205,847 

,168,617 

,904,540 

,582,734 

,065,503 

836,727 


But  we  must  not  dwell  upon  the  absurdities  of  these  ruinous 
theories,  gotten  up  to  familiarize  the  public  mind,  at  the  North, 
with  the  idea  of  disunion. 

Another  topic  claims  attention,  as  illustrating,  more  fully,  the 
facility  with  which  errors  on  economical  questions,  as  well  as  upon 
moral  ones,  may  be  propagated.  When  our  national  difficulties 
were  approaching  a  crisis  —  with  an  object  in  view  not  requiring 
notice  here  —  the  attempt  was  made  to  create  the  impression  that 
Europe  was  not  so  dependent  upon  American  cotton  as  had  been 
represented.  Statements  were  set  afloat  which  were  calculated  to 
deceive  the  careless  thinker;  and  which  did  deceive  tens  of  thou- 
sands of  men,  otherwise  intelligent  and  guarded  in  their  acceptance 
of  theories  and  maxims.  Take  an  example  of  a  later  date,  as 
representing  the  whole,  and  which  is  as  amusing  to  the  public,  as 
it  must  now  be  mortifying  to  its  victim  : 

The  senior  editor  of  the  ISIeiv  York  Observer — a  religious  paper 
always  in  opposition  to  abolition  —  on  retiring  to  his  country  seat, 
in  the  forepart  of  the  summer  of  1861,  thus  wrote : 

"  Ten  years  hence  India  will  furnish  as  much  cotton  within  a  trifle 
as  America  will,  even  if  the  rate  of  increase  continues  in  this  country 
as  rapidly  in  the  next  ten  years  as  it  has  in  the  last  decade  of  years." 

This  opinion  of  the  editor  was  based  on  the  statements  made  in 
an  article  in  the  North  British  Review,  which  contained  the  esti- 
mates of  the  increase  alone  in  the  British  supplies  of  cotton,  from 
the  several  cotton-growing  countries,  from  1850  to  1857.  The 
Review  says : 


"  During  that  period  the  increase  of  300,000,000  pounds,  in  round 


THE  COTTON  CROP  AND  AMERICAN  COMMERCE.  585 

numbers,  in  our  imports  of  cotton  was  furnished  by  the  following 
countries  : 

POUNDS. 

United  States 161,604,906 

Egypt 5,910,730 

West  Indies 1,184,667 

East  Indies 131,465,402 

Africa  and  others 5,895,462 

The  article  quoted  appeared  in  the  course  of  the  summer  of  1861. 
The  deception  practiced  is  in  the  selection  of  the  seven  years 
ending  with  1857.  The  years  1850,  1851,  and  1857,  gave  short 
crops  in  the  United  States,  and  there  was  consequently  a  largely 
increased  importation  from  India,  because  of  the  increased  prices. 
Had  the  contrast  been  made  between  India  and  America  for  the 
years  1858,  1859,  and  1860,  the  increase  of  imports  into  England 
would  have  ranged  so  as  to  lead  to  a  very  different  conclusion 
from  that  indorsed  by  the  Observer.     It  was  as  follows : 

POUNDS. 

United  States,  increase 383,486,768 

East  Indies,  increase, 65,887,808 

"West  Indies  and  other  countries,  decrease 196,224 

Egypt,  increase ;....      9,077,224 

Brazil,  increase 820,064 

These  statistics  tell  a  very  different  story,  as  to  the  present  con- 
dition of  the  cotton  supplies,  from  those  quoted  by  the  New  York 
Observer. 

Again,  the  Observer  quotes  from  the  Review : 

"  If  we  take  the  fourteen  years  from  1843  to  1857,  we  find  that  the 
cotton  countries  increased  their  shipments  to  England  as  follows  : 

PEE  CENT. 

United  States 15 

Egypt 140 

Brazil 54 

East  Indies 288 

Africa 300 

A  Still  greater  deception  is  here  practiced  upon  the  careless  read- 
er, by  giving  results  in  per  cents.,  than  even  by  the  mode  of  contrast 
above  noticed.     The  year  1843  gave  65,709,729  pounds  of  cotton 


586  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

from  India  —  a  much  less  quantity  than  in  the  two  preceding 
years  ;  while  1857  gave  250,388,144  pounds  —  a  great  increase  over 
that  of  any  year  before  or  since,  except  1861.  The  premeditated 
deception  here  practiced  is  apparent,  when  it  is  further  stated, 
that,  owing  to  our  short  crop,  England  received  125,281,978 
pounds  less  from  us  in  1857  than  she  had  the  previous  year,  and 
461,132,560  pounds  less  than  in  1860.  Had  the  contrast  been 
drawn  between  the  years  1857  and  1860,  the  result,  instead  of 
showing  an  increase  from  India,  would  have  presented  a  decrease 
of  twenty-three  per  cent.  The  increase  from  Africa  may  have 
been  at  the  rate  of  three  hundred  per  cent.,  but  then  the  whole 
imports  from  the  favored  African  districts  of  Lagos  and  Abbeo- 
kuta,  in  1857,  were  only  35,000  pounds. 
And,  again,  the  Observer  quotes  : 

"  If  we  take  the  import  of  1857  as  the  basis,  and  assume  the  in- 
crease of  the  fourteen  succeeding  years  to  be  in  the  same  ratio,  the 
rate  of  increase  in  1871  will  be  as  follows : 

POUNDS. 

United  States 753,911,754 

East  Indies 720,973,853 

Brazil 45,464.464 

Egypt 31,216,849 

Africa  and  others ., 23,768,480 

It  is  only  necessary,  in  noticing  this  formidable  array  of  figures, 
to  say  that  the  imports  of  cotton  into  Great  Britain  from  the 
United  States,  for  1860,  were  1,115,890,608  pounds,  oe  362,297,- 
854  pounds  in  excess  of  what  it  was  to  be,  according  to  the  Ob- 
server, in  1871 ;  and  that  the  supplies  from  India,  in  1860,  instead 
of  having  increased  at  the  rate  of  two  hundred  and  eighty-eight 
per  cent.,  were  actually  decreased  below  those  of  1857,  to  the 
amount  of  45,196,976  pounds  !  Brazil,  too,  instead  of  having 
had  an  increase  between  1857  and  1860,  supplied  less  in  the  latter 
year  than  in  the  former  by  12,623,968  pounds.  Egypt  alone  sup- 
plied mo^-e  in  1860  than  in  1857. 

These  examples  of  the  manner  in  which  the  most  absurd  and 
erroneous  propositions  may  be  set  afloat  and  accepted  as  true, 
must  suffice  as  illustrations  of  the  mode  in  which  the  public  mind 
in  the  United  States  has  been  misled  on  the  subject  of  slavery. 


THE  COTTON  CROP  AND  AMERICAN  COMMERCE.  587 

A  remark  or  two,  and  we  have  done.  It  will  be  seen  that  the 
amount  of  cotton  imported  from  India,  by  Great  Britain,  in  1861, 
thougls  one  hundred  and  sixty-four  millions  pounds  larger  than 
during  the  year  1860,  is  only  a  little  over  one  hundred  and  eighteen 
millions  more  than  her  imports  were  in  1857.  Her  imports 
from  the  United  States  during  the  year,  have  been  819,500,528 
pounds,  all  of  which,  nearly,  must  have  been  shipped  before  the 
blockade  of  our  ports.  As  this  is  considerably  more  than  she 
received  from  us  in  the  whole  of  the  year  1858,  or  any  preceding 
year,  it  is  evident  that  the  loss  of  the  American  cotton  crop  is 
only  beginning  to  be  felt  in  its  full  force  in  England.  Indeed,  the 
London  Economist,  in  its  estimates,  showed  that,  by  working  short 
time,  the  manufacturers,  with  the  supplies  on  hand,  might  avoid 
much  suifering  until  the  first  of  July  of  the  present  year ;  but 
that  the  strange  counter-movement  of  reexporting  cotton  largely 
from  Liverpool  back  to  New  England,  in  consequence  of  the  ad- 
vantages gained  by  the  American  manufacturer  through  the  Mor- 
rill tariff,  would  probably  bring  on  the  crisis  by  the  first  of  May. 

In  relation  to  the  chances  that  the  East  Indies  might  gain  such 
advantages,  by  the  American  war,  as  to  secure  to  itself  the  markets 
of  Great  Britain,  the  Economist,  January  25,  1862,  says : 

"Such  an  entire  misapprehension  appears  to  prevail  on  this  subject, 
and  such  strange  and  transparent  delusions  are  daily  propagated 
through  the  various  organs  of  the  Press  as  to  the  true  merits  of  the 
controversy,  that  we  must  endeavor,  even  at  the  risk  of  repeating  our- 
selves and  wearying  our  more  attentive  readers,  to  explain  once  for  all 
the  real  facts  —  or  rather  the  one  fact  —  which  lies  at  the  root  of  the 
competition  between  cotton  the  growth  of  the  slave  States  of  America, 

and  cotton  the  growth  of  our  own  East  India  possessions 

It  is  the  more  essential  that  the  public  should  clearly  understand  the 
matter  in  hand,  because  we  find  among  many  sagacious  persons  the 
impression  that  if  the  India  cotton  can  only  have  a  year  or  two's  sfarf, 
so  as  to  establish  itself  in  the  British  market,  it  will  be  able  to  hold 
its  strong  ground  and  even  to  supersede  the  American  ;  that  this  year 
or  two  will  be  secured  to  it  by  a  continuance  of  the  civil  war  and  the 
blockade ;  and  that,  therefore,  we  ought  rather  to  rejoice  at  than  to 
deprecate  that  continuance.  The  notion  is  so  wholly  fallacious,  and 
60  very  mischievous,  that  no  time  ought  to  be  lost  in  eradicating  it. 
The  case  is  briefly  this.      India  cotton  has  for  the  last 


588  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

half  century  been  as  well  known  and  as  habitually  used  in  this  coun- 
try as  American  cotton.  It  has  been  just  as  regular  an  article  of  im- 
port and  consumption  as  its  rival It  has  always  reached 

us  in  the  quantities  requisite  to  supplement  the  American  crop.  When 
the  latter  was  abundant,  comparatively  little  Surat  *  was  used ;  when 

it  was  scanty,  the  demand  for  Surat  increased. The  Orleans 

cotton  was  always  worth  jvst  half  as  much  again  as  the  Surat,  for 
nearly  all  purposes  for  which  the  latter  could  be  used  at  all,  i.  e.,  for 

the  coarser  yarns  and  fabrics When  Orleans  could  be 

purchased  at  Sd  or  4:d  a   pound,  the   consumption  of  Surat  almost 

ceased The  explanation  of  this  is  very  simple.     The 

fibre  of  the  Orleans  cotton  is  much  longer,  more  even,  and  more  silky 

than  that  of  Surat So  much  of  the  Surat  cotton  falls 

down  as  dust,  or  flies  off  as  dust  and  flock,  in  the  process  of  working  it 
into  yarn,  that  a  pound  of  it  makes  much  less  yarn  or  cloth  than  a  pound 
of  Orleans.  Being'  shorter  in  fibre,  also,  it  requires  more  twisting  to 
give  it  the  required  strength,  and,  therefore,  can  not  be  made  into 
yarn  so  fast.  From  these  two  causes,  its  value  to  the  manipulator  is 
never  more  than  two-thirds  that  of  an  equal  weight  of  its  American 
rival  —  and  never  can  he  more,  whatever  improvements  and  adaptations 
of  machinery  may  be  introduced,  so  long  as  its  quality  and  character 
remain  unaltered  —  for  not  only  is  its  quality  inferior,  but  its  character 

is  peculiar The  plain,  simple,  conclusive  truth  is  that 

the  American  cotton  has  more  in  it  than  the  India The 

moment  the  American  cotton  reappears  in  Liverpool,  it  will  resume  its 
old  position  of  superiority The  American  and  India  cot- 
ton are  specifically  different The  cultivation  of  the  im- 
ported article  has  never  been  able  to  spread  —  the  plain  truth  being 

that  the  one  is  a  natural  and  the  other  an  artificial  cultivation 

But  of  this  we  are  confident  —  till  Africa  is  settled  and  civilized,  the 
Southern  States  of  the  Union  will  always  be  the  cheapest  and  best 
cotton  field  in  the  worlds  f 

The  "cotton  question"  can  now  be  comprehended  by  the  reader; 
and  the  disastrous  effects  of  either  the  prolongation  of  the  war, 
or  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves,  upon  the  manufactures  and 
commerce  of  Great  Britain,  as  well  as  of  France,  can  be  easily 
discerned.     In  all  other  cotton  producing  regions,  of  any  practical 

*  Surat  is  the  trade  name  for  India  cotton,  and  Orleans  for  the  American, 
t  The  italics  are  the  Economist's  own,  throughout  the  quotations. 


THE  COTTON  CROP  AND  AMERICAN  COMMERCE.  589 

importance,  there  has  been  a  reduction  of  exports ;  and  the  East 
India  cotton  can  not  be  made  to  supersede  the  American.  These 
are  the  present  facts. 

Our  government,  therefore,  by  a  wise  policy,  might  have  con- 
tinued to  enjoy  the  monopoly  of  the  cotton  markets,  and  to  reap 
the  rich  rewards  it  secured.  But  there  is  a  party  in  England, 
alluded  to  by  the  Economist,  who  believe  that  the  British  colonies 
can  be  restored  to  their  former  prosperity,  and  the  owners  of  the 
ruined  estates  elevated  from  poverty  to  opulence,  by  the  prostra- 
tion of  the  American  planter ;  and  we  have  in  our  midst  an  asso- 
ciation of  men  who  boast  that  they  are  sustained,  by  the  munifi- 
cence of  Englishmen,  in  their  labors  for  the  destruction  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union,  as  a  means  of  putting  an  end  to  cot- 
ton culture  by  slave  labor ;  and  they  well  know  that  the  negro, 
when  free,  lies  as  an  incubus  upon  the  country  which  retains  him. 
As  to  the  colonization  which  they  propose,  it  is  all  a  delusion ;  it 
is  wholly  impracticable,  except  by  force,  and  would  be  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  colored  people  subjected  to  the  experiment. 

We  have  also  had  a  party  in  this  country,  who  grieved  over  the 
loss,  by  the  South,  of  the  direct  trade  with  Europe,  and  who  im- 
agined that  they  could,  by  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  secure  to 
themselves  not  only  the  advantages  of  the  commerce  based  upon 
the  crops  of  tobacco,  rice,  and  cotton ;  but  that  they  would  also, 
by  political  independence,  become  the  most  prosperous  nation  in 
the  world. 

These  two  parties  may  be  considered  as  having  had  their  chief 
seats  in  New  England  and  South  Carolina.  Both  were  struggling 
for  the  same  object,  the  overthrow  of  the  Republic.  The  seces- 
sionist desired  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  that  he  might  retain 
and  enlarge  his  slave  labor  forces,  secure  a  direct  trade  with 
foreign  nations,  and  maintain  the  monopoly  of  the  cotton  markets 
of  the  world.  The  abolitionist  wanted  the  secessionist  out  of  the 
Union,  but  not  until  he  should  be  robbed  of  his  slaves,  so  that  the 
American  cotton  monopoly  might  be  destroyed  forever,  and  British 
subjects  be  enabled  thereby  to  recover  the  losses  arising  from  their 
philanthropic  experiments  with  the  negro.  These  objects  were 
not  all  openly  avowed;  but  that  they  formed  a  part  of  the  designs 


590  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

in  the  abolition  movement,  has  been  apparent  from  the  first  to 
discerning  men. 

This,  then,  is  the  nature  of  the  conflict  in  which  "we  are  engaged. 
The  success  of  secession  will  lessen  the  foreign  commerce  of  the 
nation,  at  once,  to  the  extent  of  more  than  two  hundred  millions 
of  dollars.  The  success  of  abolition  will  lessen  it  to  an  equal  ex- 
tent ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  it  will  reduce  the  Southern  States  to 
the  condition  of  Mexico,  which  is  able  only  to  raise  its  own  bread, 
and  has  less  than  two  millions  of  dollars  of  annual  exports  of 
agricultural  products. 

Now,  a  word  here,  as  to  the  position  of  the  Great  West.  The 
success  of  secession  deprives  us  of  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, and  presents  us  as  humble  suppliants  at  the  footstool  of 
the  South,  for  a  market  for  our  surplus  products.  We  must  pay 
them  tribute,  or  have  the  fruits  of  our  labor  left  to  rot  upon  our 
hands.  The  success  of  abolition  leaves  us  in  precisely  the  same 
condition,  as  to  a  loss  of  our  Southern  markets,  excepting  the 
payment  of  tribute.  The  South,  with  four  millions  of  free  negroes, 
can  not  carry  on  its  cotton  culture,  as  all  past  experience  proves  ; 
and  can  not,  therefore,  continue  to  purchase  the  productions  of 
the  West.     In  either  case,  therefore,  the  West  will  be  ruined. 

And,  here,  those  who  laughed  at  Mr.  Lincoln,  for  talking  of 
giving  "  protection  "  to  Western  corn,  will  find,  perhaps,  that  there 
was  more  meaning  in  it  than  at  first  appeared  to  the  minds  of  the 
iron  masters,  who  called  out  the  remark.  Illinois  and  Iowa 
understand,  now,  the  necessity  of  protection  to  their  corn.  The 
Southern  market  cut  off,  leaves  them  with  only  the  Eastern  market, 
and  many,  many  leagues  of  railroads  between  their  corn-cribs 
and  the  purchasers  of  their  corn.  Sixty-five  cents  per  bushel,  in 
New  York,  they  may  get ;  but  they  must  pay  fifty-five  for  its 
transportation,  besides  commissions.  Truly  they  need  protection  ; 
and  that  protection  can  only  be  found  in  the  preservation  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union  —  in  the  recovery  of  the  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi  —  and,  for  this,  their  sons  are  pouring  out  their 
blood  like  water. 

The  war  now  waged  is  a  contest  for  the  richest  boon  a  nation 
ever  possessed.     The  position  of  the  Executive  at  Washington,  is 


THE   COTTON   CROP   AND    AMERICAN   COMMERCE.  591 

one  of  peculiar  responsibility.  On  the  one  hand  he  has  to  con- 
tend against  those  who  would  destroy  American  commerce  by 
emancipation;  on  the  other  he  is  combating  forces  who  seek  to 
wrench  more  than  two  hundred  millions  of  dollars'  worth  of  domes- 
tic exports  from  the  nation  by  secession.  The  success  of  either 
party,  for  the  present,  sounds  the  knell  of  American  greatness 
and  glory.  To  the  nation  the  question  is,  whether  our  foreign 
commerce,  in  the  products  of  the  soil,  shall  be  fifty  millions  of 
dollars  or  two  hundred  and  fifty  millions ;  whether  among  com- 
mercial nations  we  shall  become  a  second-rate  power,  or  maintain 
our  late  position  of  one  of  the  first  class.  It  is  a  question  whether 
fanaticism  at  the  North  or  rebellion  at  the  South,  shall  succeed  in 
the  destruction  of  the  Union ;  whether  the  President  shall  yield  to 
the  one  or  to  the  other,  and  sink,  along  with  his  Government,  into 
the  depths  of  degradation  and  ruin;  or  whether,  rising,  like  the 
true  statesman,  above  the  influence  of  faction,  he  shall  plant  him- 
self upon  the  Constitution,  and,  rescuing  the  country  from  destruc- 
tion, shall  crown  himself  with  immortal  fame.  May  the  nation  in 
its  majesty,  and  the  army  in  its  power,  resolve  to  sustain  him  in 
his  determination  to  preserve  the  Constitution  and  the  Union ! 


CHAPTER    XII. 

PULPIT  POLITICS  IN  ITS  PRACTICAL  APPLICATION  TO  PUBLIC  AFFAIRS. 

We  can  not  select  a  better  introduction  to  this  closing  chapter 
than  the  following  extract  from  the  eloquent  Burke : 

"  Politics  and  the  pulpit  are  terms  that  have  little  agreement.  iVb 
sound  ought  to  he  heard  in  the  Church  but  the  voice  of  healing  charity. 
The  cause  of  civil  liberty  and  civil  government  gains  as  little  as  that 
of  religion,  by  this  confusion  of  duties.  Those  who  quit  their  proper 
character,  to  assume  what  does  not  belong  to  them,  are,  for  the  greater 
part,  ignorant  both  of  the  character  they  leave,  and  of  the  character 
they  assume.  Wholly  unacquainted  with  the  world,  in  which  they 
are  so  fond  of  meddling,  and  inexperienced  in  all  its  affairs,  on  which 
they  pronounce  with  so  much  confidence,  they  know  nothing  of  poli- 
ties but  the  passions  they  excite.  Surely  the  church  is  a  place  where 
one  day's  truce  ought  to  be  allowed  to  the  dissensions  and  animosities 
of  mankind." 

Section  I. — The  Clergy  of  New  England  and  the  War 
OF  1812. 

To  afford  the  reader  a  correct  idea  of  the  extent  to  which  cler- 
gymen may  be  roused  by  political  controversy,  and  the  reproach 
which  they  may  bring  upon  religion  by  yielding  to  the  excite- 
ments of  the  day,  we  need  only  refer  to  the  character  of  the 
preaching  in  New  England,  in  relation  to  the  War  of  1812.* 
The  quotations  are  taken  from  sermons  of  New  England  clergy- 
men who  opposed  the  war,  and  threw  the  whole  weight  of  their 
influence  upon  the  side  of  the  politicians  who  labored  to  embar- 
rass the  Government  in  defending  itself  against  a  foreign  foe. 

*  "We  copj'  from  the  Olive  Branch,  a  volume  published  by  the  venerable 
Matthew  Carey,  in  1815. 
(592) 


THE  CLERGY  AND  THE  WAR  OF  1812.  593 

The  bitterness  of  that  controversy  is  little  known  to  the  people 
of  the  present  day,  but  may  be  inferred  from  the  violence  of  the 
pulpit  productions  which  it  elicited.  A  few  extracts  only  can  be 
given,  as  our  volume  is  already  swelled  much  beyond  the  size  at 
first  contemplated.  It  will  be  seen,  from  the  very  first  sentences 
quoted,  that  New  England  clergymen  were  talking  of  secession — 
of  "cutting  the  connection" — as  early  as  1812;  and  that  Mr. 
Quincy,  of  Boston,  before  quoted,  was  not  alone  in  his  opinions 
of  the  duty  of  dissolving  the  Union. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Gardiner,  Rector  of  Trinity  Church,  Boston, 
July  23,  1812,  in  his  sermon  on  Psalm  cxx :  7,  said : 

"  The  alternative  is,  that  if  you  do  not  wish  to  become  the  slaves  of 
those  WHO  OWN  SLAVES,  and  who  are  themselves  slaves  of  French 
slaves,  you  must  either,  in  the  language  of  the  day,  cut  the  connec- 
tion, or  so  far  alter  the  national  compact  as  to  insure  yourselyes  a  due 
share  in  the  government." 

"  Let  no  considerations  whatever,  my  brethren,  deter  you,  at  all  times, 
and  in  all  places,  from  execrating  the  present  war.  It  is  a  war  unjust, 
foolish,  and  ruinous.  It  is  unjust,  because  Great  Britain  has  of- 
fered US  every  concession  SHORT  OF  WHAT  SHE  CONCEIVES  WOULD 
BE    HER    RUIN." 

"As  Mr.  Madison  has  declared  war,  let  Mr.  Madison  carry  it  on." 
"  The  Union  has  been  long  since  virtually  dissolved,  and  it 

IS    FULL    TIME    THAT    THIS    PART    OF    THE    DISUNITED    StATES    SHOULD 
TAKE  CARE    OF   ITSELF." 

The  Rev.  David  Osgood,  D.  D.,  Pastor  of  the  church  at  Med- 
ford,  said : 

"  If,  at  the  command  of  weak  or  wicked  rulers,  they  undertake 
an  unjust  war,  each  man  who  volunteers  his  services  in  such  a  cause, 
or  loans  his  money  for  its  support,  or,  by  his  conversation,  his  writings, 
or  any  other  mode  of  influence,  encourages  its  prosecution,  that  man  is 
an  accomplice  in  the  tcickedness,  loads  his  conscience  with  the  blackest 
crimes — brings  the  guilt  of  blood  upon  his  soul,  and — in  the  sight 
OP  God  and  his  Law,  is  a  murderer." 

"  My  mind  has  been  in  a  constant  agony,  not  so  much  at  the  inevit- 
able loss  of  our  temporal  prosperity  and  happiness,  and  the  complicated 
miseries  of  war,  as  at  its  guilt,  its  outrage  against  heaven,  against  all 
38  ' 


594  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

truth,  honesty,  justice,  goodness — against  all  the  principles  of  social 
happiness." 

"  Were  not  the  authors  op  this  war  in  character  nearly  akin  to 
the  deists  and  atheists  of  France ;  were  they  not  men  of  hardened 
hearts,  seared  consciences,  reprobate  minds,  and  desperate  wickedness, 
it  seems  utterly  inconceivable  that  they  should  have  made  the  declar- 
ation." 

"  One  hope  only  remains,  that  this  stroke  of  perfidy  may  open  the 
eyes  of  a  besotted  people ;  that  they  may  awake,  like  a  giant  from  his 
slumbers,  and  avreak  their  vengeance  on  their  betrayers,  by 
driving  them  from  their  stations,  and  placing  at  the  helm  more  skill- 
f\il  and  faithful  hands." 

Rev.  Elijah  Parish,  in  a  discourse  delivered  at  Byfield,  said : 

"  Such  is  the  temper  of  American  republicans,  so-called.  A  new 
language  must  be  invented  before  we  attempt  to  express  the  baseness 
of  their  conduct,  or  describe  the  rottenness  of  their  hearts." 

"  New  England,  if  invaded,  would  be  obliged  to  defend  herself.  Do 
you  not,  then,  owe  it  to  your  children,  and  owe  it  to  your  God,  to  make 
peace  for  yourselves?" 

"A  thousand  times  as  many  sons  of  America  have  probably  fallen 
victims  of  this  ungodly  war  as  perished  in  Israel  by  the  edict  of  Pha- 
roah.  Still  the  war  is  only  beginning.  If  ten  thousand  have  fallen,  ten 
thousand  times  ten  thousand  may  fall."* 

"  Should  the  English  now  be  at  liberty  to  send  all  their  armies  and 
all  their  ships  to  America,  and,  in  one  day,  burn  every  city  from  Maine 
to  Georgia,  your  condescending  rulers  would  play  on  their  harps,  while 
they  gaze  at  the  tremendous  conflagration." 

"  Here  we  must  trample  on  the  mandates  of  despotism  !  or  here  we 
must  remain  slaves  forever." 

"  You  may  envy  the  privilege  of  Israel,  aud  mourn  that  no  land  of 
Canaan  has  been  promised  to  your  ancestors.  You  can  not  separate 
from  that  mass  of  corruption,  which  would  poison  the  atmosphere  of 
Paradise.  You  must,  in  obstinate  despair,  bow  down  your  necks  to  the 
yoke,  and,  with  your  African  brethren,  drag  the  chains  of  Virginia  des- 
potism, unless  you  discover  some  other  mode  of  escape." 


*  "  Those  who  take  the  trouble  of  multiplying,  will  find  that  ten  thousand 
times  ten  thousand  make  100,000,000,  who  are  to  perish  out  of  a  population 
of  8,000,000  !  -—OUve  Branch. 


THE  CLERGY  AND  THE  WAR  OF  1812.  595 

"  Let  every  man  who  sanctions  this  war  by  his  suffrage  or  influence, 
remember  that  he  is  laboring  to  cover  himself  and  his  country  with 
blood.     The   blood   of   the  slain  will  cry   prom   the  ground 

AGAINST   HIM  !  " 

"  How  will  the  supporters  of  this  anti-Christian  warfare  endure  their 
sentence — endure  their  own  reflections — endure  the  fire  that  forever 
burns — the  worm  which  never  dies — the  hosannas  of  heaven — while 

THE  SMOKE  OF  THEIR  TORMENTS  ASCENDS  FOREVER  AND  EVER  !  " 

We  could  multiply  extracts,  but  here  are  enough  to  prove  that 
clergymen,  on  political  questions,  are  about  as  liable  to  be  wrong 
as  right.  As  these  are  some  of  the  clerical  gentlemen  referred 
to  in  the  writings  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  page  445,  volume  VI,  we 
shall  present  his  views  upon  the  question  of  ministers  preaching 
politics  in  the  pulpit. 

"  On  one  question  only  I  differ  from  him,  (Rev.  Mr.  McLeod,  of 
New  York  City,)  and  it  is  that  which  constitutes  the  subject  of  his 
first  discourse,  the  right  of  discussing  public  affairs  in  the  pulpit.  I 
add  the  last  words,  because  I  admit  the  right  in  general  conversation 
and  in  writing ;  in  which  last  form  it  has  been  exercised  in  the  valu- 
able book  you  have  now  favored  me  with. 

"  The  mass  of  human  concerns,  moral  and  physical,  is  so  vast,  the 
field  of  knowledge  requisite  for  man  to  conduct  them  to  the  best 
advantage  is  so  extensive,  that  no  human  being  can  acquire  the  whole 
himself,  and  much  less  in  that  degree  necessary  for  the  instruction  of 
others.  It  has,  of  necessity,  then,  been  distributed  into  different 
departments,  each  of  which,  singly,  may  give  occupation  enough  to 
the  whole  time  and  attention  of  a  single  individual.  Thus  we  have 
teachers  of  Languages,  teachers  of  Mathematics,  of  Natural  Philoso- 
phy, of  Chemistry,  of  Medicine,  of  Law,  of  History,  of  Government, 
etc.  Religion,  too,  is  a  separate  department,  and  happens  to  be  the 
only  one  deemed  requisite  for  all  men,  however  high  or  low.  Collec- 
tions of  men  associate  together,  under  the  name  of  congregations,  and 
employ  a  religious  teacher  of  the  particular  sect  of  opinions  of  which 
they  happen  to  be,  and  contribute  to  make  up  a  stipend  as  a  compen- 
sation for  the  trouble  of  delivering  them,  at  such  periods  as  they  agree 
on,  lessons  in  the  religion  they  profess.  If  they  want  instruction  in 
other  sciences  or  arts,  they  apply  to  other  instructors;  and  this  is 
generally  the  business  of  early  life.     But  I  suppose  there  is  not  an 


596  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

instance  of  a  single  congregation  which  has  employed  their  preacher 
for  the  mixed  purpose  of  lecturing  them  from  the  pulpit  in  Chemistry, 
in  Medicine,  in  Law,  in  the  science  and  principles  of  Government,  or 
anything  but  Religion  exclusively.  Whenever,  therefore,  preachers, 
instead  of  a  lesson  in  religion,  put  them  off  with  a  discourse  on  the 
Copernican  system,  on  chemical  affinities,  on  the  construction  of  gov- 
ernment, or  the  characters  or  conduct  of  those  administering  it,  it  is 
a  breach  of  contract,  depriving  their  audience  of  the  kind  of  service 
for  which  they  are  salaried,  and  giving  them,  instead  of  it,  what  they 
did  not  want,  or,  if  wanted,  would  rather  seek  from  better  sources  in 
that  particular  art  or  science.  In  choosing  our  pastor  we  look  to  his 
religious  qualifications,  without  inquiring  into  his  physical  or  political 
dogmas,  with  which  we  mean  to  have  nothing  to  do.  I  am  aware  that 
arguments  may  be  found,  which  may  twist  a  thread  of  politics  into  the 
cord  of  religious  duties.  So  may  they  for  every  other  branch  of  human 
art  or  science.  Thus,  for  example,  it  is  a  religious  duty  to  obey  the 
laws  of  our  country ;  the  teacher  of  religion,  therefore,  must  instruct 
us  in  those  laws,  that  we  may  know  how  to  obey  them.  It  is  a  religi- 
ous duty  to  assist  our  sick  neighbors ;  the  preacher  must,  therefore, 
teach  us  medicine,  that  we  may  do  it  understandingly.  It  is  a  religi- 
ous duty  to  preserve  our  own  health  ;  our  religious  teacher,  then,  must 
tell  us  what  dishes  are  unwholesome,  and  give  us  recipes  in  cookery, 
that  we  may  learn  how  to  prepare  them.  And  so,  ingenuity,  by  gen- 
eralizing more  and  more,  may  amalgamate  all  the  branches  of  science 
into  any  one  of  them,  and  the  physician  who  is  paid  to  visit  the  sick, 
may  give  a  sermon  instead  of  medicine,  and  the  merchant  to  whom 
money  is  sent  for  a  hat,  may  send  a  handkerchief  instead  of  it.  But 
notwithstanding  this  possible  confusion  of  all  sciences  into  one,  com- 
mon sense  draws  lines  between  them  sufficiently  distinct  for  the  gen- 
eral purposes  of  life,  and  no  one  is  at  a  loss  to  understand  that  a  recipe 
in  Medicine  or  Cookery,  or  a  demonstration  in  Geometry,  is  not  a  lesson 
in  religion.  I  do  not  deny  that  a  congregation  may,  if  they  please, 
agree  with  their  preacher  that  he  shall  instruct  them  in  Medicine  also, 
or  Law,  or  Politics.  Then,  lectures  in  these,  from  the  pulpit,  become 
not  a  matter  of  right,  but  of  duty  also.  But  this  must  be  with  the 
consent  of  every  individual;  because  the  association  being  voluntary, 
the  mere  majority  has  no  right  to  apply  the  contributions  of  the  minor- 
ity to  purposes  unspecified  in  the  agreement  of  the  congregation.  I 
agree,  too,  that,  on  all  occasions,  the  preacher  has  the  right,  equally  with 
every  other  citizen,  to  express  his  sentiments,  in  speaking  or  writing, 


THE   CLERGY   AND   THE    CONGRESS   OF   THE    U.    S.,    1854.       597 

on  the  subject  of  Medicine,  Law,  Politics,  etc.,  his  leisure  time  being 
his  own,  and  his  congregation  not  obliged  to  listen  to  his  conversation 
or  to  read  his  Writings ;  and  no  one  would  have  regretted  more  than 
myself,  had  any  scruple  as  to  this  right  withheld  from  us  the  valuable 
discourses  which  have  led  to  the  expression  of  an  opinion  as  to  the 
true  limits  of  the  right.  I  feel  my  portion  of  indebtment  to  the  rev- 
erend author  for  the  distinguished  learning,  the  logic,  and  the  elo- 
quence with  which  he  has  proved  that  religion,  as  well  as  reason,  con- 
firms the  soundness  of  those  principles  on  which  our  Grovernment  has 
been  founded,  and  its  rights  asserted. 

"  These  are  my  views  on  the  question.  They  are  in  opposition  to 
those  of  the  highly  respected  and  able  preacher,  and  are,  therefore, 
the  more  doubtingly  oflfered,  DiflFerence  of  opinion  leads  to  inquiry, 
and  inquiry  to  truth  ;  and  that,  I  am  sure,  is  the  ultimate  and  sincere 
object  of  us  both.  We  value  too  much  the  freedom  of  opinion  sanc- 
tioned by  our  Constitution,  not  to  cherish  its  exercise  even  where  in 
opposition  to  ourselves. 

"  Unaccustomed  to  reserve  or  mystery,  in  the  expression  of  my 
opinions,  I  have  opened  myself  frankly  on  a  question  suggested  by 
your  letter  and  present.  And  although  I  have  not  the  honor  of  your 
acquaintance,  this  mark  of  attention,  and  still  more  the  sentiments  of 
esteem  so  kindly  expressed  in  your  letter,  are  entitled  to  a  confidence 
that  observations  not  intended  for  the  public  will  not  be  ushered  to 
their  notice  as  has  happened  to  me  sometimes.  Tranquillity,  at  my  age, 
is  the  balm  of  life. 

"  While  I  know  I  am  safe  in  the  honor  of  a  McLeod,  I  do  not  wish 
to  be  cast  forth  to  the  Marats,  the  Dantons,  and  the  Robespierres  of 
the  Priesthood ;  I  mean  the  Parishes,  the  Ogdens,  and  the  Gardiners 
of  Massachusetts.  "  Thomas  Jefferson. 

"MoNTiCELLO,  March  13,  1815." 

Section  II. — The  three  thousand  and  fifty  Clergymen  op 
New  England,  and  the  Congress  of  1854. 

In  1854,  during  the  Kansas-Nebraska  controversy,  three  thou- 
sand and  fifty  clergymen  of  New  England  forwarded  a  protest 
to  the  United  States  Senate,  against  the  passage  of  the  Ne- 
braska Bill. 

This  protest,  on  being  presented  to  the  Senate,  led  to  much 
excitement  and  considerable  debate.     The  opinions  expressed  by 


598  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

the  senators  who  took  part  in  the  discussion,  are  of  great  in- 
terest, as  embodying  the  sentiments  of  public  men  of  eminence 
upon  the  question  under  consideration.  They  are  important 
also,  as  presenting  a  faithful  index  to  the  general  sentiment  of 
the  public  at  large,  on  the  question  of  the  interference  of  cler- 
gymen in  the  political  agitations  of  the  country,  and  should  be 
well  considered  by  the  spiritual  teachers  of  the  people.  The 
question  is  not,  whether  clergymen  have  the  same  rights,  poli- 
tically, as  other  citizens  ;  this  no  one  denies ;  but  their  indul- 
gence in  political  preaching,  or  their  separate  action  in  reference 
to  political  topics,  presents  a  subject  for  prudential  consideration 
alone,  as  it  affects  their  usefulness  among  those  amidst  whom 
they  labor.  See  how  the  matter  presents  itself  in  a  practical 
way.  On  none  of  the  questions  in  relation  to  slavery,  or  any 
other  one  connected  with  party  politics,  are  the  clergymen  united 
in  opinion.  What,  then,  are  the  unevangelized  portion  of  the 
community  to  think,  when  they  see  one  party  of  ministers  of 
the  Gospel  come  before  the  legislative  councils  of  the  nation,  de- 
manding, in  the  name  of  Almighty  God,  the  adoption  of  a  par- 
ticular course  of  policy;  while  another  party,  equally  respectable, 
present  themselves  before  the  same  authorities,  demanding,  in 
the  same  sacred  name,  the  very  opposite  policy  ?  Surely,  before 
the  world  at  large,  such  a  scene  could  be  viewed  only  as  a  solemn 
farce ! 

Protest  of  3,050  New  England  Clergymen,  op  all  Denomina- 
tions AND  Sects  in  New  England,  remonstrating  against  the 
passage  op  the  Nebraska  Bill. 

"7b  the  Honorable,  the  Senate  and  House  of 

Representatives,  in  Congress  assembled : — 

"  The  undersigned,  clergymen  of  different  religious  denominations 
in  New  England,  hereby,  in  the  name  of  Almighty  God,  and  in  his 
pa-esencc,  do  solemnly  protest  against  the  passage  of  what  is  known 
as  the  Nebraska  Bill,  or  any  repeal  or  modification  of  the  existing 
legal  prohibitions  of  slavery  in  that  part  of  our  national  domain  which 
it  is  proposed  to  organize  into  the  territories  of  Nebraska  and  Kan- 
sas.    We  protest  against  it  as  a  great  moral  wrong,  as  a  bi-each  of 


THE  CLERGY,  AND  THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  U.  S.,  1854.         599 

faith  eminently  unjust  to  the  moral  principles  of  the  community,  and 
subversive  of  all  confidence  in  national  engagements ;  as  a  measure 
full  of  danger  to  the  peace  and  even  the  existence  of  our  beloved 
Union,  and  exposing  us  to  the  righteous  judgments  of  the  Almighty : 
and  your  protestants,  as  in  duty  bound,  will  ever  pray. 
"BosTOX,  IV[assachitsetts,  March  1,  1854." 

The  presentation  of  this  document  brought  on  a  full  and  free 
discussion  of  the  subject,  from  which  we  can  make  but  a  very 
foAV  extracts. 

Mr.  Mason  said: 

"I  trust  I  shall  never  see  the  day  when  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  will  treat  the  authors  of  such  petitions,  upon  any  subject  proper 
for  legislation  pending  before  the  body,  coming  from  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  with  aught  but  respect.  But  I  understand  this 
petition  to  come  from  a  class  who  have  put  aside  their  character  of 
citizens.  It  comes  from  a  class  who  style  themselves,  in  the  petition, 
ministers  of  the  Gospel,  and  not  citizens.  They  come  before  us — I 
have  not  understood  the  petition  wrong,  I  believe — as  ministers  of 
the  Gospel,  not  citizens,  and  denounce  prospectively  the  action  of  the 
Senate,  in  their  language,  as  a  moral  wrong ;  and  they  have  the  temer- 
ity, in  the  presence  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  to  invoke  the 
vengeance  of  the  Almighty,  whom  they  profess  to  serve,  against  us. 
Sir,  ministers  of  the  Gospel  are  unknown  to  this  Government,  and 
God  forbid  the  "day  should  ever  come  when  they  shall  be  known  to 
it.  The  great  efi"ort  of  the  American  people  has  been,  by  every  form 
of  defensive  measures,  to  keep  that  class  away  from  the  Government ; 
to  deny  to  them  any  access  to  it  as  a  class,  or  any  interference  in  its 
proceedings.  The  best  illustration  of  the  wisdom  of  that  measure  in 
our  Government  is  to  be  found  in  this.  Ministers  of  the  Gospel,  I 
repeat,  are  unknown  to  the  Government.  Of  all  others,  they  are  the 
most  encroaching,  and,  as  a  body,  arrogant  class  of  men. 
If  thirty  thousand,  or  three  hundred  thousand  citizens  come  from 
New  England,  let  them  be  heard ;  but  when  they  come  here,  not  as 
citizens,  but  declaring  that  they  come  as  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  and, 
as  the  honorable  Senator  from  Texas  declared  them  to  be,  vicegerents 
of  the  Almighty — so  I  understood  him  to  declare,  possibly  he  meant 
vice-regents  to  supervise  and  control  the  legislation  of  the  country — 
I  say,  when  they  come  here  as  a  class  unknown  to  the  Government, 


600  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

a  class  that  the  (rovernment  does  not  mean  to  know  in  afiy  form  or 
shape,  not  to  recommend  or  remonstrate,  but  to  denounce  our  action  as 
a  great  moral  wrong,  because  they  claim  to  be  the  '  vicegerents  '  of  the 
Almighty,  we  are  bound — not  from  disrespect  to  them  as  citizens,  not 
from  disrespect  to  the  cloth  which  they  do  not  grace,  but  from  respect 
to  the  Government,  from  respect  to  the  sacred  public  trust  which  has 
been  committed  to  us — to  carry  out  the  policy  of  the  Government 
and  refuse  to  recognize  them.  Sir,  their  object,  as  was  well  said  by 
the  Senator  from  Illinois,  has  been  agitation — agitation ;  and  I  pre- 
sume that  their  cloth  and  their  ministry  will  enable  them  to  agitate 
with  some  success." 

Mr.  Butler  said : 

"  I  have  great  respect,  Mr.  President,  for  the  pulpit.  I  have  such 
a  respect  for  it  that  I  would  almost  submit  to  a  rebuke  from  a  minister 
of  the  Gospel,  even  in  my  official  capacity ;  but  they  lose  a  portion  of 
my  respect  when  I  see  an  organization,  for,  I  believe,  the  first  time  in 
the  history  of  this  Government,  of  clergymen  within  a  local  precinct, 
within  the  limits  of  New  England,  assuming  to  be,  as  the  Senator 
from  Texas  said,  the  vicegerents  of  Heaven,  coming  to  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States,  not  as  citizens,  as  my  friend  from  Virginia  has 
said,  but  as  the  organs  of  God — for  they  do  not  come  here  petitioning 
or  presenting  their  views  under  the  sanction  of  the  obligations  and 
responsibilities  of  citizens  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
but  they  have  dared  to  quit  the  pulpit,  and  step  into  the  political 
arena,  and  speak  as  the  organs  of  Almighty  God.  Sir,  they  assume 
to  be  the  foremen  of  the  jury  which  is  to  pronounce  the  verdict  and 
judgment  of  God  upon  earth.  They  do  not  protest  as  ordinary  citi- 
zens do ;  but  they  mingle  in  their  protest  what  they  would  have  us 
believe  is  the  judgment  of  the  Almighty.  When  the  clergy  quit  the 
province  which  is  assigned  to  them,  in  which  they  can  dispense  the 
Gospel — that  Gospel  which  is  represented  as  the  lamb,  not  as  the  tiger 
or  the  lion — when  they  would  convert  the  lamb  into  the  lion,  going 
about  in  the  form  of  agitators,  seeking  whom  they  may  devour,  instead 
of  the  meek  and  lowly  represe|itatives  of  Christ,  they  divest  them- 
selves of  all  respect  which  I  can  give  them.  Sir,  the  ministers  of  the 
Gospel  are  the  representatives  of  the  lowly  and  poor  lamb — of  Christ ; 
but  when  the  men  who  have  signed  that  paper — I  do  not  know  with 
what  ends ;   I  do  not  say  a  word  against  them  as  individuals,  for  I 


THE  CLERGY,  AND  THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  U.  S.,  1854.    601 

have  no  doubt  they  are  g^ood  and  respectable,  and  many  of  them 
Christians — assume  to  organize  themselves  as  clergymen,  to  come  be- 
fore the  country  and  protest  against  the  deliberations  of  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States,  they  deserve,  at  least,  the  grave  censure  of  the 
body." 

Mr.  Adams,  of  Mississippi,  said : 

"  I  trust  I  have  as  high  a  regard  for  their  vocation  as  any  other  in- 
dividual, and  as  much  respect  for  the  ministers  of  peace  and  good-will 
on  earth  as  any  other  individual ;  but  when  they  depart  from  their  high 
vocation,  and  come  down  to  mingle  in  the  turbid  pools  of  politics,  I 
would  treat  them  just  as  I  would  all  other  citizens.  I  would  treat 
their  memorials  and  remonstrances  precisely  as  I  would  those  of  other 
citizens.  It  is  so  unlike  the  apostles  and  the  ministers  of  Christ  at  an 
early  day,  that  it  loses  the  potency  which  they  suppose  the  styling  them- 
selves ministers  of  the  Gospel  would  give  to  their  memorials.  The 
early  ministers  of  Christ  attended  to  their  mission,  one  which  was  given 
to  them  by  their  Master ;  and  under  all  circumstances,  even  when  the 
Savior  himself  was  upon  earth,  and  attempts  were  made  to  induce  him 
to  give  opinions  with  reference  to  the  municipal  affairs  of  the  govern- 
ment, he  refused.  These  men  have  descended  from  their  high  estate 
to  assail  the  action  of  this  body.  The  Senator  from  Massachusetts, 
(Mr.  Everett,)  in  presenting  the  petition,  has  done  what  he  considered 
to  be  his  duty ;  but  I  would  remark,  however,  that  with  all  the  respect 
which  belongs  to  the  high  character  of  those  individuals  as  ministers 
of  the  Gospel,  their  petition  should,  under  the  circumstances,  receive  no 
more  respect  from  us  than  if  it  came  from  any  other  private  citizens." 

Mr.  Douglas  said : 

•'  Now,  sir,  what  is  this  remonstrance  ?  These  men  do  not  protest  as 
citizens.  They  do  not  protest  in  the  name  either  of  themselves  or  of 
their  fellow-citizens.  They  do  not  even  protest  m  their  own  names,  as 
clergymen,  against  this  act,  but  they  say  that  '  "WE  protest  in  the 
NAME  OF  Almighty  God  ;'  and  in  order  to  make  it  more  emphatic, 
that  they  claim  to  speak  by  authority  in  their  remonstrance,  they  un- 
derscore, in  broad  black  lines,  the  words  '  IN  the  name  of  Almighty 
God.'  It  is  true,  that  they  describe  themselves  as  ministers  of  the 
Gospel,  but  they  claim  to  speak  in  the  name  of  the  Almighty  on  a 
political  question  pending  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.     It 


602  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

is  an  attempt  to  establish  in  this  country  the  doctrine  that  a  body  of 
men,  organized  and  known  among  the  fjeople  as  clergymen,  have  a 
peculiar  right  to  determine  the  will  of  God  in  relation  to  legislative 
action.  It  is  an  attempt  to  establish  a  theocracy  to  take  charge  of  our 
politics  and  our  legislation.  It  is  an  attempt  to  make  the  legislative 
power  of  this  country  subordinate  to  the  Church.  It  is  not  only  to 
unite  Church  and  State,  but  it  is  to  put  the  State  in  subordination  to 
the  dictates  of  the  Church.  Sir,  you  can  not  find,  in  the  most  despotic 
countries,  in  the  darkest  ages,  a  bolder  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  min- 
isters of  the  Gospel  to  usurp  the  power  of  government,  and  to  say  to 
the  people  :  '  You  must  not  think  for  yourselves ;  you  must  not  dare 
to  act  for  yourselves ;  you  must,  in  all  matters  pertaining  to  the  affairs 
of  this  life,  as  well  as  the  next,  receive  instructions  from  us ;  and  that, 
too,  in  the  performance  of  your  civil  and  official,  as  well  as  your  relig- 
ious duties.' 

"  Sir,  I  called  attention  to  this  matter  for  the  purpose  of  showing  that 
it  involved  a  great  principle  subversive  of  our  free  institutions.  If  we 
recognize  three  thousand  clergymen  as  having  a  higher  right  to  inter- 
pret the  will  of  God  than  we  have,  we  destroy  the  right  of  self-action, 
of  self-government,  of  self-thought,  and  we  are  merely  to  refer  each  of 
our  political  questions  to  this  body  of  clergymen,  to  inquire  of  them 
whether  it  is  in  conformity  with  the  law  of  God  and  the  will  of  the 
Almighty,  or  not.  This  document,  I  repeat,  purports  to  speak  in  the 
name  of  Almighty  God,  and  then  enters  a  protest  in  that  name.  We 
are  put  under  the  ban,  we  are  excommunicated,  the  gates  of  heaven  are 
closed,  unless  we  obey  this  behest,  and  stop  in  our  course  and  carry  out 
these  abolition  views. 

"  The  Senator  from  Texas  says  the  people  have  a  right  to  petition. 
I  do  not  question  it.  I  do  not  wish  to  deprive  ministers  of  the  Gospel 
of  that  right.  I  do  not  acknowledge  that  there  is  any  member  of  this 
body  who  has  a  higher  respect  and  veneration  either  for  a  minister  of 
the  Gospel,  or  for  his  holy  calling,  than  I  have  ;  but  my  respect  is  for 
him  in  his  calling.  1  will  not  controvert  what  the  Senator  from  Mas- 
sachusetts has  said  as  to  there  being,  perhaps,  no  body  of  men  in  this 
country,  three  thousand  in  number,  who  combine  more  respectability 
than  these  clergymen.  Probably  they  combine  all  the  respectability 
which  he  claims  for  them  ;  but  I  will  add,  that  I  doubt  whether  there 
is  a  body  of  men  in  America  who  combine  so  much  profound  ignorance 
on  the  question  upon  which  they  attempt  to  enlighten  the  Senate,  as  this 
same  body  of  preachers.     How  many  of  them,  do  you  suppose,  sir,  have 


THE    CLERGY   AND    THE    CONGRESS    OF    1854.  603 

ever  taken  up  and  read  the  act  of  1820,  to  whicli  I  allude  ?  Do  you 
think  there  is  one  of  them  who  has  done  so  ?  How  many  of  them 
ever  read  the  votes  by  which  the  North  repudiated  that  act  of  1820? 
Do  you  think  one  of  them  ever  did?  How  many  of  them  ever  read 
the  various  votes  which  I  quoted  on  that  act  and  the  Arkansas  act? 
Do  you  think  one  of  them  knew  anything  about  them  ?  How  many 
of  them  have  ever  traced  the  course  of  the  compromise  measures  of 
1850  on  record?  One  of  them  ?  Yet  they  assume,  in  the  name  of  the 
Almighty,  to  judge  of  facts,  and  laws,  and  votes,  of  which  they  know 
nothing,  and  which  they  have  no  time  to  understand,  if  they  perform 
their  duties,  as  clergymen,  to  their  respective  flocks. 

"  They  do  not  pretend  to  judge  from  the  knowledge  of  this  world, 
from  the  records  of  the  Senate,  or  from  the  statute-book,  or  from  any 
of  the  sources  of  information  on  which  Senators  and  citizens  predicate 
their  action ;  but  by  the  will  and  the  law  of  Grod,  and  in  his  name,  and 
in  consequence  of  their  divine  mission,  they  overrule  all  these,  and  pre- 
scribe a  new  test,  and,  in  that  name,  they  tell  us  that,  by  the  passage 
of  the  bill  which  we  have  passed,  we  have  committed  a  moral  wrong. 
They  tell  us  that  it  is  subversive  of  all  confidence  in  national  engage- 
ments. 

"  Now,  let  me  ask,  are  these  men  particularly  tenacious  of  national 
engagements?  Did  they,  in  their  pulpits,  in  1850  and  1851,  tell  their 
followers  that  they  were  bound  by  their  oaths,  and  by  their  religious 
duty,  to  surrender  fugitive  slaves  in  obedience  to  the  Constitution  ? 
Did  they  tell  their  people  that  they  must  perform  national  engage- 
ments? Did  they  then  tell  their  flocks  that  the  Senate  was  right  in 
carrying  out  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  ?  Have  they  been 
particularly  in  the  habit  of  enjoining  in  the  pulpit  and  from  the  sacred 
desk,  as  a  matter  of  conscience,  that  the  people  should  perform  the 
national  engagements  contained  in  the  Constitution  of  our  country, 
and  which  we  are  all  sworn  to  support  ?  Sir,  I  do  not  remember  that 
any  one  of  these  three  thousand  preachers,  at  the  time  when  in  Boston 
and  other  points  of  this  country  there  were  attempts  to  resist  the  Fugi- 
tive Slave  Law  by  force,  came  forward  and  said  it  was  a  divine  duty  to 
perform  national  engagements.  If  they  did,  I  have  not  seen  the  evi- 
dence of  it.  If  they  felt  it  was  a  matter  of  conscience  and  of  duty  on 
the  part  of  the  clergy  to  supervise  the  fulfillment  of  national  engage- 
ments, to  preserve  the  public  faith,  and  the  public  honor,  where  were 
they  then?  when  your  Constitution  was  trampled  upon,  when  oaths 
of  office  could  not  bind  men  to  perform  their  constitutional  duty,  when 


604  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

public  honor  was  being  outraged,  where  then  were  these  three  thou» 
sand  clergymen  ?  We  did  not  hear  from  them  on  that  occasion. 
There  was  a  national  engagement  which  no  man  can  deny  ;  yet  they 
did  not  raise  their  voices  against  its  violation.  But  in  this  case, 
merely  because  some  abolitionists  from  this  body  have  said  that  an 
act  of  Congress  constituted  a  national  engagement,  although  the  state- 
ment is  contradicted  by  the  record,  they  come  forward  at  the  bidding 
of  an  abolition  junta,  to  arraign  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  in 
the  name  of  the  Almighty ! 

"Sir,  I  deny  their  authority.  I  deny  that  they  have  any  such  com- 
mission from  the  Almighty  to  decide  this  question.  I  deny  that  our 
Constitution  confers  any  such  right  upon  them.  I  deny  that  the  Bible 
confers  any  such  right  upon  them.  They  can  pei-form  their  duties 
within  their  sphere  without  my  censure  or  my  interference,  and  they 
are  responsible  to  the  Almighty  for  the  manner  in  which  they  perform 
those  duties ;  and  I  must  be  left  to  perform  my  duties  within  the  sphere 
of  my  functions,  with  no  other  responsibility  than  to  my  constituents 
and  to  the  Almighty,  without  the  interference  of  those  men.  I  do 
not  acknowledge  them  as  an  intermediate  tribunal.  I  do  not  acknowl- 
ledge  that  they  are,  as  the  gentleman  from  Texas  has  called  them,  the 
vicegerents  of  the  Almighty,  and  that  they  are  to  perform  the  duty 
of  overlooking  our  conduct.  I  repudiate  the  whole  doctrine  as  at  war 
with  the  pure  principles  of  Christianity,  at  war  with  the  spirit  of  our 
institutions,  at  war  with  our  Constitution,  at  war  with  every  principle 
upon  which  a  free  government  can  rest." 

Section  III. — The  Clergymen  of  Chicago  and  the  Hon. 
Stephen  A.  Douglas. 

A  FEW  Aveeks  after  the  3,050  clergymen  of  New  England  for- 
Avarded  their  protest  to  Congress,  the  clergymen  of  Chicago  and 
the  Northwest,  to  the  number  of  twenty-five,  also  sent  on  a  simi- 
lar protest  "  To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  in 
Congress  assembled." 

The  Chicago  document  was  identical  with  that  of  New  England, 
with  the  exception  of  the  addition  of  the  words,  "  as  citizens," 
and  the  difference  in  locality.  Accompanying  this  protest  were 
several  resolutions,  expressive  of  the  sentiments  of  the  protestors, 
and  in  one  of  which  they  passed  a  censure  on  Mr.  Douglas  and 


THE    CLERGY   AND   HON.    STEPHEN   A.   DOUGLAS.  605 

others.  To  this  assault  Mr.  Douglas  made  a  defense,  and  so 
eflfectually  has  he  exposed  the  dangers  of  their  assumptions  of 
power,  that  we  must  copy  a  portion  of  it.     Mr.  Douglas  says  : 

"  With  the  exception  of  the  description  of  your  locality  '  in  the 
northwestern  States '  instead  '  of  New  England  '  and  of  the  interpola- 
tion of  the  words  '  as  citizens,'  this  protest  is  an  exact  copy  of  the  one 
presented  to  the  Senate  from  the  clergymen  of  New  England,  upon 
which  the  debate  occurred  which  you  have  condemned.  After  reading 
that  debate,  and  seeing  the  nature  of  the  objections  urged  to  the  New 
England  protest,  it  seems  that  you  determined  to  present  youselves  to 
the  Senate  in  a  two-fold  capacity — the  one  'as  citizens'  and  the  other 
'as  ministers  of  the  Gospel  of  Christ.'  Nobody  questions  your  right; 
no  one  denies  the  propriety  of  your  exercising  the  constitutional  right 
of  petitioning  government  for  redress  of  grievances  in  your  capacity 
as  citizens ;  nor  can  there  be  any  well-founded  objection  to  your  add- 
ing these  other  words,  '  as  ministers  of  the  Grospel  of  Jesus  Christ,  if 
done  only  as  illustrative  of  your  relations  to  society  and  of  your  pro- 
fession and  occupation  in  life.  This  was  not  the  obnoxious  feature  in 
the  New  England  protest.  The  objection  urged  to  that  paper  was, 
that  the  clergymen  who  had  signed  it  did  not  protest  in  their  own 
names,  as  clergymen,  or  citizens,  or  human  beings,  or  in  the  name  of 
any  human  authority  or  civil  right,  but  they  assumed  the  divine  pre- 
rogative, and  spoke  to  the  Senate  '  in  the  name  of  Almighty  God !' 

"  With  the  full  knowledge  that  Senators,  in  the  debate  to  which  you 
have  alluded,  understood  the  New  England  protest  in  this  light — and 
as  asserting  a  divine  power  in  the  clergy  of  this  country  higher  than 
the  obligations  of  the  Constitution,  and  above  the  sovereignty  of  the 
people  and  of  the  States — to  command  the  Senators,  by  the  authority 
of  Heaven,  and  under  the  penalty  of  exposing  them  '  to  the  righteous 
judgment  of  the  Almighty,'  to  vote  in  a  particular  way  upon  a  given 
question,  you  now  re-adopt  the  protest,  and  repeat  the  command  in  the 
identical  language  in  which  it  was  originally  issued.  This  looks  as 
if  it  was  your  fixed  and  deliberate  purpose,  as  clergymen,  to  force  an 
issue  upon  this  point  with  the  civil  and  political  authorities  of  the 
republic.  If  there  were  room  for  doubt  or  misapprehension,  in  this 
respect,  on  the  face  of  the  New  England  protest,  you  have  removed 
all  obscurity,  and  avowed  the  purpose  distinctly  and  boldly  in  the 
resolutions  which  you  adopted  at  the  time  you  signed  the  protest : 

"^Resolved,  1.  That  the  ministry  is  the  divinely-appointed  institu- 


606  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

tioD  for  the  declaration  and  enforcement  of  God's  will  upon  all  points 
of  moral  and  religious  truth ;  and  that,  as  such,  it  is  their  duty  to  re- 
prove, rebuke,  and  exhort,  with  all  authority  and  doctrine.' 

"This  resolution  appears  to  have  been  adopted  by  you  at  an  anti- 
Nobraska  meeting  (composed  exclusively  of  clergymen,  twenty-five  in 
lumber),  and  called  for  the  purpose  of  considering  that  question,  and 
none  other.  It  was  adopted  in  connection  with  the  protest,  and  forms 
a  part  of  the  same  transaction.  The  protest  denounces  the  Nebraska 
Bill  '  in  the  name  of  Almighty  God,"  as  'a  great  icrong' — as  '  a  breach 
of  faith  eminently  injurious  to  the  moral  principle  of  the  community,' 
and  '  as  exposing  us  to  the  righteous  judgments  of  the  Almighty.'  The 
resolution  declares  '  that  the  ministry  is  the  divinely-appointed  institu- 
tion for  the  declaration  and  enforcement  of  God's  will  upon  all  points 
of  moral  and  religious  truth!'  Do  not  the  protest  and  the  resolution 
refer  to  the  same  question,  to  wit,  the  Nebraska  Bill,  now  pending  be- 
fore Congress  ?  Surely  you  will  not  deny  that  such  was  your  under- 
standing. You  assembled  to  consider  that  question,  and  none  other. 
You  acted  upon  that  subject,  and  that  alone.  Your  resolutions  were 
declaratory  of  the  extent  of  your  rights  and  powers  as  clergymen,  and 
your  protest  was  your  action  in  conformity  with  those  assumed  rights 
and  powers.  I  understand,  then,  your  position  to  be  this  :  that  you  are 
'ministers  of  the  Gospel ;'  that  '  the  ministry  is  the  divinely-appointed 
institution  for  the  declaration  and  enforcement  of  God's  will  upon  all 
points  of  moral  and  religious  truth;'  and  this  'divinely-appointed  insti- 
tution '  is  empowered  '  to  declare '  what  questions  of  a  civil,  political,  ju- 
dicial, or  legislative  character,  do  involve  '  points  of  moral  and  religious 
truth ;'  that  the  Nebraska  Bill  does  involve  such  '  points,'  and  is.  there- 
fore, one  of  the  questions  upon  which  it  is  the  duty  of  this  '  divinely- 
appointed  institution'  to  'declare  and  enforce  God's  will;'  and  that, 
clothed  with  '  all  authority  and  doctrine,'  this  '  divinely-appointed 
institution '  proceeds  to  issue  its  mandates  to  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  '  in  the  name  of  Almighty  God.'  This  being  your  position,  I 
must  be  permitted  to  say  to  you,  in  all  Christian  kindness,  that  I  differ 
with  you  widely,  radically,  and  fundamentally,  in  respect  to  the  nature 
and  extent  of  your  rights,  duties,  and  powers,  as  ministers  of  the  Gos- 
pel. If  the  claims  of  this  'divinely-appointed  institution'  shall  be  en- 
forced, and  the  various  public  functionaries  shall  yield  their  judgments 
to  your  supervision,  and  their  consciences  to  your  keeping,  there  will 
be  no  limit  to  your  temporal  power,  except  your  own  wise  discretion 
and  virtuous  forbearance.     If  your  'divinely-appointed  institution'  has 


THE    CLERGY    AND    HON.    STEPHEN   A.    DOUGLAS.  607 

the  power  to  prescribe  the  mode  and  terms  for  the  organization  of  Ne- 
braska, I  see  no  reason  why  your  authority  may  not  be  extended  over 
the  entire  continent,  not  only  to  the  country  which  we  now  possess,  but 
to  all  which  may  hereafter  be  acquired. 

"  Nor  do  you  propose  to  confine  your  operations  to  the  supervision 
and  direction  of  the  action  of  Congress,  in  the  organization  of  territorial 
governments,  and  the  admission  of  new  States  into  the  Union.  It  is 
difficult  to  conceive  of  any  matter  of  private  or  public  concern,  pending 
before  Congress,  or  in  the  Legislatures  of  the  different  States,  or  in  the 
judicial  tribunals,  which  does  not,  quite  as  much  as  the  Nebraska  Bill, 
'  involve  some  point  of  moral  and  religious  truth  ;'  and  we  are  informed, 
in  your  resolution,  that  'upon  all  points  of  moral  and  religious  truth' 
the  '  ministry  is  the  divinely-appointed  institution  for  the  declaration 
and  enforcement  of  God's  will.  I  do  not  wish  to  be  understood  as  in- 
timating that  it  is  your  present  purpose,  through  the  agency  of  this 
'divinely -appointed  institution,'  to  declare  and  enforce  God's  will  in  all 
matters  affecting  our  foreign  policy  and  domestic  concerns,  nor  that 
you  intend  to  direct  the  movements  of  the  political  parties,  and  control 
the  local  and  general  elections  throughout  the  country.  It  is  enough 
to  fill  with  alarm  the  mind  of  every  patriot,  and  to  bring  sorrow  and 
grief  to  the  heart  of  every  Christian,  that  you  have  asserted  the  right 
to  do  this  in  all  eases,  and  have,  in  one  case,  attempted  the  exercise  of 
this  divine  prerogative  '  in  the  name  of  Almighty  God.'  It  is  true  that, 
while  you  assert  the  right  in  the  broadest  terms,  and  propose  now  to 
establish  a  precedent  which  will  justify  its  exercise  in  all  future  time, 
in  your  second  resolution  you  '  disclaim  all  desire '  to  do  certain  things, 
from  which  it  might  be  inferred,  on  first  view^  that  you  do  not  intend 
to  meddle  with  party  politics,  nor  attempt  to  control  the  political  move- 
ments of  the  day.  This,  however,  turns  out  to  be  illusory,  on  a  closer 
examination. 

"  '  Resolved,  2.  That  while  we  disclaim  all  desire  to  interfere  in  ques- 
tions of  war  and  policy,  or  to  mingle  in  the  conflicts  of  political  parties, 
it  is  our  duty  to  recognize  the  moral  bearing  of  such  questions  and 
conflicts,  and  to  proclaiiu,  in  reference  thereunto,  no  less  than  to  other 
departments  of  human  interest,  the  principle  of  inspired  truth  and 
obligation. ' 

"You  do  not  'desire  to  interfere  in  questions  of  war  and  policy.' 
Thus  far  I  heartily  approve.  I  rejoice  to  see  that  you  are  willing  to 
leave  the  question  of  war  where  the  Constitution  has  placed  it — in  the 


608  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

hands  of  Congress,  as  the  representatives  of  the  people  and  the  States 
of  the  Union. 

"  You  '  disclaim  all  desire,'  also,  '  to  mingle  in  the  conflicts  of  polit- 
ical parties.'  This  sentiment  is  admirable.  It  will  meet  the  cordial 
approbation  of  every  patriot  and  Christian.  But  you  immediately 
follow  it  with  the  declaration  that  '  it  is  our  duty  to  recognize  the 
moral  bearing  of  such  questions  and  conflicts  ! '  You  do  not  desire 
to  engage  in  war,  nor  to  fight  the  battles  of  your  country,  but  you  do 
claim  that  it  is  your  right,  and,  if  you  please,  your  duty,  l)y  virtue  of 
your  office  as  ministers,  through  the  agency  of  this  divinely-appointed 
institution,  to  declare,  in  the  name  of  Almighty  God,  a  war  in  which 
your  country  is  engaged  with  a  foreign  power,  to  be  immoral  and  un- 
righteous, although  the  representatives  of  the  people  and  of  the  States, 
in  pursuance  of  the  Constitution,  have  declared  it  to  be  just  and  neces- 
sary. And  this,  not  in  the  course  of  your  ordinary  pastoral  duties  to 
your  several  congregations,  but  as  an  organized  body  speaking  to  the 
constituted  authoi'ities  of  the  nation.  I  can  not  recognize  the  prin- 
ciple that,  while  you  are  protected  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  your  rights 
as  citizens,  of  all  your  just  rights  as  ministers,  you  are  yet  released, 
by  virtue  of  your  office  as  ministers,  from  your  allegiance  to  your 
country  during  war,  and  from  your  obligation  of  obedience  to  the 
Constitution  and  laws,  and  constituted  authorities  at  all  times. 

"  You  also  say,  that  you  consider  it  your  duty  to  take  cognizance 
of  'the  moral  bearing  of  the  conflicts  of  the  difi"ereut  political  par- 
ties.' The  moral  bearing  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  of  the  Whig 
party,  and  of  the  Abolition  party,  are  each  to  be  recognized  by  your 
divinely-appointed  institution  ;  and  you  then  add,  that  it  is  your  duty 
'  to  proclaim,  in  reference  thereunto,  the  principle  of  inspired  truth 
and  obligation.'  You  propose,  through  your  divinely-appointed  insti- 
tution, to  apply  the  test  of  '  inspired  truth '  to  each  of  the  political 
organizations  and  to  their  respective  conflicts,  and  '  to  reprove,  re- 
buke, and  exhort  with  all  authority  and  doctrine,'  in  the  name  of  the 
great  Jehovah.  With  ^all  due  respect  for  you,  as  ministers  of  the 
Gospel,  I  can  not  recognize  in  your  divinely-appointed  institution  the 
power  of  prophecy  or  of  revelation.  I  have  never  recognized  the 
existence  of  that  power  in  any  man  on  earth  during  my  day. 
Your  claims  for  the  supremacy  of  this  divinely-appointed  institution 
are  subversive  of  the  fundamental  principles  upon  which  our  whole 
republican  system  rests.  What  the  necessity  of  Congress,  if  you  can 
supervise  and  direct  its  conduct  ?     Why  should  the  people  subject 


THE  CLERGY  AND  HON.  STEPHEN  A,   DOUGLAS.  609 

themselves  to  tte  trouble  and  expense  of  electing  legislatures  for  the 
purpose  of  enacting  human  laws,  if  their  validity  depends  upon  the 
sanction  of  your  divine  authority  ?  Why  sustain  a  vast  and  complex 
judicial  system,  to  expound  the  laws,  administer  justice,  and  determ- 
ine all  disputes  in  respect  to  human  rights,  if  your  divinely-appointed 
institution  is  invested  with  all  authority  to  prescribe  the  rule  of  deci- 
sion in  the  name  of  the  Deity?  If  your  pretensions  be  just  and 
valid,  why  not  disjjense  with  all  the  machinery  of  human  government, 
and  subject  ourselves,  freely  and  unreservedly,  together  with  all  our 
temporal  and  spiritual  interests  and  hopes,  to  the  justice  and  mercy 
of  this  divinely-appointed  institution  ? 

"  Our  fathers  held  that  the  people  were  the  only  true  source  of  all 
political  power ;  but  what  avails  this  position,  if  the  constituted  au- 
thorities established  by  the  people  are  to  be  controlled  and  directed 
— not  by  their  own  judgment,  not  by  the  will  of  their  constituents, 
but  by  the  divinely-constituted  power  of  the  clergy?  Does  it  not 
follow  that  this  great  principle,  recognized  and  aifirmed  in  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  and  of  every  state  in  this  Union,  is 
thus  virtually  annulled,  and  the  representatives  of  the  people  con- 
verted into  machines  in  the  hands  of  an  all-controlling  priest- 
hood? 

"  The  will  of  the  people,  expressed  in  obedience  to  the  forms  and 
provisions  of  the  Constitution,  is  the  supreme  law  of  this  land.  But 
your  '  office  as  ministers '  is  not  provided  for  in  the  Constitution. 
The  persecutions  of  our  ancestors  were  too  fresh  in  the 
memories  of  our  revolutionary  fathers  for  them  to  create,  recognize, 
or  even  tolerate,  a  church  establishment  in  this  country,  clothed  with 
temporal  authority.  So  apprehensive  were  they  of  the  usurpations 
of  this,  the  most  fearful  and  corrupting  of  all  despotisms,  whether 
viewed  with  reference  to  the  purity  of  the  Church  or  the  happiness 
of  the  people,  that  they  provided  in  the  Constitution  that  '  no  reli- 
gious test  shall  ever  be  required  as  a  qualification  to  any  office  or 
public  trust  under  the  United  States.'  Still,  fearful  that,  in  the  process 
of  time,  a  spirit  of  religious  fanaticism,  or  a  spirit  of  ecclesiastical 
domination,  (yet  more  to  be  dreaded,  because  cool  and  calculating.) 
might  seize  upon  some  exciting  political  topic,  and,  in  an  evil  hour, 
surprise  or  entrap  the  people  into  a  dangerous  concession  of  political 
power  to  the  clergy,  the  first  Congress  under  the  Constitution  pro- 
posed, and  the  people  adopted,  an  amendment  to  guard  against  such 
a  calamity,  in  the  following  words : 
39 


610  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

"  '  Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of  reli- 
gion, or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof.' 

"  The  doctrine  of  our  fathers  was,  and  the  principle  of  the  Consti- 
tution is,  that  every  human  being  has  an  inalienable,  divinely-con- 
ferred right  to  worship  God  according  to  the  dictates  of  his  own 
conscience;  and  that  no  earthly  'institution,'  nor  any  'institution'  on 
earth,  can  rightfully  deprive  him  of  that  sacred  and  inestimable 
privilege. 

"  However,  it  is  no  part  of  my  purpose  to  inquire  into  the  extent  of 
your  authority  in  spiritual  aiFairs.  That  is  a  question  between  you 
and  your  respective  congregations,  with  which  I  have  neither  right 
nor  wish  to  interfere. 

"  All  I  have  said,  and  all  that  I  propose  to  say,  has  direct  ref- 
erence to  the  vindication  of  my  character  and  position  against  the 
unjustifiable  assaults  which  you  have  made  in  regard  to  my  official 
action  in  the  Senate.  I  repeat,  that  your  assumption  of  power  from 
the  Almighty,  to  direct  and  control  the  civil  authorities  of  this 
country,  is  in  derogation  of  the  Constitution,  subversive  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  free  government,  and  destructive  of  all  the  guarantees  of 
civil  and  religious  liberty.  The  sovereign  right  of  the  people  to 
manage  their  own  aifairs,  in  conformity  with  the  Constitution  of  their 
own  making,  recedes  and  disappears,  when  placed  in  subordination  to 
the  authority  of  a  body  of  men,  claiming,  by  virtue  of  their  offices  as 
ministers,  to  be  a  divinely-appointed  institution  for  the  declaration 
and  enforcement  of  God's  will  upon  earth." 

Section  IV. — Pulpit  Politics  in  its  Practical  Results. 

We  have  now  held  up  the  mirror  to  pulpit  polUicians,  as  it 
comes  into  our  hands  from  some  of  the  ablest  men  of  the  nation. 
They  can  behold  themselves  as  Jefferson  beheld  them,  in  1812 ; 
and  as  the  Senators  of  the  United  States  beheld  them,  in  1854. 
If  they  do  not  like  the  portraits,  they  must  not  again  place 
themselves  before  the  daguerreotypist.  It  may  seem  defective 
to  them,  but  it  is,  nevertheless,  a  true  picture — a  true  reflection 
of  the  lineaments  of  their  countenances. 

But  there  is  another  aspect  to  this  question.  Suppose,  for  a 
moment,  that  the  clergyman  who  delves  into  politics  may  accom- 
plish some  good  for  his  party ;  is  not  the  service  thus  rendered 
just  so  much  of  time,  talent,  and  energy  diverted  from  his  legi- 


PULPIT  POLITICS  IN  ITS   PRACTICAL  RESULTS.  611 

timate  duties  ?  and  are  we  not  to  expect  that  his  congregation 
will  suffer  in  proportion  to  his  neglect  of  their  spiritual  inter- 
ests ?  What  was  the  argument  used  to  justify  the  organization 
of  the  "  Business  Men's  Prayer  Meetings,"  but  that  the  clergy 
had  so  far  lost  their  hold  upon  the  confidence  of  the  people  that 
their  efiiciency  had  become  greatly  impaired,  and  laymen  must 
turn  their  talents  and  graces  to  account,  or  vital  religion  would 
continue  to  decay  or  totally  expire  ? 

It  is  well,  therefore,  to  turn  the  attention  of  the  class  of  cler- 
gymen to  which  we  refer,  to  the  results  of  the  secularization 
of  the  pulpit  upon  the  interests  of  religion  itself;  and  in  doing 
this  we  shall  not  ourselves  draw  up  the  statement,  but  profit  by 
the  labors  of  an  abler  pen.  And  as  Massachusetts  has  been  the 
chief  seat  of  political  preaching,  it  is  very  important  to  have  one 
of  her  own  sons  to  describe  its  effects,  after  fifty  years'  labor 
have  been  performed  in  that  department  of  public  teaching. 
About  the  first  of  February,  of  the  present  year,  the  Boston 
Courier  contained  the  following  article,  under  the  head  of  "  Po- 
litical Preaching  : " 

"  Our  genial  and  amiable  cotemporary,  the  Saturday  Evening  Gaz- 
ette, says : 

"  '  The  fact  is.  from  some  cause  or  other,  there  seems  to  be  a 
great  falling  off  among  our  people  in  attending  church  services ;  as, 
comparing  the  number  of  our  population  with  the  seatings  in  our 
churches,  the  preponderance  of  the  former  over  the  latter  is  very 
marked.  Some  of  the  clergy  are  trying  to  solve  the  question,  but 
have  not  yet  found  the  remedy.' 

'^  It  is  not  remarkable  that  the  clergy  are  not  competent  to  solve 
this  question  ;  a  man  is  not  able  to  see  anything  which  is  on  the  top 
of  his  own  head.  The  fact  is  true  beyond  all  controversy,  and  a  mel- 
ancholy fact  it  is  too.  Not  only  in  this  city,  but  throughout  this 
State — and,  we  fear,  through  most  of  New  England — the  interest  in 
religion,  and  in  the  observance  of  religion,  is  declining.  The  attend- 
ance upon  church  services  is  comparatively  meager.  Practical,  if  not 
theoretical  infidelity  is  spreading  like  a  dry  rot  throughout  the  land. 
The  number  of  men  who  are  living  virtually  without  Grod  is  on  the 
increase.  The  heathen  virtues  of  pride,  self-esteem,  self-reliance, 
active  courage,  are  rising  in  estimation,  and  the  Christian  virtues  of 


612  PULPIT  POLITICS. 

meekness,  gentleness,  patience,  long-suffering,  are  declining.  Among 
young  persons,  especially,  of  both  sexes,  there  is  a  marked  want  of 
vital  and  practical  Christianity,  and  a  prevailing  lack  of  interest  in  its 
ministrations  and  observances.  The  general  characteristics  of  young 
persons  are  impatience  of  discipline,  resistance  to  authority,  a  fierce 
assertion  of  assumed  rights.  To  exact  obedience  is  an  outrage ;  to 
yield  obedience  is  a  weakness.  Restraint  of  all  kinds  is  resented  as  a 
wrong ;  and  unchecked  liberty — the  power  to  do  anything  and  every- 
thing that  the  natural  and  unregenerate  heart  prompts,  without  let  or 
hinderance — is  valued  as  the  highest  good  of  man. 

"And  what  is  the  cause  of  this  unhappy  state  of  things?  What 
has  led  to  all  this  free-thinking,  and  to  this  lawless  conduct,  which  is 
the  legitimate  child  of  free-thinking?  No  one  cause  can  explain  it 
all ;  but  certainly  the  clergy  themselves  are  in  part  to  blame  for  it. 
In  the  tenth  chapter  of  Leviticus,  we  read  that  Nadab  and  Abihu 
'  offered  strange  fire  before  the  Lord,  which  he  commanded  them  not. 
And  there  went  out  fire  from  the  Lord,  and  devoured  them,  and  they 
died  before  the  Lord.'  In  these  words,  the  narrative  of  a  transaction, 
there  is  also  a  symbolical  sense,  and  the  expression  of  a  vital  and  en- 
during truth.  The  clergy  of  New  England  have  been  offering  '  strange 
fire  before  the  Lord  ;'  and  the  inevitable  retribution  has  followed.  And 
this  '  strange  fire  '  is  the  vulgar  fire  of  secular  politics — the  fire  of 
worldly  passions — which  wastes  and  consumes  the  heart  on  which  it 
feeds.  In  such  a  heart  the  Christian  graces  can  no  more  take  root 
than  roses  and  lilies  will  flourish  in  the  slag  and  refuse  of  a  furnace. 
Politics  are  usurping  the  place  of  religion,  to  a  deplorable  extent,  in 
the  pulpits  of  New  England.  Sermons  are  degenerating  into  stump 
speeches.  The  clergy  are  taking  a  more  and  more  active  part  in 
political  movements.  You  will  hardly  find  a  political  convention  in 
which  one  or  more  of  the  most  active  and  noisy  members  are  not  cler- 
gymen. If  you  enter  a  New  England  church  on  any  Sunday  in  the 
year,  the  chances  are  at  least  even  that  you  will  hear  a  political 
harangue,  which  part  of  the  audience  will  be  moved  to  applaud,  and 
part  to  hiss. 

"  And  the  political  opinions  which  are  enunciated  from  the  pulpit, 
are  generally  accompanied  with  a  most  offensive  dogmatism  and  posi- 
tiveness.  This  is  natural  enough.  The  clergyman  is  regarded  with 
peculiar  deference,  as  a  man  removed  from  secular  struggles  and  sec- 
ular stains,  and  set  apart  to  break  the  bread  of  life  to  the  people.  He 
is  rarely  contradicted  ;  he  is  treated  by  men  as  men  treat  women  ;  he 


PULPIT   POLITICS   m   ITS   PRACTICAL   RESULTS.  613 

is  never  subjected  to  an  intellectual  rough  and  tumble;  an  atmospliere 
of  respect  surrounds  him,  which  protects  him  as  cotton  protects  dia- 
monds. Upon  sacred  and  religious  topics  he  has  a  right  to  speak 
with  authority  ;  not  only  to  soothe  and  heal  and  bless,  but  warn  and 
rebuke  and  admonish ;  he  is  false  to  his  trust,  if  he  do  not.  But 
the  habit  of  mind  thus  generated  is  easily  transferred  to  secular 
themes.  The  priest's  authoritative  tone  is  easily  assumed  when  he 
speaks  on  topics  on  which  he  and  his  parishioners  stand  on  the  same 
plane  of  observation,  and  where  their  vision  is  quite  as  likely  to  be  as 
■good  as  his.  How  common  it  is  to  see  a  young  chick,  just  hatched 
from  a  divinity  school,  running  about  with  the  shell  yet  on  his  head, 
who  will  undertake  to  settle  any  question  of  administration  or  govern- 
ment as  easily  as  he  will  pull  off  his  glove  !  The  mistake  is  in  sup- 
posing that,  in  regard  to  those  problems,  you  can  come  to  a  satisfac- 
tory solution  by  some  short  cut  of  inspiration,  by  the  intuitive  moral 
sense  ;  whereas  the  contrary  is  notoriously  the  fact.  There  is  often  a 
ludicrous  disproportion  between  the  tone  and  manner  with  which 
dogmas  are  uttered  from  the  pulpit,  and  the  substantial  value  of  the 
opinions  themselves.  To  hear  and  see  the  preacher,  one  would  sup- 
pose that  he  was  enunciating  the  oracles  of  God,  while  what  he  is 
really  uttering  is  some  shallow,  sentimental  or  mischievious  nonsense, 
such  as  might  have  been  picked  up  at  an  infant's  school,  a  milliner's 
shop,  or  a  lunatic  asylum. 

"What  we  have  been  saying  has  particular  reference  to  the  subject 
of  slavery,  on  which  this  country  has  been  growing  stark  mad  for  the 
last  few  years.  The  clergymen  of  New  England  are  all,  or  nearly 
all,  anti-slavery  in  sentiment  and  feeling.  We  don't  object  to  this; 
it  needs  no  ghost  from  the  grave  to  tell  us  that  slavery  is  a  great 
social  and  economical  evil,  and  that  every  patriot  and  every  Christian 
should  be  glad  to  see  it  removed.  But  most  New  England  clergy- 
men are  also  Republicans,  and  here  the  trouble  begins.  Republican- 
ism involves  two  very  distinct  elements :  first,  that  slavery  is  an  evil, 
wherein  we  are  all  agreed ;  and,  second,  that  the  Republican  method 
of  dealing  with  slavery  is  the  true  one ;  wherein  we  are  not  all  agreed 
by  any  means.  But  the  Republican  clergymen  can  not  or  will  not  see 
the  distinction.  In  this  view,  the  man  who  is  not  a  Republican  is  not 
opposed  to  slavery ;  is  pro-slavery,  in  short.  And  this  narrowness 
and  intolerance  comes  from  the  fact  that  he  mistakes  emotion  for  in- 
sight— moral  instincts  for  intellectual  perceptions — a  mistake  under 
which  the  universal  New  England  mind  is  now  suffering. 


P'lA  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

C"  A  religious  congregation  is  not,  and  ought  not  to  be  formed  on 
the  ground  of  unity  in  political  faith.  "The  same  religious  truths — 
the  same  warnings,  expostulations,  encouragements,  consolations — are 
to  be  addressed  to  Whigs,  Democrats,  Republicans,  or  Native  Ameri- 
cans. Before  the  throne  of  Grod  these  distinctions  melt  away  like 
those  of  station,  wealth,  or  dress.  It  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  ele- 
ments in  the  Christian  faith,  that  it  brings  together  men  who  on  secu- 
lar topics  differ  most  widely.  In  the  congregation  of  the  over-zealous 
Republican  clergyman  there  will  be,  or  may  be,  some  persons  who  are 
not  Republicans.  They  are  just  as  conscientious  in  their  anti-Repub- 
licanism, as  he  is  in  his  Republicanism.  But  they  are  constantly 
exposed  to  the  chances  of  hearing  their  convictions  denounced,  their 
motives  impugned,  and  having  their  blood  stirred  by  insulting  insinu- 
ations. They  are  obliged  to  sit  still,  and  hear  a  clerical  dogmatist, 
from  his  vantage-ground  of  the  pulpit,  attack  them  with  flimsy  argu- 
ments, whose  fallacy  they  have  long  since  detected,  and  could  easily 
show,  if  it  were  a  proper  place  for  discussion.  They  are  Sent  home 
in  a  frame  of  mind  anything  but  Sabbatical,  if  not  muttering  half- 
suppressed  curses  between  their  teeth.  The  natural  result  follows; 
they  refuse  to  go  to  church  where  they  are  visited  by  denunciation, 
and  exasperated  by  abuse. 

''Nor  do  we  put  the  objection  to  political  preaching  solely  on  the 
ground  that  such  preaching  offends  the  earnest  political  convictions 
of  a  portion  of  the  congregation,  and  thus  keeps  them  away  from 
church.  The  objection  exists  in  hardly  less  force  as  to  that  part  of 
the  congregation  who  may  agree  with  the  preacher  in  his  views.  The 
preacher's  duty  is  to  teach  religion,  and  not  politics.  The  general 
sentiment  of  the  public  would  discountenance  a  clergyman  who,  in- 
stead of  sermons,  should  give  essays  on  banking  or  agriculture,  on 
political  economy,  on  dietetics,  on  the  use  and  abuse  of  medicines. 
Why  should  such  peculiar  latitude  be  given  to  partisan  politics  ?  Lay- 
men do  not  wish,  on  Sunday,  to  have  their  thoughts  disturbed,  and 
their  tempers  tried,  by  the  heating  discussions  and  jarring  conflicts 
of  the  past  six  days.  They  go  into  the  house  of  God  to  escape  from 
them. 

"  '  Sleep,  sleep  to-day,  tormenting  cares, 
Of  earth  and  folly  born,' 

18  the  heart's  natural  language.  On  Sunday  a  man  seeks  to  clear  the 
soul  of  the  dust  and  soil  of  earth,  and  to  garnish  it  with  pure  thoughts, 
tranquil   aspirations,   ethereal   hopes — flowers   that  have   sucked   the 


PULPIT   POLITICS   IN  ITS   PRACTICAL   RESULTS.  615 

dews  of  heaven — and  how  can  he  do  this  if  his  spiritual  guide  in- 
sists on  shooting  into  the  rubbish  of  politics  ? 

'•  The  effect  upon  the  clergy  themselves  of  this  habit  of  preaching- 
politics  is  most  injurious.  It  acts  upon  the  mind  in  much  the  same 
way  as  dram-drinking  acts  upon  the  body.  It  begets  a  craving  for 
coarse,  vulgar  excitements,  utterly  inconsistent  with  a  proper  interest 
in  the  appointed  functions  and  appropriate  meditations  of  the  pas- 
toral office.  The  more  engaged  the  clergyman  becomes  in  political 
issues,  and  the  success  of  this  or  that  political  party,  the  more  coldly 
.  and  languidly  will  he  turn  to  religious  themes  and  spiritual  contem- 
plations. Once  upon  a  time,  a  worldly  man,  who  was  wholly  absorbed 
in  the  accumulation  of  property,  was  gently  remonstrated  with  by 
his  clergyman,  and  reminded  of  the  necessity  of  preparing  for  another 
world.  'Don't  talk  to  me  of  another  world,'  was  the  reply,  'one 
world  at  a  time  is  as  much  as  I  can  attend  to.'  There  is  a  frank- 
ness, a  freedom  of  hypocrisy,  in  this  answer,  which  we  like.  It  in- 
cludes an  obvious  truth.  No  man,  be  he  clergyman  or  layman,  can 
be  wholly  absorbed  in  the  interests  and  issues  of  this  world,  and  leave 
due  space  in  his  heart  for  those  of  another.  You  can  not  serve  God 
and  politics,  any  more  than  you  can  serve  God  and  mammon. 

"  To  general  strictures  like  the  above  there  are,  of  course,  reason- 
able qualifications  and  exceptions.  They  are  not  true  of  every  sect ; 
still  less  are  they  true  of  every  clergyman  in  any  sect.  But  we  appeal 
to  the  great  body  of  laymen  in  our  community — especially  those  who 
are  no  longer  young — if  there  be  not  too  much  truth  in  what  we  have 
said.  That  the  spirit  of  religion  is  decaying,  and  the  influence  of  the 
clergy  is  declining,  are  melancholy  facts.  We  are  sorry  for  both ; 
as  sorry  for  the  latter  as  the  former.  Both  facts  are  symptoms  of 
the  same  disease  ;  and  the  same  remedy  is  needed  for  both." 

The  author  designs  no  unkind  attack  upon  the  clergy,  in  gen- 
eral, in  the  present  work.  Those  who  know  him  best,  will  believe 
him  incapable  of  such  an  act;  on  the  contrary,  they  know  the 
better  part  of  his  life,  and  all  his  pecuniary  means,  have  been 
devoted  to  a  "  well-meant  elFort "  to  supply  the  churches  with 
sound  theological  reading;*  and  that  he  commenced  his  eflforts  to 
afford  a  safeguard  against  the  sad  errors  in  religion  which  were 
coming   in   like  a  flood,  in  connection  with  the  movements  for 

*  The  Calvinistic  Family  Library  is  here  referred  to,  a  work  commenced  and 
prosecuted  by  the  author  for  several  years. 


616  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

social  and  moral  reform  in  general,  and  of  philanthropic  eflFort 
in  behalf  of  the  African  race  in  particular.  His  relation  to  the 
Churches,  as  a  working  layman,  has  afforded  to  the  author  the 
opportunity  of  investigating  the  general  movements  of  Chris- 
tians for  the  evangelization  of  the  world ;  and  has  enabled  him 
to  trace  their  missionary  movements,  and  bring  out  the  results 
in  the  most  interesting  contrasts  presented  in  the  close  of  the 
third  chapter. 

But  that  relation  has  enabled  him  to  do  more  than  this.  It  has 
afforded  him  opportunities  for  observation  as  to  the  practical  re- 
sults of  "  political  preaching  "  upon  the  usefulness  of  the  clergy- 
men who  have  indulged  in  the  practice ;  and  he  must  say,  in 
truth,  as  a  general  thing,  that  the  devil  can  not  have  been  much 
alarmed  at  the  rate  in  which  they  were  making  inroads  upon  his 
kingdom.  They  were,  mostly,  much  better  qualified  to  divide 
and  distract  congregations  than  to  build  them  up ;  much  more 
successful  in  generating  angry  disputes  among  their  parishioners, 
than  in  promoting  brotherly  love  and  kindly  co-operation  in  car- 
rying on  their  Master's  work.  "  By  their  fruits  ye  shall  know 
them ;"  and  lest  some  might  suppose  that  the  unfavorable  opinion 
here  expressed  proceeds  from  personal  dislikes  or  prejudices,  a 
few  quotations  from  the  sayings  of  some  of  the  clergy  themselves, 
will  show  that  we  have  not  underrated  their  want  of  efficiency  in 
the  propagation  of  the  Gospel.  At  a  convention  held  at  Xenia, 
Ohio,  a  few  years  since,  composed  of  delegates  from  the  Scottish 
American  Presbyterian  Churches,  to  lament  over  the  ruins  of 
Zion,  and  project  measures  for  the  rebuilding  of  her  broken-down 
walls,  the  following  declarations  were  made  in  the  course  of  the 
remarks  of  the  speakers  : 

"  We  have  been  watching  sins  in  sister  Churches  more  than  those 

coming  in  on  us  from  the  world We  ought  to  watch  the 

signs  of  the  times  more  closely,  and  fall  in  more  carefully  and  faith- 
fully with  the  movings  of  Providence  in  the  world  around  us.  We 
have  not  done  our  duty."* 

"  We  must  wait  on  Grod,  and  not  trust  too  much  in  self.     We  must 

*  Church  Memorial,  p.  234. 


PULPIT    POLITICS   IN   ITS    PRACTICAL   RESULTS.  617 

hot  go  out  of  the  means  He  has  instituted,  and  substitute  some  ancient 
tradition  or  new  invention."* 

"  That  covetousness  which  is  idolatry  has  reached  the  ministers  of 
the  Grospel  as  well  as  the  farmers  and  business  men  of  the  land."f 

"  Rev.  *  *  *  said,  the  want  of  an  intelligent  faith  in  God  produces 
deadness  in  the  Church.  He  mentioned  several  things  in  illustration 
of  this,  viz.,  ministers'  distrust  of  God  to  give  them  a  support  or  com- 
fortable livelihood The  want  of  discipline,  through  fear 

that  there  will  not  be  an  increase  in  numbers Immense 

multitudes  of  souls  are  going  to  perdition,  and  we  are  asleep. "| 

"  Religion  has  not  been  made  a  personal  matter,  and  brought  home 
with  sufficient  directness  and  earnestness  to  the  consciences  of  sin- 
ners."§ 

"The  Church,  the  ministry,  and  members  of  the  Church,  have  been 
trying  to  serve  both  God  and  mammon." || 

"  Schism  is  a  sin  of  the  day.  A  divided  Church  is  a  weakened 
society.  The  standard  of  piety  is  so  low  among  us  that  if  we  did  not 
see  men  baptized  at  the  Church,  or  see  them  at  the  communion-table, 
we  would  not  be  able  to  tell  who  are  Christians,  and  who  are  not.  We 
can  not  distinguish  them  from  the  men  of  the  world  in  the  market  or 
other  places."^ 

"  One  favorable  symptom  of  the  time  is  a  general  dissatisfaction  both 
in  and  outside  the  Church.  They  feel  that  there  is  something  wrong. 
This  is  the  feeling,  not  of  one,  but  of  all — not  in  one  locality,  but  in 
all  localities.  .  .  .  Other  nations,  once  enjoying  the  Gospel,  have 
now  given  it  up.  .  .  .  Fifty  years  ago,  the  Scotch  Presbyterian 
influence  had  a  controlling  power ;  now  rationalism,  infidelity,  and 
skepticism  abound.  What  have  we  to  meet  this  ?  Take  all  the 
Churches  represented  here,  and  Old  and  New  School  Presbyterians, 
if  you  please,  and  there  is  a  decrease  in  the  number  of  theological 
students,  while  our  population  is  increasing.  A  famine,  not  of  bread 
and  water,  but  of  hearing  the  Word.  What  is  the  cause  ?  Some  say, 
because  ministers  are  kept  at  starvation  prices.  Parents  turn  their 
children  to  some  lucrative  employment.  This  is  a  very  business-like 
view  of  the  matter.  One  that  is  prevalent,  and  ministers  give  strength 
to  it — the  secular  press  takes  it  up,  and  even  fiction  lends  its  aid,  all 
warning  our  youth  against  entering  the  ministry.     After  all,  this  is 

*  Church  Memorial,  p.  235.  f  Ibid.,  p.  235.  J  Ibid.,  p.  236. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  237.  II  Ibid.,  p.  237.  1[  Ibid.,  p.  238. 


618  PULPIT     POLITICS. 

not  the  cause.  Offer  them  such  salaries  as  bishops  of  England  receive, 
all  would  be  vain  to  raising  up  ministers  in  the  Church.  The  cause  is 
the  declining,  dead  state  of  matters  in  the  Church.  Show  us  a  revived 
Church,  and  you  will  find  plenty  offering  themselves  to  the  work  of 
the  ministry.  See  how  it  was  after  the  day  of  Pentecost.  They  or- 
dained elders  in  every  city.  Isaiah  is  an  illustration  —  a  seraphim 
touched  his  lips  with  a  coal  from  the  altar ;  that  coal  was  love ;  when 
he  had  touched  his  lips,  a  voice  from  the  throne  on  high  said,  Whom 
shall  I  send,  and  who  will  go  for  us?  The  Lord  reads  to  him  his 
commission.  All  terrors  from  poor  salaries  not  to  be  compared  to 
the  terribleness  of  that  commission.  There  was  no  drawback  when  the 
call  had  touched  his  lips  and  heart.  Here  is  what  we  need ;  we  need 
our  young  men  prepared  as  Isaiah  was. 

"Let  me  ask  you  to  look  at  our  want  of  success.  The  Gospel  min- 
istry is  for  the  conversion  of  sinners,  and  for  the  perfecting  of  the 
saints.  How  little  has  it  accomplished  in  our  hands  !  You  have  felt 
this  subject,  every  renewed  heart  has  wept  over  it;  sinners  shun  our 
ministry.  How  many  in  a  year  follow  you  to  your  closets?  The  most 
of  us  will  have  to  say,  not  one.  And  what  advancement  in  holiness 
in  our  respective  congregations  ?  In  self-denial  and  that  godly  life 
which  should  distinguish  the  Christian  ?  We  have  not  been  success- 
ful. What  has  been  the  cause?  Will  not  the  Spirit  give  the  bless- 
ing? True,  but  can  a  ministry  under  the  influence  of  faith  be  so 
unsuccessful?  Look  back  to  the  day  of  Pentecost.  As  long  as  the 
Pentecostal  spirit  remained,  there  was  continued  success.  When  the 
reverse  came,  there  came  a  reverse  effect." 

At  a  meeting  of  the  same  parties,  subsequently,  in  Philadel- 
phia, the  following  remarks  were  made  : 

"What  are  we  doing?  There  are  hundreds  of  young  men  in  our 
congregations,  but  how  many  of  them  are  brought  forward  to  preach 
the  Gospel  ?  Perhaps  not  one  !  They  dribble  into  God's  treasury 
fifty  or  one  hundred  dollars  for  missionary  operations,  but  not  one 
soul  for  God's  ministry."* 

"  Rev.  *  *  *  's  impression  was,  that  the  Church's  sin  was  the  mind 
being  withdrawn  from  the  great  principles  of  salvation.'^  f 

"  I  think  it  then  of  the  first  moment  to  get  our  minds  affected  with 
this  truth,  that  we,  not  this  or  the  other  people,  or  the  Church  here 

♦Church  Memorial,  p.  296.  tlhid.,  p.  297. 


PULPIT  POLITICS  IN  ITS  PRACTICAL  RESULTS.  619 

or  tliere,  but  we  ourselves,  are  in  a  spiritually  lifeless  condition.  The 
evidences  we  have  before  us.  A  state  of  death  is  a  state  of  in- 
action." * 

"  The  rubbish  must  be  removed,  and  Zion  must  be  rebuilt.  There 
will  be  a  separating  from  the  nations.  So  it  was  in  the  Pentecostal. 
Ministers  disconnected  themselves  from  everything  else.  They  would 
not  even  consent  to  distribute  gold  and  silver,  but  deacons  must  be 
chosen  for  this  very  work.  Look  at  the  result.  The  people  came 
forward  and  laid  their  possessions  at  the  Apostles'  feet.  A  man  would 
be  accounted  a  madman  in  this  land  who  would  do  as  these  did 
under  the  Apostles'  ministry.  Let  us  take  up  our  cross  and  follow 
Jesus."  f 

But  we  must  hold  our  hand.  These  penitential  utterances  are 
sufficient  to  subserve  our  purpose ;  which  is  to  show  that  a  pre- 
vailing sentiment  exists  that  the  Gospel  ministry  of  the  present 
day  are  failing  to  come  up  to  the  standard  of  efficiency  required 
by  the  vows  which  are  upon  them.  But  in  this,  as  in  much  else, 
there  is,  we  believe,  a  great  amount  of  misconception  on  the  part 
of  the  ministry,  as  well  as  upon  the  part  of  the  public.  A  min- 
ister considers  his  life  unsuccessful,  unless  he  can  show  such 
brilliant  successes  as  shall  demonstrate  clearly  that  he  is  a  bright 
particular  star.  This  result  may  flatter  his  pride,  but  it  is  not 
God's  plan  of  promoting  the  kingdom  of  Christ  in  this  world. 
It  is  the  quiet  men  who  are  the  successful  men,  though  they 
may  die  without  being  conscious  of  having  wrought  much  good ; 
and  in  thus  dying,  they  demonstrate  the  great  truth  connected 
with  God's  moral  government  of  the  w^orld.  His  rule  of  action 
is  this:  "My  glory  I  will  not  give  to  another,  nor  my  praises 
to  graven  images  ; "  and  the  minister  who  aims  at  personal  glo- 
rification in  his  ministry,  must  expect  to  be  disappointed.  He 
may  do  good;  but,  as  a  Paul  may  plant,  and  an  Apollos  water, 
yet  it  is  God  who  giveth  the  increase,  so  God  will  take  all  the 
glory  of  the  world's  redemption  to  himself. 

A  remark  here,  and  we  have  done.  How  does  it  come,  that 
a  body  of  men  who  exhibit  so  much  humility  in  the  practice  of 
their  sacred  profession,  should  be  so  daring  in  their  claims  of  a 
right  to  dictate  in  civil  affairs  ?  ■ — 

*  Church  Memorial,  p.  298.  t  Ibid.,  p.  311. 


CONCLUSION. 

Our  labors  are  now  terminated.  Had  not  so  many  more  pages 
than  was  anticipated  been  filled  by  the  materials  used,  Ave  should 
have  closed  with  a  somewhat  extended  representation  of  the  points 
proved  in  our  book.  But,  as  the  passing  comments  upon  each 
subject  discussed  are  often  quite  full,  we  must  leave  the  intelligent 
reader  to  make  his  own  generalizations.  A  few  propositions,  how- 
ever, out  of  many  that  are  fully  demonstrated,  may  be  noted,  to 
serve  as  guides  to  those  who  wish  to  gain  an  intelligible  view  of 
the  great  problem  before  the  country — the  restoration  of  the  Con- 
stitution, and  the  reconstruction  of  the  Union,  through  the  co- 
operation of  the  loyal  population  in  the  revolted  States,  and  those 
who  may  return  to  their  allegiance. 

This,  as  we  read  events,  is  the  great  aim  of  the  President,  and 
is  the  only  scheme  for  saving  the  country  that  has  the  merit  of 
being  both  practicable  and  beneficent.  A  reference  to  a  few  of 
the  points  proved  in  this  volume,  will  show  that  every  other 
measure  proposed  can  bring  nothing  but  ruin  in  its  train.  Among 
other  things,  we  have  proved : 

1.  That  the  British  theories  on  slavery  are  untrue,  as  applied 
to  America ;  and  that  slavery  is  not  necessarily  a  bar  to  the 
evangelization  of  the  African  race,  but  may  be  made  greatly  sub- 
servient to  the  promotion  of  that  object. 

2.  That  the  ecclesiastical  legislation,  based  upon  the  supposed 
truthfulness  of  the  British  theories,  has  been  uncalled  for,  injudi- 
cious, and  destructive  to  the  harmony  of  the  Church,  and  the  peace 
of  the  country. 

3.  That,  but  for  the  ecclesiastical  legislation  at  the  North  on 
the  question  of  slavery,  political  abolitionism  could  never  have 
had  a  basis  upon  Avhich  to  found  its  action ;  and  that,  but  for  these 

(620) 


CONCLUSION.  621 

two  causes  combined — ecclesiastical  and  political  abolitionism — 
the  South  would  have  had  no  cause  of  alarm  for  the  safety  of  its 
constitutional  rights,  and  would  have  felt  no  necessity  of  defending 
itself  against  aggressions  from  the  North. 

4.  That  the  early  anti-slavery  writers,  in  their  efforts  to  prove 
that  slavery  was  sinful,  were  driven  to  the  necessity  of  denying 
that  the  Apostles  of  Christ  understood  their  duties  in  relation  to 
Roman  slavery ;  and  that,  by  denying  that  the  teachings  of  the 
Apostles  are  a  proper  guide  to  us  now,  on  American  slavery,  they 
were  laying  the  basis  for  the  rejection  of  the  Scriptures  as  infal- 
lible guides  upon  other  moral  questions,  and  thus  promoting  doc- 
trines of  infidel  tendency. 

5.  That  the  converts  to  Christianity  among  the  African  race, 
in  all  the  mission  fields  outside  of  the  United  States,  are  more 
than  two  hundi'ed  thousand  less  than  the  colored  converts  within 
the  slave  States ;  and  that  the  Christian  character  of  the  converts 
in  the  slave  States  is  at  least  equal  to  that  of  the  converts  in 
the  Protestant  missions  anywhere  throughout  heathendom. 

6.  That  the  colored  church-membership,  in  the  slave  States,  is 
nearly  ten  times  greater  in  number  than  the  converts  in  all  the 
foreign  missions  of  all  the  American  Protestant  churches;  and 
that  it  is  almost  double  the  whole  number  of  converts  in  all  the 
heathen  missions  under  the  care  of  all  the  churches  of  Protestant 
Christendom. 

7.  That  the  whole  of  the  white  membership  in  both  branches 
of  the  General  Assembly  Presbyterian  Church,  in  1859,  fell  short 
of  the  number  of  the  colored  church-members  in  the  slave  States, 
to  the  extent  of  more  than  fifty  thousand ;  and  that  the  member- 
ship in  the  Scottish  American  Presbyterian  Churches,  in  1861,  fell 
short  of  the  number  of  the  colored  membership  by  more  than 
three  hundred  and  eighty  thousand;  and  yet,  these  Churches 
were  the  first  to  pronounce  slavery  a  barrier  to  African  evangeli- 
zation ! 

8.  That  emancipation  does  not  necessarily  improve  the  moral 
and  physical  condition  of  the  colored  race,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
in  many  instances,  it  has  been  injurious  and  ruinous  ;  that  care- 
ful moral  training  alone,  under  suitable  constraint,  can  elevate 


622  PULPIT    POLITICS. 

the  colored  people,  whether  in  bondage  or  in  freedom ;  and  that 
as  the  Gospel  is  extensively  preached  to  the  slaves  of  the  South, 
and  with  eminent  success,  the  Churches  can  find  no  justification 
for  attempting  to  interrupt  that  work  by  emancipation. 

9.  That  the  African  race,  wherever  fully  emancipated,  and  left 
free  to  act — though  capable  of  fitful  labor  to  the  extent  of  sup- 
plying the  actual  necessaries  of  life  —  have  proved  themselves 
wholly  unreliable  in  the  cultivation  of  staple  productions,  such  as 
now  enter  so  largely  into  the  commerce  and  manufactures  of  the 
world  ;  that  when  thus  set  free,  and  left  unaided  by  the  superior 
race,  they  invariably  shoAV  themselves  incapable  of  making  any 
intellectual  or  moral  progress ;  and  that  this  result  has  been  so 
uniform,  and  so  universal,  that  emancipation,  in  the  southern 
States,  must  necessarily  be  expected  to  lead  to  an  almost  total 
suspension  of  the  culture  of  their  staple  products,  and  the  relapse 
of  the  colored  population  itself  back  again  toward  its  original 
barbarism. 

10.  That  the  southern  States  have  been  increasing  the  annual 
exports  of  the  products  of  their  soil,  until  it  had  reached,  in  1860, 
the  value  of  more  than  two  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  while  the 
northern  States  supplied,  of  similar  products,  for  export,  not  more, 
at  any  time,  than  fifty  millions  of  dollars  ;  and  that  the  dissolution 
of  the  Union,  or  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves,  would  be  equally 
fatal  to  the  prosperity  of  the  country,  as  it  would  deprive  it  of  this 
immense  amount  of  the  elements  of  its  foreign  commerce. 

11.  That  the  success  of  abolitionism  would  prostrate,  for  gen- 
erations to  come,  the  agricultural  interests  of  the  West,  by  de- 
priving its  people  of  the  only  practicable  market  they  have  ever 
possessed ;  that  the  success  of  secession,  in  addition  to  aflfecting 
this  market  injuriously,  would  leave  the  Western  agriculturist 
liable  to  the  payment  of  tribute  to  the  Confederacy,  for  the  use 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  subject  the  country  to  the  frequent  recur- 

I  rence  of  civil  wars ;  and  that  neither  emancipation  nor  secession 
can  be  allowed,  as  either  would  bring  ruin  upon  the  Northwest, 
[as  well  as  upon  the  country  at  large. 

12.  That  with  the  light  we  now  possess  on  the  "  Cotton  Ques- 
tion," there  can  no  longer  be  any  doubt  that  the  restoration  of 


CONCLUSION.  623 

the  Union  would  at  once  enable  the  United  States  to  resume  and 
perpetuate  the  monopoly  of  the  cotton  markets,  so  as  to  make  the 
world  again  tributary  to  us  for  that  commodity,  and  restore  to  the 
Northwest  its  former  prosperity,  by  once  more  putting  it  in  pos- 
session of  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  the  profitable 
markets  the  Southwest  affords  for  Northwestern  productions. 

13.  That  as  the  slave  population  of  the  South  have  made 
greater  moral  progress  than  the  same  number  of  Africans  any- 
where under  the  sun,  whether  slaves  or  freemen ;  and  as,  by  the 
Constitution,  the  government  is  bound  to  protect  all  loyal  men 
in  possession  of  their  .slaves  ;*  there  can  be  no  argument  for 
emancipation  based  upon  the  grounds  of  humanity,  and  much  less 
can  there  be  any  justification  of  it  upon  Constitutional  grounds : 
because  the  liberation  of  one-half  the  slaves,  or  those  belonging 
to  the  disloyal,  would  render  the  remainder  worthless  in  the  pre- 
sence of  so  many  free  negroes,  and  thus  the  innocent  be  involved 
in  ruin  along  with  the  guilty — the  government  thus  showing 
itself  unable  to  protect  its  loyal  citizens. 

14.  That    the   conservative  men,  both  North    and    South,  in  I 
allowing  two  antagonistic  sectional  factions  to  keep  the  country 
in  a  continual  uproar,  and,  ultimately,  to  involve  it  in  civil  war, 
have  been  criminally  remiss  in  the  discharge  of  their  Constitu- 
tional obligations,  and  are  now  justly  suffering  the  penalty  of    . 
their  apathy  to  the  safety  of  the  Union.  -' 

The  bearing  of  the  question  of  the  preservation  of  the  Union 
can  now  be  perceived.  If  the  abolitionists  succeed,  the  markets 
of  the  Northwest  will  be  almost  annihilated,  and  the  foreign  com- 
merce of  the  country  dwindle  down  to  insignificance  as  compared 
with  its  former  extent.  If  the  secession  movement  prevails,  every 
section  of  the  Union  will  suffer,  and  the  nation  at  large  be  ruined. 
But  if  the  plan  of  the  Executive  is  sustained,  so  that  the  Consti- 
tution and  the  Union  shall  be  restored  to  what  they  were  before 
the  rebellion,  and  the  secessionists  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
abolitionists  on  the  other,  are  forever  driven  into  the  insignifi- 
cance they  deserve,  by  the  frowns  of  an  indignant  people,  then, 

*  See  opinion  of  Judge  M'Lean,  in  the  Dred  Scott  case,  where  he  asserts  that 
the  right  of  the  master  to  his  slave  "  is  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution." 


624  PULPIT   POLITICS. 

we  may  feel  secure  in  the  prosperity  and  perpetuity  of  the  Re- 
public to  the  latest  generations  of  men. 

"What,  then,  is  the  duty  of  conservative  men,  but  to  rally  to 
the  support  of  the  President,  irrespective  of  party  interests  or 
relations,  and  strengthen  his  hands  for  the  important  task  im- 
posed upon  him  by  the  Constitution. 


THE    END. 


/ 


Date  Due 

Nil   '48 

^,^,— -'-''"^ 

f^k-^mSB^T:^- 

* 

